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THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 


IN  MEMORY  OF 

PROFESSOR 
EUGENE  I.  McCORMAC 


HAMILTON'S  WORKS. 

VOL.  I. 


0 


THE  WORKS 


OF 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON; 


COMPRISING 


HIS  CORRESPONDENCE, 


AND 

HIS    POLITICAL  AND   OFFICIAL  WKITINGS, 

EXCLUSIVE  OF  THE  FEDERALIST, 

CIVIL      AND      MILITARY. 

PUBLISHED  FKOM  THE  OKIGINAL  MANUSCKIPTS  DEPOSITED  IN 
THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 

BY   ORDER   OF 

THE  JOINT  LIBRARY  COMMITTEE  OF  CONGRESS. 


EDITED   BY 

JOHN  C.  HAMILTON, 

AUTHOR     OF     "THE     LIFE     OF     HAMILTON 

VOL.  I. 


NEW-YORK : 
JOHN  F.  TROW,  PRINTER,  49,  51  &  53  ANN-STREET. 

M.DCCC.L. 


OKKAKr 

OF  CALIPOKHXA 
DAVIS 


Stunt  Cnmnritto  nf  tjp  lihmrq  nf 


4  ;  .  ON  THE   PART   OF   THE   SENATE. 

JAMES  A.  PEARCE,  of  MARYLAND,  Chairman. 
JAMES  M.  MASON,  of  VIRGINIA. 
JEFFERSON  DAVIS,  of  MISSISSIPPI. 

ON   THE   PART   OF   THE   HOUSE. 

ISAAC  E.  HOLMES,  of  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 
HORACE  MANN,  of  MASSACHUSETTS. 
ALFRED  GILMORE,  of  PENNSYLVANIA. 


MT.  12.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


HAMILTON  TO  EDWARD  STEVENS. 

ST.  CROIX,  Nov.  11,  1769. 

This  serves  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  yours  per  Capt. 
Lowndes,  which  was  delivered  me  yesterday.  The  truth  of 
Captains  Lightbowen  and  Lowndes'  information  is  now  veri 
fied  by  the  presence  of  your  father  and  sister,  for  whose  safe 
arrival  I  pray,  and  that  they  may  convey  that  satisfaction  to 
your  soul  that  must  naturally  flow  from  the  sight  of  absent 
friends  in  health ;  and  shall,  for  news  this  way,  refer  you  to 
them.  As  to  what  you  say  respecting  your  soon  having  the 
happiness  of  seeing  us  all,  I  wish  for  an  accomplishment  of  your 
hopes,  provided  they  are  concomitant  with  your  welfare,  other 
wise  not ;  though  I  doubt  whether  I  shall  be  present  or  not, 
for,  to  confess  my  weakness,  Ned,  my  ambition  is  prevalent, 
so  that  I  contemn  the  grovelling  condition  of  a  clerk  or  the 
like,  to  which  my  fortune  condemns  me,  and  would  willingly 
risk  my  life,  though  not  my  character,  to  exalt  my  station. 
I  am  confident,  Ned,  that  my  youth  excludes  me  from  any  hopes 
of  immediate  preferment,  nor  do  I  desire  it ;  but  I  mean  to  pre 
pare  the  way  for  futurity.  I'm  no  philosopher,  you  see,  and 
may  justly  be  said  to  build  castles  in  the  air ;  my  folly  makes 

VOL.  I.  1 


2  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  |>ET.  12. 

me  ashamed,  and  beg  you'll  conceal  it ;  yet,  Neddy,  we  have 
seen  such  schemes  successful  when  the  projector  is  constant.  I 
shall  conclude  by  saying,  I  wish  there  was  a  war. 

P.  S.    I  this  moment  received  yours  by  William  Smith,  and 
am  pleased  to  see  you  give  such  close  application  to  study. 


HAMILTON  TO  TILEMAN  CKUGEK. 

ST.  CROIX,  Nov.  16,  1771. 

In  behalf  of  Mr.  Nicholas  Cruger,  (who,  by  reason  of  a  very 
ill  state  of  health,  went  from  this  to  New- York,  the  15th  ult.,)  I 
have  the  pleasure  to  address  you  by  the  long-expected  sloop 
Thunderbolt,  Capt.  William  Newton,  owned  by  Messrs.  Jacob 
Walton,  John  Harris,  and  Nicholas  Cruger,  the  latter  of  whom 
has  written  you  fully  concerning  her  destination,  which  I  need 
not  repeat.  She  has  on  board  besides  a  parcel  of  lumber  for 
yourself,  sundry  articles  on  account  of  her  owners  as  per  in 
closed  bill  of  lading;  and  when  you  have  disposed  of  them, 
you  will  please  to  credit  each  partner  for  one  third  of  the 
proceeds. 

Mr.  N.  Cruger's  proportion  of  this,  and  the  balance  of  your 
account  hitherto,  will  more  than  pay  for  his  one  third  cost  of 
her  first  cargo  up ;  and  for  the  other  two,  I  shall  endeavor  to 
place  value  in  your  hands  betimes.  I  only  wish  for  a  line  from 
you  to  know  what  will  best  answer. 

Eeports  here  represent  matters  in  a  very  disagreeable  light, 
with  regard  to  the  Guarda  Costas,  which  are  said  to  swarm  upon 
the  coast ;  but  as  you  will  be  the  best  judge  of  what  danger 
there  might  be,  all  is  submitted  to  your  prudent  direction. 

Capt.  Newton  must  arm  with  you,  as  he  could  not  so  con 
veniently  do  it  here.  Give  me  leave  to  hint  to  you  that  you 
cannot  be  too  particular  in  your  instructions  to  him.  I  think  he 
seems  to  want  experience  in  such  voyages.  Messrs.  Walton  and 


JET.  14.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  3 

John  H.  Cruger  are  to  furnish  you  themselves  with  their  re 
spective  proportion  of  the  cost  of  the  several  cargoes. 

The  staves  on  board,  if  by  any  means  convenient,  I  beg  may 
be  returned  by  the  sloop,  they  will  command  a  good  price  here, 
and  I  suppose  little  or  nothing  with  you ;  could  they  be  got  at 
I  would  not  send  them  down,  but  they  are  stowed  promiscuously 
among  other  things. 

If  convenient,  please  to  deliver  the  hogsheads,  now  con 
taining  the  Indian  meal,  to  the  captain  as  water  casks,  and 
others  should  he  want  them.  I  supplied  him  with  twenty  here. 
I  must  beg  your  reference  to  Mr.  Cruger's  last  letter  of  the  2d 
ult.  for  other  particulars. 

Our  crop  will  be  very  early,  so  that  the  utmost  dispatch  is 
necessary  to  import  three  cargoes  of  mules  in  due  time. 


TO   CAPTAIN  WILLIAM  NEWTON. 

ST.  CROIX,  Nov.  16,  1771. 

Herewith  I  give  you  all  your  dispatches,  and  desire  you  will 
proceed  immediately  to  Curracoa.  You  are  to  deliver  your 
cargo  there  to  Tileman  Cruger,  Esq.,  agreeably  to  your  bill  of 
lading,  whose  directions  you  must  follow  in  every  respect  con 
cerning  the  disposal  of  your  vessel  after  your  arrival. 

You  know  it  is  intended  that  you  shall  go  from  thence  to  the 
main  for  a  load  of  mules,  and  I  must  beg  if  you  do,  you'll  be  very 
choice  in  the  quality  of  your  mules,  and  bring  as  many  as  your 
vessel  can  conveniently  contain — by  all  means  take  in  a  large 
supply  of  provender.  Kemember,  you  are  to  make  three  trips 
this  season,  and  unless  you  are  very  diligent  you  will  be  too  late, 
as  our  crops  will  be  early  in.  Take  care  to  avoid  the  Guarda 
Costas.  I  place  an  entire  reliance  upon  the  prudence  of  your 
conduct. 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


[JET.  19. 


NEW-YORK,    AUGUST    SI,    1776. 

PAY-BOOK 

OP  THE 

State  Company  of  Artillery, 

COMMANDED  BY 

ALEX'R  HAMILTON. 
Specimen  of  Notes  scattered  throughout  this  Pay-Book. 


Rousseau's  Emilius. 

Smith's  History  of  New- York- 

Leonidas. 

View  of  the  Universe. 

Lex  Mercatoria. 

Millet's  History  of  France. 

Memoirs  of  the  House  of  Bran- 

denburgh. 
Eeview  of  the  characters  of  the 

principal  Nations  of  Europe- 
Review  of  Europe. 
History  of  Prussia. 
History  of  France. 
Lassel's  Yoyage  through  Italy. 
Robinson's  Charles  Y. 
Present  State  of  Europe. 
Grecian  History. 


Baretti's  Travels. 

Bacon's  Essays. 

Philosophical  Transactions. 

Hobbe's  Dialogues. 

Plutarch's  Morals. 

Cicero's         do. 

Orations — Demosthenes. 

Cudworth's  Intellectual  Sys 
tem. 

Entick's  History  of  the  late 
War. 

European  Settlements  in 
America. 

Ralt's  Dictionary  of  Trade 
and  Commerce. 

Winn's  History  of  America. 

Montaigne's  Essays. 


The  Dutch  in  the  Greenland  fishery  have  from  150  to  200 
sail  and  ten  thousand  seamen. 

It  is  ordered  that  in  their  public  prayers  they  pray  that  it 
would  please  God  to  bless  the  Government — the  Lords — the 
States  and  their  great  and  small  fisheries. 

Hamburgh  and  Germany  has  a  balance  against  England — 
they  furnish  her  with  large  quantities  of  linen. 


jEi.  19.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  5 

Trade  with  France  greatly  against  England. 

The  trade  with  Flanders  in  favor  of  England. 

A  large  balance  in  favor  of  Norway  and  Denmark. 

Eate  of  Exchange  with  the  several  Nations  in  52,  viz. : 
To  Yenice,  Genoa,  Leghorn,  Antwerp,  Amsterdam,  Ham 
burgh. 

To  Paris — Loss,  Gain. 

Postlethwaite  supposes  the  quantity  of  cash  necessary  to 
carry  on  the  circulation  in  a  State  one  third  of  the  rents  to  the 
land  proprietors,  or  one  ninth  of  the  whole  product  of  the 
lands. 

See  the  articles  Cash  and  Circulation. 

Messagers  in  his  Secret  Memoirs  says,  that  when  he  returned 
with  an  account  to  Lewis  XIY.  that  the  Spaniards  would  not 
come  into  his  project  for  attacking  Jamaica,  the  Monarch  was 
much  chagrined  at  their  refusal,  and  said,  "  They  were  the  most 
stupid  wise  people  in  the  world." 

The  par  betwen  land  and  labor  is  twice  the  quantity  of  land 
whose  product  will  maintain  the  laborer.  In  France  one  acre 
and  a  half  will  maintain  one.  In  England  three,  owing  to  the 
difference  in  the  manner  of  living. 

Aristotle's  Politics,  chap.  6,  definition  of  money,  &c. 

The  proportion  of  gold  and  silver,  as  settled  by  Sir  Isaac 
Newton's  proposition,  was  1  to  14.  It  was  generally  through 
Europe  1  to  15.  In  China  I  believe  it  is  1  to  10. 

It  is  estimated  that  the  labor  of  twenty-five  persons,  on 
an  average,  will  maintain  a  hundred  in  all  the  necessaries  of 
life. 

Postlethwaite,  in  his  time,  supposes  six  millions  of  people  in 
England.  The  ratio  of  increase  has  been  found  by  a  variety  of 
observations  to  be,  that  100,000  people  augment  annually,  one 


6  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  19. 

year  with,  another,  to .     Mr.  Kerseboom,  agreeing  with  Dr. 

Halley,  makes  the  number  of  people  thirty -five  times  the  num 
ber  of  births  in  a  year. 

Extracts  from  Demosthenes'  Orations. 

Philippic  1.  "  As  a  general  marches  at  the  head  of  his  troops, 
so  ought  wise  politicians,  if  I  dare  use  the  expression,  to  march 
at  the  head  of  affairs  ;  insomuch  that  they  ought  not  to  wait  the 
event,  to  know  what  measures  to  take  ;  but  the  measures  which 
they  have  taken  ought  to  produce  the  event.'11 

"  Where  attack  him  ?  it  will  be  said.  Ah,  Athenians — war, 
war  itself  will  discover  to  you  his  weak  sides,  if  you  seek  them." 
Sublimely  simple.  Vide  Long.  c.  16. 

Are  the  limits  of  the  several  States  and  the  acts  on  which 
they  are  founded  ascertained,  and  are  our  ministers  provided 
with  them  ?  What  intelligence  has  been  given  to  Congress  by 
our  ministers  of  the  designs,  strength  by  sea  and  land,  actual 
interests  and  views  of  the  different  powers  in  Europe? 

The  Government  established  (by  Lycurgus)  remained  in 
vigor  about  five  hundred  years,  till  a  thirst  of  empire  tempted 
the  Spartans  to  entertain  foreign  troops,  and  introduce  Persian 
gold  to  maintain  them ;  then  the  institutions  of  Lycurgus  fell  at 
once,  and  avarice  and  luxury  succeeded. 

He  (Numa)  was  a  wise  prince,  and  went  a  great  way  in  civil 
izing  the  Eomans.  The  chief  engine  he  employed  for  this  pur 
pose  was  religion,  which  could  alone  have  sufficient  empire  over 
the  minds  of  a  barbarous  and  warlike  people  to  engage  them  to 
cultivate  the  arts  of  peace. 

Doctor  Halley's  Table  of  Observations  exhibiting  the  pro 
babilities  of  life  ;  containing  an  account  of  the  whole  number  of 
people  at  Breslau,  capital  of  Silesia,  and  the  number  of  those  of 
every  age  from  one  to  a  hundred.  [Here  follows  the  Table,  with 
comments  by  A.  H. 


jET.  19.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  7 

When  the  native  money  is  worth  more  than  the  par  in 
foreign,  exchange  is  high  ;  when  worth  less  it  is  low. 

Portugal  trade — Spanish  trade — Artificers — Money — Ex 
change — Par  of  exchange — Balance  of  trade — Manufactures — 
Foundry — Coin — Gold — Silver — Naval  power — Council  of 
trade — Fishery. 

Money  coined  in  England  from  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 

Short  rule  to  determine  the  average  interest  per  annum,  for 
any  sum  of  money  for  a  given  term  of  years,  at  a  given  rate — 
discharging  annually  an  equal  proportion  of  the  principal.  Ex 
ample. 

Quere.  Would  it  not  be  advisable  to  let  all  taxes,  even 
those  imposed  by  the  States,  be  collected  by  persons  of  Congres 
sional  appointment ;  and  would  it  not  be  advisable  to  pay  the 
collectors  so  much  per  cent,  on  the  sums  collected  ? 


HAMILTON  TO  THE  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS  OF  NEW- YORK. 

NEW-YORK,  May  26,  1776. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

I  take  the  liberty  to  request  your  attention  to  a  few  par 
ticulars,  which  will  be  of  considerable  importance  to  the  future 
progress  of  the  company  under  my  command :  and  I  shall  be 
much  obliged  to  you  for  as  speedy  a  determination  concerning 
them  as  you  can  conveniently  give.  The  most  material  is 
respecting  the  pay.  Our  company,  by  their  articles,  are  to  be 
subject  to  the  same  regulations,  and  to  receive  the  same  pay,  as 
the  Continental  Artillery.  Hitherto  I  have  conformed  to  the 
standard  laid  down  in  the  Journal  of  the  Congress,  published  the 
10th  May,  1775 ;  but  I  am  well  informed  that,  by  some  later 
regulation,  the  pay  of  the  Artillery  has  been  augmented,  and 


8  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  19. 

now  stands  according  to  the  following  rates :  Captain,  £10. 13.  4. 
Captain-Lieutenant,  £8.  Lieutenants,  each,  £7.  6.  8.  Ser 
geants,  £3.  6.  8.  Corporals,  £3.  1.  4.  Bombardiers,  £3.  1.  4. 
Gunners,  £3.  Matrosses,  £2.  17.  4.  Drummers  and  Fifers,  £3. 
By  comparing  these  with  my  pay-rolls,  you  will  discover  a  con 
siderable  difference  ;  and  I  doubt  not  you  will  be  easily  sensible 
that  such  a  difference  should  not  exist. 

I  am  not  personally  interested  in  having  an  augmentation 
agreeably  to  the  above  rates,  because  my  own  pay  will  remain 
the  same  as  that  it  now  is :  but  I  make  this  application  on 
behalf  of  the  company ;  as  I  am  fully  convinced  such  a  disad 
vantageous  distinction  will  have  a  very  pernicious  effect  on  the 
minds  and  behavior  of  the  men.  They  do  the  same  duty  with 
the  other  companies,  and  think  themselves  entitled  to  the  same 
pay.  They  have  been  already  comparing  accounts  ;  and  many 
marks  of  discontent  have  lately  appeared  on  this  score.  As  to 
the  circumstance  of  our  being  confined  to  the  defence  of  the 
colony,  it  will  have  little  or  no  weight ;  for  there  are  but  few  in 
the  company,  who  would  not  as  willingly  leave  the  colony  on 
any  necessary  expedition,  as  stay  in  it:  and  they  will  not, 
therefore,  think  it  reasonable  to  have  their  pay  curtailed  on  such 
a  consideration.  Captain  Beauman,  I  understand,  enlists  all  his 
men  on  the  above  terms ;  and  this  makes  it  difficult  for  me  to 
get  a  single  recruit :  for  men  will  naturally  go  to  those  who  pay 
them  best.  On  this  account,  I  should  wish  to  be  immediately 
authorized  to  offer  the  same  pay  to  all  who  may  incline  to  enlist. 
The  next  thing  I  should  wish  to  know,  is,  whether  I  must  be 
allowed  any  actual  expenses  that  might  attend  the  enlistment  of 
men,  should  I  send  into  the  country  for  that  purpose.  The 
expense  would  not  be  great ;  and  it  would  enable  me  to  com 
plete  my  company  at  once,  and  bring  it  the  sooner  into  proper 
order  and  discipline. 

Also,  I  should  be  glad  to  be  informed,  if  my  company  is  to 
be  allowed  the  frock  which  is  given  to  the  other  troops  as  a 
bounty  ?  This  frock  would  be  extremely  serviceable  in  summer, 
while  the  men  are  on  fatigue  ;  and  would  put  it  in  their  power 


^ET.  19.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  9 

to  save  their  uniform  mucli  longer.     I  am,  gentlemen,  with  the 
greatest  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON,  Captain. 


HAMILTON  TO  THE  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS. 

July  26, 1776. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

I  am  obliged  to  trouble  you,  to  remove  a  difficulty  which 
arises  respecting  the  quantity  of  subsistence  which  is  to  be 
allowed  my  men.  Inclosed  you  have  the  rates  of  rations,  which 
is  the  standard  allowance  of  the  whole  continental,  and  even  the 
provincial,  army  ;  but  it  seems  Mr.  Curtenius  cannot  afford  to 
supply  us  with  more  than  his  contract  stipulates ;  which,  by 
comparison,  you  will  perceive  is  considerably  less  than  the  fore- 
mentioned  rate. 

My  men,  you  are  sensible,  are,  by  their  articles,  entitled  to 
the  same  subsistence  with  the  continental  troops  :  and  it  would 
be  to  them  an  insupportable  discrimination,  as  well  as  a  breach 
of  the  terms  of  their  enlistment,  to  give  them  almost  a  third  less 
provisions  than  the  whole  army  besides  receives.  I  doubt  not 
you  will  readily  put  this  matter  upon  a  proper  footing. 

Hitherto  we  have  drawn  our  full  allowance  from  Mr.  Cur 
tenius  ;  but  he  did  it  upon  the  supposition  that  he  would  have  a 
farther  consideration  for  the  extraordinary  supply. 

At  present,  however,  he  scruples  to  proceed  in  the  same  way, 
till  it  can  be  put  upon  a  more  certain  foundation.  I  am,  gen 
tlemen, 

With  the  utmost  esteem  and  respect, 

Your  most  ob't  and  most  humble  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON, 

Captain  of  New- York  Artillery. 


10  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&i.  19. 

HAMILTON  TO  THE  HONORABLE  CONVENTION  OF  NEW- YORK. 

NEW- YORK,  August,  1776. 

It  is  necessary  I  should  inform  you  that  there  is  at  present  a 
vacancy  in  my  company,  arising  from  the  promotion  of  Lieut. 
Johnson  to  a  Captaincy  in  one  of  the  new  Gallies  (which  com 
mand,  however,  he  has  since  resigned  for  a  very  particular 
reason).  As  Artillery  officers  are  scarce  in  proportion  to  the 
call  for  them,  and  as  myself  and  my  remaining  officers  sustain 
an  extraordinary  weight  of  duty  on  account  of  the  present 
vacancy,  I  shall  esteem  it  a  favor,  if  you  will  be  pleased,  as 
soon  as  possible,  to  make  up  my  deficiency  by  a  new  appoint 
ment.  It  would  be  productive  of  much  inconvenience  should 
not  the  inferior  officers  succeed  in  course,  and  from  this  consid 
eration  I  doubt  not  you  will  think  it  proper  to  advance  Mr. 
Gilleland  and  Mr.  Bean,  and  fill  up  the  third  lieutenancy  with 
some  other  person.  I  would  beg  the  liberty  warmly  to  recom 
mend  to  your  attention  Thomas  Thompson — now  first  Sergeant 
in  my  company — a  man  highly  deserving  of  notice  and  prefer 
ment.  He  has  discharged  his  duty  in  his  present  station  with 
uncommon  fidelity,  assiduity,  and  expertness.  He  is  a  very 
good  disciplinarian — possesses  the  advantage  of  having  seen  a 
good  deal  of  service  in  Germany,  has  a  tolerable  share  of  com 
mon  sense,  and  will  not  disgrace  the  rank  of  an  officer  and  gen 
tleman.  In  a  word,  I  verily  believe,  he  will  make  an  excellent 
Lieutenant,  and  his  advancement  will  be  a  great  encouragement 
and  benefit  to  my  company  in  particular,  and  will  be  an 
animating  example  to  all  men  of  merit  to  whose  knowledge 
it  comes.  Myself  and  my  officers  will  be  much  obliged  to  the 
Hon.  the  Convention  to  favor  us  with  our  commissions  with  all 
convenient  speed,  as  they  may  be  highly  requisite  under  some 
circumstances  that  may  possibly  hereafter  arise. 

A.  HAMILTON, 

Captain  of  New- York  Artillery. 


^ET.  19.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  11 

LT.   COL.   HAMILTON  TO  THE  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS. 

MORRISTOWN,  March  6, 1777. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

It  is  necessary  I  should  inform  you  of  the  changes  which 
have  happened  in  your  Company  of  Artillery,  which  should 
have  been  done  long  ago,  had  I  not  been  prevented  by  sickness, 
from  which  I  am  but  lately  recovered. 

General  Washington  has  been  pleased  to  appoint  me  one  of 
his  Aids-de-Camp.  Captain-Lieutenant  James  Moore,  a  promis 
ing  officer,  and  who  did  credit  to  the  State  he  belonged  to,  died 
about  nine  weeks  ago.  Lieutenant  James  Gilleland,  some  time 
before  that,  resigned  his  commission,  prompted  by  domestic 
inconveniences,  and  other  motives  best  known  to  himself.  There 
remain  now  only  two  officers,  Lieutenants  Bean  and  Thompson, 
and  about  thirty  men.  The  reason  that  the  number  of  men  is  so 
reduced,  besides  death  and  desertions,  was  owing  to  a  breach  of 
orders  in  Lieutenant  Johnson,  who  first  began  the  enlistment  of 
the  company ;  and  who,  instead  of  engaging  them  during  the 
war,  according  to  the  intention  of  the  State,  engaged  them  for 
the  limited  term  of  a  twelvemonth.  The  time  of  those  enlisted 
by  him  has  expired  ;  and  for  want  of  powers  to  re-engage  them, 
they  have  mostly  entered  into  other  corps. 

I  have  to  request  you  will  favor  me  with  instructions  as  to 
your  future  intentions.  If  you  design  to  retain  the  company  on 
the  particular  establishment  of  the  State,  it  will  be  requisite  to 
complete  the  number  of  officers,  and  make  provision  to  have  the 
company  filled  by  a  new  enlistment.  In  this  case,  I  should  beg 
leave  to  recommend  to  your  notice,  as  far  as  a  Captain-Lieuten 
ancy,  Mr.  Thompson.  Mr.  Bean  is  so  incurably  addicted  to  a 
certain  failing,  that  I  cannot,  in  justice,  give  my  opinion  in  favor 
of  his  preferment.  But  if  you  should  determine  to  resign  the 
company,  as  I  expect  you  will,  considering  it  as  an  extraordinary 
burthen,  without  affording  any  special  advantages,  the  Continent 
will  readily  take  it  off  your  hands,  so  soon  as  you  shall  intimate 


12  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JSi.  20. 

your  design  to  relinquish  it.  I  doubt  not  you  will  see  the  pro 
priety  of  speedily  deciding  on  the  matter,  which  the  good  of  the 
service  requires. 

I  am,  with  the  sincerest  respect,  gentlemen, 

Your  most  ob't  and  most  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CONVENTION  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  March  17,  1777. 

DEAR  SIK  : 

We  are  to  inform  you,  that  Robert  K.  Livingston  is,  with  us, 
a  committee  appointed  by  Convention  to  correspond  with  you  at 
Head  Quarters.  You  will  give  us  pleasure  in  the  information 
that  His  Excellency  is  recovered  from  the  illness  which  had 
seized  him  the  day  before  Messrs.  Cuyler  and  Taylor  left  Head 
Quarters.  Any  occurrences  in  the  army  which  may  have  hap 
pened,  you  will  please  to  communicate. 

In  answer  to  your  letter  to  the  Convention,  of  the  sixth  of 
March  instant,  we  are  to  inform  you,  that  it  is  determined  to 
permit  that  company  to  join  the  Continental  Army,  for  which 
you  will  take  the  necessary  steps.  At  the  same  time,  you  will 
take  some  notice  of  the  disposition  of  our  guns,  which,  as  you 
well  know,  are  all  in  the  Continental  service ;  and  unless  some 
little  attention  is  paid  to  them,  we  may,  perhaps,  never  see  them 
again. 

We  are,  Sir, 

Your  most  obed't  and  humble  servants, 

Gouv.  MORRIS, 
WM.  ALLISON. 


GOUVERNEUE  MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  26  March,  1777. 

SIR: 

By  unavoidable  incidents,  this  letter  is  delayed  beyond  the 
usual  time  ;  for  which  I  assure  you  I  am  extremely  sorry.     Your 


MT.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  13 

favor  gave  great  pleasure,  as  well  to  the  committee  as  to  several 
members  of  the  House,  who  are  much  pleased  with  your  judi 
cious  caution,  to  distinguish  between  what  you  sport  as  your  pri 
vate  opinions,  and  the  weighty  sentiments  of  the  General. 

No  circumstance  could  have  more  contributed  to  our  happi 
ness,  than  to  hear  of  the  General's  recovery ;  which,  believe  me, 
gave  universal  joy.  Be  pleased  to  make  my  most  respectful 
compliments  to  his  lady. 

That  the  enemy  are  willing  to  desert,  can  hardly  be  doubted ; 
and  a  variety  of  sufficient  reasons  may  easily  be  assigned. 

Want  of  success  is  not  among  the  least  considerable :  add 
also  the  want  of  pay,  the  want  of  plunder.  I  think  the  situation 
of  the  enemy  clearly  demonstrates  the  want  of  political  wisdom, 
and  knowledge  of  war,  at  the  fountain  head.  To  pass  over  the 
succession  of  other  blunders  they  committed,  from  their  attempt 
on  Long  Island  to  their  present  disposition,  their  treatment  of  the 
soldiery  is  a  monument  of  folly.  First,  to  prevent  their  foreign 
mercenaries  from  deserting,  they  kept  back  arrearages  of  pay. 
And  secondly,  to  prevent  mutiny,  and  silence  murmurings,  they 
allowed  the  plundering  of  a  country  they  intend  to  conquer. 
Here  common  sense  alone  would  have  informed  them,  had  they 
listened  to  her  dictates,  that  by  irritating  they  would  never  sub 
due  ;  and  that  an  indulgence  in  excesses  would  relax  all  disci 
pline.  Taught  by  experience,  they  begin  now  to  wind  up  the 
cords ;  but  as  it  was  said  of  James  the  First,  they  are  always 
either  too  high  or  too  low.  Instead  of  liberal  discipline,  they 
ask  servile  obedience.  Would  it  not  be  wise  to  meet  this  with 
taunting  insult  ?  To  encourage  our  men  in  abuse  of  them,  as 
poor  slaves,  hired  without  pay,  yet  not  daring  to  vent  a  com 
plaint  ;  and  contrast  the  different  situations :  at  the  same  time 
inviting  them  to  come  and  taste  the  air  of  freedom  ?  The  Eng 
lish  are  the  proudest  people  on  earth. 

You  will  hear  more  of  a  little  expedition  against  Peekskill  at 
Head  Quarters  than  I  can  tell  you.  I  suppose  it  is  intended  as  a 
diversion  ;  if  so,  it  is  a  ridiculous  one. 

I  am,  &c., 

Gouv.  MORRIS. 

Col.  Alex.  Hamilton. 


14  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [>ET.  20. 


LIVINGSTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  March  29,  1777. 

SIK: 

We  received  your  favor  of  the  —  instant,  and  am  obliged 
to  you  not  only  for  your  acceptance  of  a  very  troublesome  chal 
lenge,  but  for  the  alacrity  with  which  you  meet  us  in  the  field. 
We  wish  it  would  afford  you  as  many  laurels,  as  you  are  like  to 
reap  elsewhere. 

You  have  heard  of  the  enemy's  little  excursion  to  Peekskill ; 
we  wish  it  may  not  encourage  them  to  make  a  more  serious 
attempt :  may  it  not  be  proper  to  remove  the  stores  to  a  place  of 
greater  safety  ? 

We  are  somewhat  alarmed  at  accounts  of  the  Indians  having 
left  their  villages  ;  from  whence  many  conclude,  that  they  have 
hostile  intentions :  though  as  they  are  much  in  our  power,  we 
cannot  be  entirely  of  this  opinion. 

Your  reasons  for  supposing  that  the  enemy  will  not  proceed 
to  Philadelphia  till  the  beginning  of  May  seem  to  be  conclusive  ; 
are  you  equally  well  satisfied  that  they  may  not  open  their 
campaign  by  sailing  to  the  northward?  You  have  probably 
seen  some  affidavits  of  people  who  had  been  to  New- York, 
which  were  sent  by  Convention  to  his  Excellency  the  General. 
As  this  does  not  go  by  our  own  express,  we  do  not  care  to  risk 
any  thing  more  on  this  subject,  which  we  shall  treat  more  at 
large  in  our  next. 

Time  must  shortly  prove  the  truth  of  Mr.  Franklin's  conjec 
ture,  which  derives  great  credit  from  the  several  accounts  we 
daily  receive  of  the  state  of  Europe.  You  will  oblige  us  by 
communicating  any  further  intelligence  you  may  have  received 
on  this  subject ;  its  importance  renders  us  solicitous  about  the 
event. 

I  am,  Sir,  by  order, 

Your  most  obed't  humble  serv't, 

KOBEKT  K.  LIVINGSTON. 
Col.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


jET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  15 

THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CONVENTION  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  April  2,  1777. 

SIR: 

We  received  yours  of  the  29th  ultimo,  and  are  extremely 
sorry  to  hear  of  your  indisposition. 

In  our  last  we  expressed  an  apprehension  that  the  enemy 
might  possibly  make  Hudson's  river  their  first  object ;  not  only 
because  they  could  open  their  campaign  there  earlier  than  they 
could  go  to  Pennsylvania  (as  in  one  case  their  army  would  move 
by  land,  and  in  the  other  by  water) ;  but  because,  having  the 
command  of  the  river,  by  taking  the  advantage  of  a  southerly 
wind,  they  would  have  it  in  their  power  to  run  up  in  a  few 
hours ;  and,  by  destroying  the  boats  that  are  along  its  banks, 
render  it  impossible  for  General  Washington's  army  to  cross  till 
they  have  marched  to  Albany  ;  a  thing  almost  impracticable  at 
this  season  of  the  year,  considering  the  distance,  and  badness  of 
the  roads.  This  would  enable  them,  not  only  to  ravage  all  this 
State,  but  to  enter  Connecticut  on  its  western  side,  where  the 
disaffection  of  the  people  will  insure  them  many  friends.  We 
have  strained  every  nerve  to  prepare  for  their  reception,  having 
vested  a  power  in  General  George  Clinton  to  make  whatever 
draughts  he  may  think  necessary  from  the  militia:  in  conse 
quence  of  which,  every  third  man  is  ordered  to  be  drawn  from 
the  southern,  and  every  fifth  man  from  the  northern  counties. 
We  are  not  without  apprehensions  that  these  heavy  draughts 
will  be  dreadfully  felt,  in  the  want  of  the  necessary  supplies  for 
the  army  and  inhabitants,  which  can  hardly  be  raised  under 
such  circumstances  in  this  State :  but  more  remote  evils  must 
yield  to  the  pressures  of  necessity.  We  inclose  you,  by  direc 
tion  of  Convention,  some  resolutions  lately  passed,  in  order  to 
render  the  laws  against  spies,  and  secret  enemies,  more  effectual. 
You  will  be  pleased  to  deliver  them,  with  our  respectful  compli 
ments,  to  His  Excellency  the  General. 

We  are  happy  to  hear  of  the  arrival  of  the  vessel  with  arms 
from  France,  as  no  supplies  can  be  more  necessary. 


16  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^ET.  20. 


We  flatter  ourselves  that  it  will  shortly  be  in  our  power  to 
communicate  more  important  intelligence  from  that  quarter. 
We  are,  with  great  respect,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servants, 
WM.  ALLISON. 
KOB'T  K.  LIVINGSTON. 
GOUV'R  MORRIS. 
Col.  Alex.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  A  COMMITTEE  OF  THE  PROVINCIAL  CONGRESS. 

HEA»  QUARTERS,  Morristown,  April  5, 1777. 

GENTLEMEN: 

Since  my  last  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your 
reply  to  my  two  favors  of  the  29th  ultimo  and  2d  current.  I 
am  happy  enough  to  be  able  to  inform  you,  that  my  indisposition, 
which  was  the  occasion  of  my  brevity  when  I  last  wrote,  is 
now  removed. 

The  opinion  I  advanced  respecting  the  enemy's  not  moving 
before  the  beginning  of  May,  seems  to  be  shaken,  though  not 
entirely  overthrown,  by  some  present  appearances.  We  have 
received  information  that  they  are  embarking  about  three  thou 
sand  men  on  board  of  transports,  which  are  lying  at  the  Hook, 
by  way  of  Staten  Island.  This,  it  is  conjectured,  is  with  a  view 
to  the  Delaware ;  and  the  supposition  is  confirmed,  by  the  cir 
cumstance  of  a  confederacy  lately  detected  at  Philadelphia,  who, 
among  other  things,  were  endeavoring,  by  the  temptation  of 
fifty  pounds,  to  engage  persons  as  pilots  up  that  river.  The 
extreme  difficulties  they  must  labor  under  for  want  of  forage, 
and  the  infinite  hazard  they  must  run  by  moving  with  a  small 
body  of  about  five  thousand  men,  with  an  enemy  in  the  rear, 
incapable  of  sparing  any  considerable  body  of  troops  to  form  a 
post  behind,  and  be  an  asylum  to  them  in  case  of  accident, — 
these  circumstances  will  hardly  allow  me  to  think  they  will  be 


£JT.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  IT 

daring  enough  to  make  the  attempt  at  this  time.  But  on  the 
other  hand,  as  they  know  we  are  in  a  progressive  state  as  to 
numbers,  and  other  matters  of  importance,  and  as  they  have  no 
prospect  of  early  reinforcement,  and  are  in  a  state  of  uncer 
tainty  as  to  any,  from  the  bustling  aspect  of  European  affairs,  it 
is  probable  they  may  conceive  a  necessity  of  making  a  push  at 
all  risks.  Perhaps,  however,  this  embarkation  is  intended  for 
some  other  purpose ;  to  make  a  diversion,  or  execute  some  par 
tisan  exploit  elsewhere.  On  the  whole,  I  find  it  difficult  to 
believe  they  are  yet  ready  for  any  capital  operation. 

As  to  your  apprehensions  of  an  attempt  up  the  North  river, 
I  imagine  you  may  discard  any  uneasiness  on  that  score, 
although  it  will  be  at  all  times  advisable  to  be  on  the  watch 
against  such  a  contingency.  It  is  almost  reduced  to  a  certainty, 
that  the  principal  views  of  the  enemy,  in  the  ensuing  campaign, 
will  be  directed  towards  the  southward,  and  to  Philadelphia  more 
immediately ;  of  which  idea,  the  discovery  before  mentioned, 
with  respect  to  pilots,  is  no  inconsiderable  confirmation.  Phila 
delphia  is  an  object  calculated  to  strike  and  attract  their  atten 
tion.  It  has  all  along  been  the  main  source  of  supplies  towards 
the  war  ;  and  the  getting  it  into  their  possession,  would  deprive 
us  of  a  wheel  we  could  very  badly  spare,  in  the  great  political 
and  military  machine.  They  are  sensible  of  this,  and  are  equally 
sensible,  that  it  contains,  in  itself,  and  is  surrounded  by,  a  prodi 
gious  number  of  persons  attached  to  them,  and  inimical  to  us, 
who  would  lend  them  all  the  assistance  they  could,  in  the  further 
prosecution  of  their  designs.  It  is  also  a  common  and  well- 
grounded  rule  in  war,  to  strike  first  and  principally,  at  the  capi 
tal  towns  and  cities,  in  order  to  the  conquest  of  a  country. 

I  must  confess  I  do  not  see  any  object  equally  interesting  to 
draw  their  efforts  to  the  northward.  Operations  merely  for  plun 
dering  and  devastation  can  never  answer  their  end  ;  and  if  they 
could,  one  part  of  the  continent  would  do  nearly  as  well  as  an 
other.  And  as  to  the  notion  of  forming  a  junction  with  the 
northern  army,  and  cutting  off  the  communication  between  the 
northern  and  southern  States,  I  apprehend  it  will  do  better  in 
speculation  than  in  practice.  Unless  the  geography  of  the  coun- 

VOL.  I.  2 


18  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  20. 

try  is  far  different  from  any  thing  I  can  conceive,  to  effect  this 
would  require  a  chain  of  posts,  and  such  a  number  of  men  at 
each,  as  would  never  be  practicable  or  maintainable,  but  to  an 
immense  army.  In  their  progress,  by  hanging  upon  their  rear, 
and  seizing  every  opportunity  of  skirmishing,  their  situation 
might  be  rendered  insupportably  uneasy. 

But  for  fear  of  mistake,  the  General  has  determined  to  collect 
a  considerable  body  of  troops  at  or  about  Peekskill,  which  will 
not  be  drawn  off  till  the  intentions  of  the  enemy  have  acquired 
a  decisive  complexion.  These  will  be  ready,  according  to  con 
junctures,  either  to  proceed  northerly  or  southerly,  as  may  be 
requisite.  Every  precaution  should  be  taken  to  prevent  the 
boats  from  being  destroyed,  by  collecting  them,  at  the  first  move 
ment  of  the  enemy,  under  cover  of  one  of  the  forts,  or  into  some 
inlet,  difficult  of  access,  and  easily  defensible  with  a  small  num 
ber  of  men.  The  loss  of  them  would  be  an  irreparable  disad 
vantage. 

The  enemy's  attempt  upon  Peekskill  is  a  demonstration  of 
the  folly  of  having  any  quantity  of  stores  at  places  so  near  the 
water,  and  so  much  exposed  to  a  sudden  inroad.  There  should 
never  be  more  there  than  sufficient  to  answer  present  demands. 
We  have  lost  a  good  deal  in  this  way  at  different  times,  and  I 
hope  experience  will  at  last  make  us  wiser. 

His  Excellency  lately  had  a  visit  from  the  Oneida  Chief  and 
five  others.  He  managed  them  with  a  good  deal  of  address,  and 
sent  them  away  perfectly  satisfied.  He  persuaded  them  to  go  to 
Philadelphia,  but  they  declined  it,  alleging  their  impatience  to 
return,  and  remove  the  erroneous  opinions  of  their  countrymen, 
from  the  misrepresentations  of  British  emissaries,  which  they 
were  apprehensive  might  draw  them  into  some  rash  proceedings. 
They  parted,  after  having  made  the  most  solemn  protestations  of 
friendship  and  good  will.  His  Excellency  has  been  very  busy 
all  day  in  dispatching  the  southern  post,  which  has  prevented  me 
giving  him  your  resolve.  It  will,  no  doubt,  be  very  acceptable ; 
and  it  is  with  pleasure  I  inform  you,  that  the  zeal  and  abilities  of 
the  New- York  Convention  hold  the  first  rank  in  his  estimation. 

No  news  from  France,  save  that  the  Congress  have  obtained 


-ffiT.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  19 

a  credit  there,  for  which,  they  can  draw  bills  to  the  amount  of 
£100,000  sterling.  This  will  be  extremely  serviceable  in  carry 
ing  on  a  trade  with  the  French.  The  new  troops  begin  to  come 
in.  If  we  can  shortly  get  any  considerable  accession  of  strength, 
we  may  be  able  to  strike  some  brilliant  stroke.. 
I  am,  Gentlemen,,  with  the  greatest  respect, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  We  have  been  some  time  endeavoring  to  negotiate  a 
regular  cartel ;  but  it  has  been  lately  broken  off,  principally  on 
account  of  Major  General  Lee.  General  Howe  will  not  allow 
him  to  be  comprehended  under  the  general  idea  of  American 
prisoners. 


THE   COMMITTEE   OF  CONVENTION  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  8th  April,  1777. 
SIR: 

Yours  of  the  third  came  safe  to  hand  this  day,  and  gave  us 
great  pleasure  by  certifying  your  health.  The  smallness  of  our 
numbers  will  not  permit  the  loss  of  one  useful  citizen.  It  is, 
therefore,  a  determined  point,  that,  sick  or  well,  you  are  by  no 
means  to  die. 

At  this  distance,  it  is  impossible  to  determine  what  the  enemy 
can,  or  what  they  cannot,  do.  But,  certainly,  if  we  can  bring  a 
respectable  force  into  the  field  previous  to  their  movements,  it 
must  be  extremely  difficult  for  them  to  advance  or  retreat.  The 
latter,  indeed,  may  be  assisted  by  the  works  they  are  throw 
ing  up. 

Their  attempt  upon  the  Delaware  is  far  from  improbable. 
Howe  is  certainly  a  stupid  fellow  :  but  if  he  reasons  so  far,  the 
taking  of  Philadelphia  would  give  a  splendid  sight  to  their  ma- 


20  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  20. 

noeuvres  in  the  eyes  of  Europe.  This  would  be  productive  of 
advantage.  The  seizing  that  large  city,  would  also  afford  him 
much  benefit  in  the  several  ways  which  you  suggest.  But  would 
it  not  be  wise  to  permit  his  force  to  be  thus  divided,  that  one 
part  after  another  might  be  cut  to  pieces  ? 

Since  the  affair  at  Peekskill,  their  views  this  way  seem  to  be 
less  probable.  It  was,  doubtless,  unmilitary  to  warn  us  of  our 
danger.  They  will  also  soon  learn  that  we  are  in  this  quarter,  in 
a  decent  posture  of  defence ;  and  that  may  decide  their  fluctu 
ating  councils. 

Perhaps,  after  all,  they  will  find  it  more  convenient  to  keep 
post  at  Amboy,  with  an  advanced  party  at  Brunswick,  secure 
New- York,  and  carry  on  a  kind  of  naval  partisan  war,  till  the 
further  aid  and  order  of  their  masters. 

You  will  take  care,  whenever  you  write  to  us  matters  which 
ought  not  to  be  seen  by  all,  to  direct  to  one  of  w  only  in  a  sepa 
rate  letter :  while  that  which  is  merely  indifferent,  comes  under 
your  usual  direction.  The  reason  is,  that  sometimes,  when  we 
do  not  happen  to  be  immediately  in  the  way,  your  letters  are 
opened  by  the  President;  and  although  no  evil  consequences 
have  accrued  from  this  as  yet,  it  is  nevertheless  proper  to  guard 
against  it. 

What  you  say  relative  to  a  cartel,  reminds  us  of  the  case  of 
Major  Edminston,  who  was  taken  by  General  Schuyler  at  the 
same  time  with  Sir  John  Johnson.  This  gentleman,  as  His  Ex 
cellency  will  recollect,  was  sent  into  the  enemy's  quarters,  with 
a  letter  to  negotiate  an  exchange  for  one  of  three  Majors,  pris 
oners  in  their  hands.  He  hath  since  returned,  with  a  letter  from 
Howe  to  General  Schuyler,  purporting  that  one  of  those  Majors 
shall  be  exchanged  for  him,  he  being  permitted  to  join  his  regi 
ment  in  Canada.  He  was  three  weeks,  or  thereabouts,  travelling 
from  New- York  to  Albany ;  of  which  the  Convention  being 
informed,  caused  him  to  be  made  prisoner,  and  intend  sending 
him  to  Head  Quarters.  He  is  well  acquainted  with  the  face  of 
this  country,  and  the  disposition  of  its  several  inhabitants.  He 
has  sufficient  interest  with  the  Indians  to  accomplish  an  escape. 
Upon  the  whole  (as  it  will  not  be  prudent  to  confine  him  within 


^T.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  21 

this  State),  it  is  submitted,  whether  it  would  not  be  proper  to 
secure  him  elsewhere  until  the  close  of  the  present  campaign  ? 
We  are,  Sir, 

Your  most  ob't  and  humble  servants, 

KOBT.  K.  LIVINGSTON, 
Gouv.  MORRIS. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


LOKD  STIRLING-  TO  HAMILTON. 

BASKENRIDGE,  April  12,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

The  troops  under  Colonel  McClanagan,  which  I  expected  at 
their  quarters  between  the  first  and  second  mountains  yesterday, 
I  find  took  the  route  by  Pluckamin  and  lodged  there  last  night. 
I  sent  this  morning  at  daybreak  a  messenger  to  bring  them  into 
the  Boundbrook  Koad  at  Boylans.  I  understand  Col.  Spotswood's 
regiment  is  on  the  march  by  the  same  route. 

The  time  of  Capt.  James  Scott's  company  will  expire  the 
14th.  Lieut.  Kidgelow  and  the  bulk  of  the  men  have  behaved 
very  well ;  as  they  can  now  be  spared,  I  believe  it  will  be  best 
that  I  be  furnished  with  His  Excellency's  dismission  of  them  by 
the  day. 

I  wrote  to  His  Excellency  on  Thursday  last  about  the  ap 
pointment  of  Wilcocks.  If  he  is  approved  of  I  wish  you  would 
get  both  Mr.  Williams  and  him  in  orders,  and  that  you  would  be 
so  good  as  to  write  him  to  come  to  me. 

If  there  be  any  thing  in  General  Orders  within  these  two  or 
three  days  that  can  relate  to  the  troops  here,  I  should  be  glad  to 
have  a  copy  of  them. 

I  am,  very  sincerely, 

Your  affectionate  humble  servt., 

STIRLING. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


22  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  20. 

THE  COMMITTEE  OF  CONVENTION  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  16th  April,  1777. 

SIR: 

"We  are  directed,  by  Convention,  to  inclose  a  Resolution 
passed  this  day,  in  addition  to  that  of  the  first  of  April,  which 
we  before  did  ourselves  the  honor  to  transmit  to  His  Excellency, 
by  which  we  hope  to  put  an  effectual  stop  to  any  further  deser 
tions  to  the  enemy ;  as  the  disaffected  have  been  hitherto  greatly 
emboldened  by  their  having,  for  the  want  of  courts,  escaped  the 
punishment  they  deserved.  It  frequently  happens,  that  igno 
rant  young  lads  are  seduced  to  enlist  with  the  enemy,  and  are 
taken  in  their  way  to  them.  We  have  sometimes  thought  that 
such  might  safely  be  admitted  to  enlist  in  our  regiments  (which 
they  are  generally  inclined  to  do),  as  a  change  of  company  will 
often  make  an  alteration  in  their  sentiments,  in  which  case  a 
useful  number  may  be  preserved  to  the  community.  We  wish 
you  to  consult  the  General  on  this  subject,  and  to  favor  us  with 
his  opinion,  by  which  we  shall  regulate  our  future  conduct 
relative  to  such  persons. 

We  are  obliged  to  you  for  communicating  by  Mr.  Troop, 
an  account  of  the  engagement  of  Sunday,  in  which  we  equally 
admire  the  extreme  caution  of  the  enemy,  and  the  spirit  of  that 
handful  of  men  by  whom  they  were  opposed.  The  same 
bravery  will,  we  hope,  prove  as  fortunate,  when  a  fairer  occasion 
offers  for  its  exertion.  We  have  daily  information  of  plots  that 
are  formed  in  this  State ;  and  a  few  days  ago  apprehended  a 
Colonel  who  was  raising  a  regiment  for  the  service  of  the  enemy. 
We  hope,  by  a  seasonable  severity,  to  prevent  this  evil  from 
becoming  very  extensive. 

We  are,  Sir,  &c. 


JET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  23 

HAMILTON   TO  LIVINGSTON. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  MORRISTOWN,  April  29,  1777. 

SIR: 

The  inclosed  was  intended  to  be  sent  with  the  prisoners  men 
tioned  in  the  list ;  but  before  this  could  be  conveniently  done, 
Mr.  Sims,  one  of  the  Chief  Justices  of  the  State,  came  to  this 
town,  and  informed  me,  that  the  Governor  and  Council  were 
upon  the  point  of  adjourning;  and  that  the  sending  of  the 
prisoners  to  them,  would  only  be  an  embarrassment,  without 
answering,  at  present,  any  valuable  purpose.  He  considered 
himself  authorized  to  take  the  matter  under  his  direction,  and 
desired  a  sight  of  the  papers  relating  to  it.  After  perusing 
them,  he  determined  it  was  best  the  prisoners  should  remain 
here,  until  he  should  receive  your  further  orders  on  the  subject ; 
and  delivered  me  a  letter  for  you,  containing  a  representation  of 
their  cases,  as  they  appear  to  him,  in  order  to  know  your  sense, 
in  what  manner  they  shall  be  disposed  of. 

He  admits  "two  of  them,  Woolverton  and  Silas  Howel,  to 
bail. 

In  addition  to  the  former,  I  send  you  a  second  list  of  four 
others  that  have  been  lately  committed  to  jail.  These  are  high 
offenders,  and  among  the  number  of  those  who  it  were  to  be 
wished  could  have  an  immediate  trial  and  punishment.  Isaac 
Ogden,  in  particular,  is  one  of  the  most  barefaced  impudent 
fellows  that  ever  came  under  my  observation.  He  openly 
acknowledged  himself  a  subject  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain ; 
and  flatly  refused  to  give  any  satisfaction  to  some  questions 
that  were  put  to  him  respecting  one  Moses  Nichols,  an  emissary 
frpm  the  enemy ;  assigning  no  other  reason  for  his  refusal,  than 
that  he  had  given  his  word  to  be  silent. 

A  spirit  of  disaffection  shows  itself  with  so  much  boldness  and 
violence  in  different  parts  of  this  State,  that  it  is  the  ardent  wish 
of  His  Excellency,  no  delay,  which  can  be  avoided,  might  be 
used  in  making  examples  of  some  of  the  most  atrocious  offend- 


24  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [£&.  20. 

ers.     If  something  be  not  speedily  done,  to  strike  a  terror  into 
the  disaffected,  the  consequences  must  be  very  disagreeable. 

Among  others,  all  security  to  the  friends  of  the  American 
cause  will  be  destroyed ;  and  the  natural  effect  of  this,  will  be  an 
extinction  of  zeal  in  seconding  and  promoting  it.  Their  attach 
ment,  if  it  remain,  will  be  a  dead,  inactive,  useless  principle.  And 
the  disaffected,  emboldened  by  impunity,  will  be  encouraged  to 
proceed  to  the  most  dangerous  and  pernicious  lengths. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON,  A.  D.  C. 
To  Gov.  Livingston. 


HUGH  KNOX  TO  HAMILTON. 

ST.  CROIX,  April  31, 1777. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND: 

A  pretty  fair  opportunity  just  offering  for  Philadelphia,  I 
could  not  omit  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  very  circum 
stantial  and  satisfactory  letter  of  the  14th  February.  The  thing 
has  happened  which  I  wished  for.  We  have  been  amazed  here 
by  vague,  imperfect,  and  very  false  accounts  of  matters  from  the 
Continent :  and  I  always  told  my  friends,  that  if  you  survived 
the  campaign,  and  had  an  hour  of  leisure  to  write  to  me,  I 
expected  a  more  true,  circumstantial,  and  satisfactory  account  of 
matters  in  your  letter,  than  by  all  the  public  papers  and  private 
intelligence  we  had  received  here.  I  have  but  a  moment  to 
command  at  present,  and  have  not  time  to  remark  upon  your 
letter.  I  can  only  inform  you,  that  it  has  given  high  satisfac 
tion  to  all  friends  here.  We  rejoice  in  your  good  character  and 
advancement,  which  is,  indeed,  only  the  just  reward  of  merit. 
May  you  still  live  to  deserve  more  and  more  from  the  friends  of 
America,  and  to  justify  the  choice,  and  merit  the  approbation,  of 
he  GEEAT  AND  GOOD  GENEEAL  WASHINGTON— a 


^ET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  25 

name  which  will  shine  with  distinguished  lustre  in  the  annals  of 
history — a  name  dear  to  the  friends  of  the  Liberties  of  Man 
kind  !  Mark  this :  You  must  be  the  Annalist  and  Biographer, 
as  well  as  the  Aide-de-Camp,  of  General  Washington — and  the 
Historiographer  of  the  AMEKIC AN  WAK !  I  take  the  liberty 
to  insist  on  this.  I  hope  you  take  minutes  and  keep  a  Journal ! 
If  you  have  not  hitherto,  I  pray  do  it  henceforth.  I  seriously, 
and  with  all  my  little  influence,  urge  this  upon  you.  This  may 
be  a  new  and  strange  thought  to  you :  but  if  you  survive  the 
present  troubles,  /  aver — few  men  will  be  as  well  qualified  to 
write  the  history  of  the  present  glorious  struggle.  God  only 
knows  how  it  may  terminate.  But  however  that  may  be,  it  will 
be  a  most  interesting  story. 

I  congratulate  you  on  your  recovery  from  a  long  and  dan 
gerous  illness.  It  is  my  own  case — I  am  just  convalescent,  after 
the  severest  attack  I  ever  had  in  my  life.  I  hope  to  write  you 
more  at  large  soon,  and  remain,  with  the  tender  of  every  kind 
and  friendly  wish, 

My  dear  Sir, 

Your  affectionate  servant, 

HUGH  KNOX. 


HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  DUER. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  Morristown,  6th  May,  1777. 

SIR: 

The  bearer  of  this  is  Mr.  Malmedi,  a  French  gentleman  of 
learning,  abilities,  and  experience.  I  believe  he  thinks  himself 
entitled  to  preferment,  and  comes  to  Congress  for  that  purpose. 
At  the  recommendation  of  General  Lee,  he  was  made  Brigadier 
General  by  the  State  of  Khode  Island ;  and  filled  the  station  to 
the  satisfaction  of  his  employers,  as  appears  by  a  letter  from 
Governor  Cook,  speaking  of  him  in  the  highest  terms  of  appro 
bation.  This  has  led  him  to  hope  that  he  should  be  adopted  by 


26  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  20. 

the  Continent  on  an  equal  footing.  But  in  this  he  will,  no 
doubt,  be  mistaken,  as  there  are  many  insuperable  objections  to 
such  an  event.  Among  others,  it  would  tend  to  raise  the  expec 
tations  of  the  Frenchmen  in  general,  already  too  high,  to  a  pitch 
which  it  would  be  impossible  to  gratify  or  endure.  It  might 
not,  however,  be  amiss  to  do  whatever  propriety  would  war 
rant  to  keep  him  in  good  humor,  as  he  is  a  man  of  sense  and 
merit.  I  think  policy  would  justify  the  advancing  him  a  step 
higher  than  his  former  Continental  rank. 

Congress,  in  the  beginning,  went  upon  a  very  injudicious 
plan  with  respect  to  Frenchmen.  To  every  adventurer  that 
came,  without  even  the  shadow  of  credentials,  they  gave  the 
rank  of  Field  officers.  This  circumstance,  seconding  the  aspir 
ing  disposition  natural  to  those  people,  carried  the  expectations 
of  those  who  had  really  any  pretensions  to  the  character  of  offi 
cers,  to  a  length  that  exceeds  all  the  bounds  of  moderation.  As 
it  was  impossible  to  pursue  this  impolitic  plan,  the  Congress 
have  begun  to  retrench  their  excessive  liberality ;  and  the  conse 
quence  has  been,  universal  disgust  and  discontent. 

It  would,  perhaps,  be  injurious,  as  the  French  are  much 
addicted  to  national  punctilio,  to  run  into  the  opposite  extreme 
to  that  first  embraced,  and,  by  that  mean,  create  a  general 
clamor  and  dissatisfaction.  Policy  suggests  the  propriety  of  dis 
criminating  a  few  of  the  most  deserving,  and  endeavoring  to 
keep  them  in  temper,  even  by  gratifying  them  beyond  what 
they  can  reasonably  pretend  to.  This  will  enable  us  to  shake  off 
the  despicable  part  with  safety,  and  to  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the 
exorbitant  demands  of  the  many.  It  will  easily  be  believed  in 
France  that  their  want  of  merit  occasioned  their  want  of  suc 
cess,  from  the  extraordinary  marks  of  favor  that  have  been  con 
ferred  on  others :  whereas,  the  united  voice  of  complaint  from 
the  whole,  might  make  ill  impressions  in  their  own  country, 
which  it  is  not  our  interest  should  exist. 

We  are  already  greatly  embarrassed  with  the  Frenchmen 
among  us  ;  and,  from  the  genius  of  the  people,  shall  continue  to 
be  so.  It  were  to  be  wished,  that  our  agents  in  France,  instead 
of  courting  them  to  come  out,  were  instructed  to  give  no  encour- 


jET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  27 

agement  but  where  they  could  not  help  it ;  that  is,  where  appli 
cations  were  made  to  them  by  persons  countenanced  and  sup 
ported  by  great  men,  whom  it  would  be  impolitic  to  disoblige. 
Be  assured,  Sir,  we  shall  never  be  able  to  satisfy  them;  and 
they  can  be  of  no  use  to  us,  at  least  for  some  time.  Their  igno 
rance  of  our  language  ;  of  the  disposition  of  the  people  ;  the 
resources  and  deficiencies  of  the  country  ;  their  own  habits  and 
tempers :  all  these  are  disqualifications  that  put  it  out  of  their 
power  to  be  of  any  real  service  to  us.  You  will  consider  what 
I  have  said  entirely  as  my  own  sentiments,  and, 
Believe  me,  with  great  regard,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
William  Duer,  Esq. 


GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  16th  May,  1777. 

SIR: 

I  had  the  pleasure  of  your  two  favors  within  two  days  of  each 
other,  and  am  very  happy  to  find  that  our  form  of  government 
meets  with  your  approbation.  That  there  are  faults  in  it  is  not 
to  be  wondered  at,  for  it  is  the  work  of  men,  and  of  men,  per 
haps,  not  the  best  qualified  for  such  undertakings.  I  think  it 
deficient,  for  the  want  of  vigor  in  the  executive  ;  unstable,  from 
the  very  nature  of  popular  elective  governments  ;  and  dilatory, 
from  the  complexity  of  the  legislature. 

For  the  first,  I  apologize  by  hinting  the  spirit  which  now 
reigns  in  America,  suspiciously  cautious.  For  the  second, 
because  unavoidable.  For  the  third,  because  a  simple  legisla 
ture  soon  possesses  itself  of  too  much  power  for  the  safety  of 
its  subjects.  God  grant  it  may  work  well,  for  we  must  live 
under  it. 

I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  Howe  will  either  go  to  Phila 
delphia  or  come  hither.  In  either  case,  General  Washington 


28  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [>ET.  20- 

can  hang  upon  his  rear,  and  place  him  in  the  light  rather  of  a 
fugitive  than  a  conqueror.  If  he  bends  his  efforts  this  way,  the 
Council  of  Safety,  you  may  depend  upon  it,  will  exert  them 
selves  to  make  his  situation  as  uneasy  as  he  would  wish  ;  prob 
ably  more  so.  The  spirit  of  the  Tories,  we  have  great  reason  to 
believe,  is  entirely  broken  in  this  State.  If  it  is  not,  it  will  soon 
be  so ;  for  they  shall  have  a  few  more  executions,  than  which 
nothing  can  be  more  efficacious.  I  speak  from  experience  :  but 
then  it  is  necessary  to  disperse  the  victims  of  public  justice 
throughout  different  parts  of  the  several  States  ;  for  nothing  but 
ocular  demonstration  can  convince  these  incredulous  beings  that 
we  do  really  hang  them.  I  wish  the  several  States  would 
follow  our  example.  Pennsylvania,  in  particular,  would  ex 
perience  many  good  effects  from  a  vigorous  manly  executive. 
Adieu. 

Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

G-ouv.  MORRIS. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


GOUV.   MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  24th  May,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

You  certainly  had  no  reason  to  complain  of  me,  for  not 
informing  you  of  the  destruction  of  the  stores  at  St.  John's. 
True  it  is,  we  had  a  vague  report  of  such  a  transaction ;  and  we 
had  also  an  account,  from  private  persons,  that  the  report  was 
confirmed  at  Albany :  but  General  Grates  has  never  done  us  the 
honor  to  make  us  acquainted  with  his  intelligence  upon  that 
subject ;  and  therefore  I  was  not  really  warranted  to  say  any 
thing  about  it.  Apropos,  I  shall  lose  two  beaver  hats  if  our 
troops  are  not  in  possession  of  New- York  by  the  first  day  of 
July  next.  If  the  enemy  expect  reinforcements,  prudence  will 
dictate  to  us  to  do  something  offensive  as  soon  as  possible. 
Would  it  not  be  prudent  to  make  several  attacks  at  the  same 


MT.20.]       .  CORRESPONDENCE.  29 

time?  For  instance,  about  Hackensack,  Bergen,  or  wherever 
else  the  enemy  are  in  that  quarter:  upon  Brunswick,  by 
way  of  Eound  Brook,  Bonumtown,  and  from  the  southward: 
upon  Fort  Independence  in  Westchester  county,  or  against  Har- 
laem :  and  upon  Long  Island,  by  throwing  over  some  of  the  east 
ern  troops.  If  only  one  should  prove  successful,  it  would  give 
splendor  to  our  arms,  and  dismay  the  enemy.  But  our  num 
bers,  &c.,  &c.,  must  govern  these  things.  Howe  certainly  cannot 
mean  to  come  this  way,  unless  he  is  considerably  reinforced. 
He  will,  unless  he  is  to  act  on  the  defensive.  I  hope  that  our 
Generals  are  very  busy  fortifying  the  passes  in  the  Highlands. 
I  fear  we  shall  destroy  many  men  by  it  when  the  weather  grows 
warm.  Much  fatigue  prevents  that  attention  to  cleanliness 
which  is  essential  to  the  health  of  soldiery.  Soldiers  should,  in 
my  opinion,  be  as  much  exercised  in  the  use  of  arms,  and  the 
various  evolutions,  as  is  necessary  to  preserve  their  bodies  in  a 
state  of  strength  and  elasticity.  The  rest  of  their  time  may  be 
usefully  employed  in  the  care  of  their  clothes,  and  collecting 
refreshments.  I  seriously  believe,  that  if  two  armies  of  thirty 
thousand  men  each,  were  to  take  the  field  in  May,  and  the  one 
be  employed  in  building  fortifications  for  three  months,  which 
the  other  should  storm  at  the  expiration  of  that  term  ;  the  odds 
would  be  in  favor  of  the  assailants,  that  the  campaign  would  not 
cost  them  as  many  as  the  enemy.  But  a  truce  to  idle  specula 
tion.  Be  pleased  to  direct  your  next  letter  to  Eobert  K. 
Livingston  and  Christopher  Tapin,  Esqrs.,  as  I  shall  not  myself 
be  in  the  way  to  receive  it.  We  have  no  news  here  but  this, 
that  the  tories  are  much  humbled,  and  will,  I  believe,  be  more 
so. 

Adieu.    Yours, 

Gouv.  MOEEIS. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


30  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-fflr.  20. 

HAMILTON  TO   GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  SMITH'S  CLOVE,  July  22,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  favor  of  the  eighteenth,  from  Saratoga,  reached  me 
yesterday.  Your  pronouncing  Fort  Edward,  among  the  other 
forts,  indefensible,  surprises  me  a  little,  as  it  is  entirely  contrary 
to  the  representations  of  several  gentlemen  of  judgment,  who 
have  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  and  considering  its  situation ; 
by  whom  we  have  been  taught  to  believe  that  it  would  be  an 
excellent  post,  at  least  for  checking  and  retarding  Burgoyne's 
progress.  I  agree  with  you  that  our  principal  strength  in  the 
quarter  you  are,  will  be  in  the  forests  and  natural  strength  of 
the  country,  and  in  the  want  of  forage,  provisions,  carriages,  &c., 
in  which  the  enemy  may  easily  be  thrown,  by  taking  away  what 
there  are  of  those  articles,  which,  you  observe,  have  never  been 
in  great  abundance. 

I  am  doubtful  whether  Burgoyne  will  attempt  to  penetrate 
far,  and  whether  he  will  not  content  himself  with  harassing  our 
back  settlements  by  parties  assisted  by  the  savages,  who,  it  is  to 
be  feared,  will  pretty  generally  be  tempted,  by  the  enemy's  late 
successes,  to  confederate  in  hostilities  against  us. 

This  doubt  arises  from  some  appearances  that  indicate  a 
southern  movement  of  General  Howe's  army,  which,  if  it  should 
really  happen,  will  certainly  be  a  barrier  against  any  further 
impressions  of  Burgoyne ;  for  it  cannot  be  supposed  he  would  be 
rash  enough  to  plunge  into  the  bosom  of  the  country  without  an 
expectation  of  being  met  by  General  Howe.  Things  must  prove 
very  adverse  to  us  indeed,  should  he  make  such  an  attempt  and 
not  le  ruined  ly  it.  I  confess,  however,  that  the  appearances  I 
allude  to  do  not  carry  a  full  evidence  in  my  mind ;  because  they 
are  opposed  by  others  of  a  contradictory  kind ;  and  because  I 
cannot  conceive  upon  what  principle  of  common  sense,  or  mili 
tary  propriety,  Howe  can  be  running  away  from  Burgoyne  to 
the  southward. 

It  is  much  to  be  wished  he  may,  even  though  it  should  give 


^ET.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  31 

him  the  possession  of  Philadelphia,  which  by  our  remoteness 
from  it,  may  very  well  happen.  In  this  case,  we  may  not  only, 
if  we  think  proper,  retaliate,  by  aiming  a  stroke  at  New- York ; 
but  we  may  come  upon  him  with  the  greatest  part  of  our  collec 
tive  force,  to  act  against  that  part  which  is  under  him.  We  shall 
then  be  certain  that  Burgoyne  cannot  proceed,  and  that  a  small 
force  of  continental  troops  will  be  sufficient  for  that  partisan  war 
which  he  must  carry  on  the  rest  of  the  campaign. 

A  small  force  will  also  be  sufficient  to  garrison  the  posts  in 
the  Highlands,  and  prevent  any  danger  there ;  so  that  we  shall 
be  able  to  bring  nearly  the  whole  of  the  continental  army  against 
Mr.  Howe.  The  advantages  of  this  are  obvious.  Should  he  be 
satisfied  with  the  splendor  of  his  acquisition,  and  shut  himself  up 
in  Philadelphia,  we  can  ruin  him  by  confinement.  Should  he 
leave  a  garrison  there,  and  go  forward,  we  can  either  fall  upon 
that  or  his  main  body,  diminished  as  it  will  be  by  such  a  measure, 
with  our  whole  force.  There  will,  however,  be  many  disagree 
able  consequences  attending  such  an  event ;  amongst  which,  the 
foremost  is,  the  depreciation  of  our  currency,  which,  from  the  im 
portance  in  which  Philadelphia  is  held,  cannot  fail  to  ensue. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  DK.   KNOX. 

*  *  *  This  event  [the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga*] ,  re 
dounds  very  little  to  our  credit.  For  if  the  post  was  untenable, 
or  required  a  larger  number  of  troops  to  defend  it  than  could  be 
spared  for  the  purpose,  it  ought  long  ago  to  have  been  foreseen 
and  given  up.  Instead  of  that,  we  have  kept  a  large  quantity  of 
cannon  in  it,  and  have  been  heaping  up  very  valuable  magazines 
of  stores  and  provisions,  that,  in  the  critical  moment  of  defence, 

*  July  5, 1777. 


32  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEr.  20. 

are  abandoned  and  lost.  This  affair  will  be  attended  with  seve 
ral  evil  consequences ;  for  besides  the  loss  of  our  stores,  which 
we  cannot  well  afford,  it  opens  a  new  and  easy  door  by  which  to 
penetrate  the  northern  States.  It  will  fix  the  hitherto  fluctuating 
disposition  of  the  Indians  in  that  quarter  in  their  favor,  and 
expose  the  frontiers  of  the  adjacent  country  to  their  depredations. 
But  though  it  is  a  misfortune  we  have  reason  to  lament,  I  dare 
say  it  will  be  regarded  with  you  as  much  more  important  than  it 
really  is,  and  as  materially  endangering  the  success  of  our  cause, 
which  is  by  no  means  the  case.  Our  opposition  is  at  this  time 
too  well  matured,  and  has  too  great  stability,  to  be  shaken  by  an 
accident  of  that  kind.  While  we  have  a  respectable  army  in  the 
field,  and  resources  to  feed,  clothe,  and  arm  them,  we  are  safe. 
We  have  had  a  force  sufficient  for  the  foregoing  part  of  the  cam 
paign,  to  maintain  such  a  superiority  over  the  main  army  of  the 
enemy  as  effectually  to  hinder  them  from  attaining  any  of  their 
purposes.  And,  to  the  northward,  with  the  reinforcements  sent 
up  to  succor  the  retreating  garrison  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the 
militia  flocking  in  from  New  England,  I  think  there  is  little 
doubt  we  have  by  this  time  a  force  adequate  to  give  Mr.  Bur- 
goyne  a  seasonable  check.  One  good  effect  will  result  from  the 
misfortune,  which  is,  that  it  will  stimulate  the  eastern  States  to 
greater  exertions  than  they  might  otherwise  make. 

By  our  last  advices,  the  enemy  were  in  possession  of  all  the 
country  between  Ticonderoga  and  Fort  George  ;  and  our  army, 
nearly  equal  in  number  to  them,  were  about  to  take  post  some 
where  between  Fort  Edward  and  Saratoga. 

The  consequences  of  this  northern  affair  will  depend  much 
upon  the  part  that  Howe  acts.  If  he  were  to  co-operate  with 
Burgoyne,  it  would  demand  our  utmost  efforts  to  counteract 
them.  But  if  he  should  go  towards  the  southward,  all  or  most 
of  the  advantages  of  Burgoyne's  success  will  be  lost.  He  will 
either  be  obliged  to  content  himself  with  the  possession  of  Ticon 
deroga,  and  the  dependent  fortresses,  and  with  carrying  on  a 
partisan  war  the  rest  of  the  campaign ;  or  he  must  precipitate 
himself  into  certain  ruin,  by  attempting  to  advance  into  the 
country  with  a  very  incompetent  force. 


^ET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  33 

Appearances  lead  us  to  suppose  that  Howe  is  fool  enough  to 
meditate  a  southern  expedition ;  for  he  has  now  altered  his  sta 
tion  at  Staten  Island,  mentioned  above,  and  has  fallen  down  to 
the  Hook.  Judging  it  morally  certain  that  there  would  be  a  co 
operation  of  the  two  armies,  we  thought  it  expedient  to  march 
northerly ;  and  had  accordingly  reached  within  fourteen  miles  of 
New  Windsor,  the  place  where  we  could  cross  the  North  River 
without  danger  or  interruption.  But  this  new  movement  of  the 
enemy's  fleet,  has  induced  us  to  return  a  few  miles,  and  make  a 
disposition  for  marching  southerly.  We  shall,  however,  be  cau 
tious  how  we  proceed  on  that  course,  lest  nothing  more  than  a 
feint  is  intended,  to  divert  us  from  the  real  object. 

If  they  go  to  the  southward  in  earnest,  they  must  have  the 
capture  of  Philadelphia  in  view ;  for  there  is  no  other  induce 
ment.  We  shall  endeavor  to  get  there  in  time  to  oppose  them ; 
and  shall  have  the  principal  part  of  the  continental  force,  and  a 
large  body  of  spirited  militia,  many  of  them,  from  their  services 
during  the  last  campaign,  pretty  well  inured  to  arms,  to  make 
the  opposition  with.  Yet  I  would  not  have  you  to  be  much 
surprised  if  Philadelphia  should  fall ;  for  the  enemy  will  doubt 
less  go  there  with  a  determination  to  succeed  at  all  hazard ;  and 
we  shall  not  be  able  to  prevent  them,  without  risking  a  general 
action,  the  expediency  of  which  will  depend  upon  circumstances. 
If  the  militia  turn  out  with  that  zeal  we  have  a  right  to  expect, 
from  their  conduct  when  the  enemy  made  their  last  experiment 
in  the  Jersies,  and  were  supposed  to  be  going  to  Philadelphia, 
we  may  do  it  without  much  inconvenience.  If  they  fall  mate 
rially  short  of  it,  we  shall  be  obliged  to  confine  ourselves  to  a 
skirmishing  opposition,  which  we  cannot  expect  will  be  effec 
tual.  It  may  be  asked,  If,  to  avoid  a  general  engagement,  we 
give  up  objects  of  the  first  importance,  what  is  to  hinder  the 
enemy  from  carrying  every  important  point,  and  ruining  us? 
My  answer  is,  that  our  hopes  are  not  placed  in  any  particular 
city  or  spot  of  ground,  but  in  the  preserving  a  good  army,  fur 
nished  with  proper  necessaries,  to  take  advantage  of  favorable 
opportunities,  and  waste  and  defeat  the  enemy  by  piecemeal. 
Every  new  post  they  take,  requires  a  new  division  of  their 

VOL.  i.  3 


34  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  Mi.  20. 


forces,  and  enables  us  to  strike  with  our  united  force  against  a 
part  of  theirs  :  and  such  is  their  present  situation,  that  another 
Trenton  affair  will  amount  to  a  complete  victory  on  our  part  ;  for 
they  are  at  too  low  an  ebb  to  bear  another  stroke  of  the  kind. 
Perhaps,  before  I  may  have  an  opportunity  of  sending  this,  facts 
will  unfold  what  I  am  now  endeavoring  to  anticipate  by  con 
jecture. 

You  will  expect  some  animadversions  on  the  temper  and 
views  of  the  French  nation.  I  presume  you  are  nearly  as  well 
acquainted  with  the  assistance  they  are  giving  us  as  I  am,  both 
by  their  intrigues  in  foreign  courts,  and  by  supplies  of  every 
kind  of  warlike  stores  and  apparatus. 

It  does  not  admit  of  a  doubt  that  they  are  interested  to  wish 
us  success  ;  .  and  their  conduct  plainly  shows,  they  are  willing  to 
give  us  every  aid  essential  to  our  preservation.  But  it  is  natural 
they  should  desire  to  do  it  with  as  much  convenience  to  them 
selves  as  they  can.  I  apprehend  they  are  not  over  fond  of 
plunging  themselves  into  a  war  with  England  if  they  can  avoid 
it,  and  still  answer  the  end  they  have  to  pursue  :  and,  indeed, 
from  the  evident  reluctance  shown  on  the  part  of  the  latter,  to 
do  any  thing  that  may  bring  about  such  an  event,  it  becomes 
extremely  difficult  to  draw  her  into  it.  The  conclusion  we  may 
make,  is,  that  France  will  not  wish  to  force  England  into  a  war, 
unless  she  finds  our  affairs  require  it  absolutely  ;  and  England 
will  not  enter  into  one,  till  she  is  compelled  to  do  it. 

My  best  respects  to  all  friends  ;  and  I  beg  you  will  believe 
me  to  be,  with  unabated  regard, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 
A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGEESS. 

Sept,  18,  1777. 
SIK: 

If  Congress  have  not  left  Philadelphia,  they  ought  to   do 
it  immediately  without  fail ;  for  the  enemy  have  the  means  of 


jET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  35 

throwing  a  party  this  night  into  the  city.  I  just  now  passed  the 
Valley  Ford — in  doing  which  a  party  of  the  enemy  came  down 
and  fired  upon  us  in  the  boat,  by  which  means  I  lost  my  horse — 
one  man  was  killed,  and  another  wounded.  The  boats  were 
abandoned,  and  will  fall  into  their  hands.  I  did  all  I  could  to 
prevent  this,  but  to  no  purpose. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  much  respect, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Hon.  John  Hancock. 


TO  THE  HONOEABLE  JOHN  HANCOCK,   PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

September  18,  1777,  9  o'clock  at  night. 
SIR: 

I  did  myself  the  honor  to  write  you  a  hasty  line  this  evening, 
giving  it  as  my  opinion,  that  the  city  was  no  longer  a  place  of 
safety  for  you.  I  write  you  again,  lest  that  letter  should  not 
get  to  hand.  The  enemy  are  on  the  road  to  Swedes  Ford,  the 
main  body  about  four  miles  from  it.  They  sent  a  party  this 
evening  to  Daviser's  ferry,  which  fired  upon  me  and  some  others 
in  crossing  it,  killed  one  man,  wounded  another,  and  disabled 
my  horse. 

They  came  on  so  suddenly,  that  one  boat  was  left  adrift  on 
the  other  side,  which  will  of  course  fall  into  their  hands ;  and, 
by  the  help  of  that,  they  will  get  possession  of  another,  which 
was  abandoned  by  those  who  had  the  direction  of  it,  and  left 
afloat,  in  spite  of  every  thing  that  I  could  do  to  the  contrary. 
These  two  boats  will  convey  fifty  men  across  at  a  time,  so  that 
in  a  few  hours  they  may  throw  over  a  large  party,  perhaps  suf 
ficient  to  overmatch  the  militia  who  may  be  between  them  and 
the  city.  This  renders  the  situation  of  Congress  extremely  pre 
carious,  if  they  are  not  on  their  guard:  my  apprehensions  for 
them  are  great,  though  it  is  not  improbable  they  may  not  be 
realized. 


36  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  20. 

The  most  cogent  reasons  oblige  me  to  join  the  army  this  night, 
or  I  should  have  waited  upon  you  myself.  I  am  in  hopes  our 
army  will  be  up  with  the  enemy  before  they  pass  Schuylkill :  if 
they  are,  something  serious  will  ensue. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  much  respect, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  THE  PKESLDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

PHILADELPHIA,  22d  September,  1777. 

SIR: 

I  left  camp  last  evening,  and  came  to  this  city  to  superintend 
the  collection  of  blankets  and  clothing  for  the  army.  Mr.  Lovell 
sends  to  inform  me  there  is  an  express  going  off  to  Congress ; 
and  I  do  myself  the  honor  to  communicate  a  brief  state  of  things 
when  I  left  camp.  The  enemy  moved  yesterday,  from  where 
they  lay  opposite  to  Valley  Forge,  &c.,  higher  up  the  river,  on 
their  old  scheme  of  gaining  our  right.  I  don't  know  precisely 
where  they  halted ;  but  our  army  was  preparing  to  move  up  also, 
to  counteract  them. 

I  am  this  morning  told,  they  marched  about  twelve  o'clock  at 
night  for  that  purpose.  The  general  opinion  was,  that  the  ene 
my  would  attempt  crossing  this  day :  every  appearance  justified 
the  supposition. 

We  had  intelligence  that  the  enemy  had,  the  night  before 
last,  surprised  Generals  Smallwood  and  Wayne,  and  consequently 
dispersed  them,  after  a  small  'opposition.  The  loss,  it  is  said, 
was  not  great:  and  our  troops  were  re-assembling  fast  at  the 
Ked  Lion.  This  seems  to  have  been  a  bad  look  out,  and  is 
somewhat  disconcerting. 

By  a  letter  from  General  McDougal,  received  this  morning,  it 
appears  he  was,  on  the  twentieth,  in  the  morning,  at  Second 
Eiver,  just  setting  out  on  his  march  toward  Woodbridge.  He  is 


jET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  37 

pressing  forward  with  all  possible  expedition.     The  troops  were 
pretty  well  refreshed,  and  in  good  spirits. 

I  have,  &c., 

A.  HAMILTON. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  PHILADELPHIA  COUNTY,  30th  Oct.,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

It  having  been  judged  expedient  by  the  members  of  a  council 
of  war,  held  yesterday,  that  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  my  family 
should  be  sent  to  General  Gates,  in  order  to  lay  before  him  the 
state  of  this  army,  and  the  situation  of  the  enemy ;  and  to  point 
out  to  him  the  many  happy  consequences  that  will  accrue  from 
an  immediate  reinforcement  being  sent  from  the  northern  army ; 
I  have  thought  it  proper  to  appoint  you  to  that  duty,  and  desire 
that  you  will  immediately  set  out  for  Albany ;  at  which  place,  or 
in  the  neighborhood,  I  imagine  you  will  find  General  Gates. 

You  are  so  fully  acquainted  with  the  principal  points  on 
which  you  are  sent,  namely,  the  state  of  our  army,  and  the  situ 
ation  of  the  enemy,  that  I  shall  not  enlarge  on  those  heads. 
What  you  are  chiefly  to  attend  to,  is  to  point  out,  in  the  clearest 
and  fullest  manner,  to  General  Gatels,  the  absolute  necessity  that 
there  is  for  his  detaching  a  very  considerable  part  of  the  army  at 
present  under  his  command,  to  the  reinforcement  of  this ;  a  mea 
sure  that  will,  in  all  probability,  reduce  General  Howe  to  the 
same  situation  in  which  General  Burgoyne  now  is,  should  he 
attempt  to  remain  in  Philadelphia  without  being  able  to  remove 
the  obstructions  in  the  Delaware,  and  open  a  free  communication 
with  his  shipping.  The  force  which  the  members  of  the  council 
of  war  judge  it  safe  and  expedient  to  draw  down  at  present,  are 
the  three  New  Hampshire  and  fifteen  Massachusetts  regiments, 
with  Lee's  and  Jackson's  two  of  the  sixteen,  additional.  But  it 
is  more  than  probable  that  General  Gates  may  have  detained 
part  of  those  troops  to  the  reduction  of  Ticonderoga,  should  the 


38  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  20. 

enemy  not  have  evacuated  it ;  or  to  the  garrisoning  it.  If  they 
should,  in  that  case  the  reinforcement  will  be  according  to  cir 
cumstances  ;  but,  if  possible,  let  it  be  made  up  to  the  same  num 
ber  out  of  other  corps.  If,  upon  your  meeting  with  General 
Gates,  you  should  find  that  he  intends,  in  consequence  of  his 
success,  to  employ  the  troops  under  his  command  upon  some 
expedition,  by  the  prosecution  of  which  the  common  cause  will 
be  more  benefited  than  by  their  being  sent  down  to  reinforce 
this  army,  it  is  not  my  wish  to  give  any  interruption  to  the  plan. 
But  if  he  should  have  nothing  more  in  contemplation  than  those 
particular  objects  which  I  have  mentioned  to  you,  and  which  it 
is  unnecessary  to  commit  to  paper ;  in  that  case  you  are  to  inform 
him,  that  it  is  my  desire  that  the  reinforcements  before  mentioned, 
or  such  parts  of  them  as  can  be  safely  spared,  be  immediately  put 
in  motion  to  join  the  army. 

I  have  understood  that  General  Gates  has  already  detached 
Nixon's  and  Glover's  brigades  to  join  General  Putnam;  and 
General  Dickinson  informs  me,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  has  come 
down  the  river  with  his  whole  force :  if  this  be  a  fact,  you  are  to 
desire  General  Putnam  to  send  the  two  brigades  forward  with 
the  greatest  expedition,  as  there  can  be  no  occasion  for  them 
there. 

I  expect  you  will  meet  Colonel  Morgan's  corps  upon  their 
way  down  :  if  you  do,  let  them  know  how  essential  their  services 
are  to  us  ;  and  desire  the  Colonel  or  commanding  officer,  to  has 
ten  their  march  as  much  as  is  consistent  with  the  health  of  the 
men  after  their  late  fatigues.  G.  W. 

P.  S.  I  ordered  the  detachment  belonging  to  General  Mc- 
Dougal's  division  to  come  forward.  If  you  meet  them,  direct 
those  belonging  to  Greene's,  Angel's,  Chandler's,  and  Duryee's 
regiments,  not  to  cross  Delaware,  but  to  proceed  to  Ked  Bank. 


.ET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  39 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

FISHKILL,  Nov.  2,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  lodged  last  night  in  the  neighborhood  of  New  Windsor. 
This  morning  early  I  met  Colonel  Morgan  with  his  corps,  about 
a  mile  from  it,  in  march  for  head  quarters.  I  told  him  the  neces 
sity  of  making  all  the  dispatch  he  could,  so  as  not  to  fatigue  his 
men  too  much,  which  he  has  promised  to  do. 

I  understood  from  Colonel  Morgan,  that  all  the  northern 
army  were  marching  down  on  both  sides  the  river,  and  would, 
probably,  be  to-morrow  at  New  Windsor  and  this  place ;  and 
that  General  Putnam  had  held  a  council  for  the  general  disposi 
tion  of  them,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  send  you  four  thousand 
men,  and  to  keep  the  rest  on  this  side  the  river.  I  came  here  in 
expectation  that  matters  were  in  such  a  train  as  to  enable  me  to 
accomplish  my  errand  without  going  any  further,  unless  it  should 
be  to  hasten  the  troops  that  were  on  their  march :  but  on  my 
arrival,  I  learned  from  Mr.  Hughes,  an  Aid-de-Camp  of  General 
Gates,  that  the  following  disposition  of  the  northern  army  had 
taken  place. 

General  Patterson's,  Glover's,  and  Nixon's  brigades,  and 
Colonel  Warner's  mountain  boys,  to  remain  in  and  about  Albany : 
barracks  building  for  them.  General  Poor's  brigade,  marching 
down  this  side  of  the  river  to  join  General  Putnam,  will  be  here 
probably  to-morrow.  General  Learned's  brigade,  Morgan's  corps, 
Warner's  brigade  of  Massachusetts  militia,  and  some  regiments 
of  New- York  militia,  on  their  march  on  the  west  side  of  the 
river. 

I  have  directed  General  Putnam,  in  your  name,  to  send  for 
ward,  with  all  dispatch,  to  join  you,  the  two  continental  bri 
gades,  and  Warner's  militia  brigade :  this  last  is  to  serve  till  the 
latter  end  of  this  month.  Your  instructions  did  not  comprehend 
any  militia :  but  as  there  are  certain  accounts  here,  that  most  of 
the  troops  from  New- York  are  gone  to  reinforce  General  Howe ; 
and  as  so  large  a  proportion  of  continental  troops  have  been  de- 


40  HAMILTON'S     WORKS.  [MT.  20. 

tained  at  Albany ;  I  concluded  you  would  not  disapprove  of  a 
measure  calculated  to  strengthen  you,  though  but  for  a  small 
time,  and  have  ventured  to  adopt  it  on  that  presumption. 

Being  informed  by  General  Putnam,  that  General  Wynds, 
with  seven  hundred  Jersey  militia,  was  at  King's  Ferry,  with  in 
tention  to  cross  to  Peekskill,  I  prevailed  upon  him  to  relinquish 
that  idea,  and  send  off  an  immediate  order  for  them  to  march 
towards  Eed  Bank.  It  is  possible,  however,  unless  your  Excel 
lency  supports  this  order  by  an  application  from  yourself,  he 
may  march  his  men  home,  instead  of  marching  them  to  the  place 
he  has  been  directed  to  repair  to. 

Neither  Lee's,  Jackson's  regiments,  nor  the  detachments  be 
longing  to  General  McDougal's  division,  have  yet  marched.  I 
have  urged  their  being  sent ;  and  an  order  has  been  dispatched 
for  their  instantly  proceeding.  Colonel  Hughes  is  pressing  some 
fresh  horses  for  me.  The  moment  they  are  ready,  I  shall  recross 
the  river,  in  order  to  fall  in  with  the  troops  on  the  other  side, 
and  make  all  the  haste  I  can  to  Albany,  to  get  the  three  brigades 
there  sent  forward. 

Will  your  Excellency  permit  me  to  observe,  that  I  have  some 
doubts,  under  present  circumstances  and  appearances,  of  the  pro 
priety  of  leaving  the  regiments  proposed  to  be  left  in  this  quar 
ter?  But  if  my  doubts  on  this  subject  were  stronger  than  they 
are,  I  am  forbid,  by  the  sense  of  council,  from  interfering  in  the 
matter. 

General  Poor's  brigade  is  just  arrived  here :  they  will  pro 
ceed  to  join  you  with  all  expedition.  So  strongly  am  I  im 
pressed  with  the  importance  of  endeavoring  to  crush  Mr.  Howe, 
that  I  am  apt  to  think  it  would  be  advisable  to  draw  off  all  the 
continental  troops.  Had  this  been  determined  on,  General  War 
ner's  sixteen  hundred  militia  might  have  been  left  here. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  the  warmest  esteem  and  respect, 
Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


^T.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  41 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

ALBANY,  November,  1777. 

DEAR  SIE  : 

I  arrived  here  yesterday  at  noon,  and  waited  upon  General 
Gates  immediately,  on  the  business  of  my  mission ;  but  was  sorry 
to  find  that  his  ideas  did  not  correspond  with  yours,  for  drawing 
off  the  number  of  troops  you  directed.  I  used  every  argument 
in  my  power,  to  convince  him  of  the  propriety  of  the  measure ; 
but  he  was  inflexible  in  the  opinion,  that  two  brigades,  at  least, 
of  continental  troops,  should  remain  in  and  near  this  place.  His 
reasons  were,  that  the  intelligence  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  having 
gone  to  join  Howe,  was  not  sufficiently  authenticated  to  put  it 
out  of  doubt ;  that  there  was,  therefore,  a  possibility  of  his  re 
turning  up  the  river,  which  might  expose  the  finest  arsenal  in 
America  (as  he  calls  the  one  here)  to  destruction,  should  this 
place  be  left  so  bare  of  troops  as  I  proposed ;  and  that  the  want 
of  conveniencies,  and  the  difficulty  of  the  roads,  would  make  it 
impossible  to  remove  artillery  and  stores  for  a  considerable  time ; 
that  the  New  England  States  would  be  left  open  to  the  depreda 
tions  and  ravages  of  the  enemy ;  that  it  would  put  it  out  of  his 
power  to  enterprise  any  thing  against  Ticonderoga,  which  he 
thinks  might  be  done  in  the  winter,  and  which  he  considers  it  of 
importance  to  undertake. 

The  force  of  these  reasons  did  by  no  means  strike  me ;  and  I 
did  every  thing  in  my  power  to  show  they  were  unsubstantial : 
but  all  I  could  effect,  was  to  have  one  brigade  dispatched,  in  ad 
dition  to  those  already  marched.  I  found  myself  infinitely  em 
barrassed,  and  was  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  I  felt  the  importance 
of  strengthening  you  as  much  as  possible:  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  I  found  insuperable  inconveniences,  in  acting  diametri 
cally  opposite  to  the  opinion  of  a  gentleman,  whose  successes 
have  raised  him  to  the  highest  importance.  General  Gates  has 
won  the  entire  confidence  of  the  Eastern  States.  If  disposed  to 
do  it,  by  addressing  himself  to  the  prejudices  of  the  people,  he 
would  find  no  difficulty  to  render  a  measure  odious,  which  it 


42  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  20. 

might  be  said,  with,  plausibility  enough  to  be  believed,  was  cal 
culated  to  expose  them  to  unnecessary  dangers,  notwithstanding 
their  exertions,  during  the  campaign,  had  given  them  the  fullest 
title  to  repose  and  security.  General  Grates  has  influence  and  inter 
est  elsewhere :  he  might  use  it,  if  he  pleased,  to  discredit  the  mea 
sure  there  also.  On  the  whole,  it  appeared  to  me  dangerous, 
to  insist  on  sending  more  troops  from  hence,  while  General  Gates 
appeared  so  warmly  opposed  to  it.  Should  any  accident,  or  in 
convenience,  happen  in  consequence  of  it,  there  would  be  too 
fair  a  pretext  for  censure :  and  many  people  are  too  well  dis 
posed  to  lay  hold  of  it.  At  any  rate,  it  might  be  considered  as 
using  him  ill,  to  take  a  step  so  contrary  to  his  judgment,  in  a 
case  of  this  nature.  These  considerations,  and  others  which  I 
shall  be  more  explicit  in  when  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you, 
determined  me  not  to  insist  upon  sending  either  of  the  other 
brigades  remaining  here.  I  am  afraid  what  I  have  done,  may 
not  meet  with  your  approbation,  as  not  being  perhaps  fully 
warranted  by  your  instructions :  but  I  ventured  to  do  what  I 
thought  right,  hoping  that,  at  least,  the  goodness  of  my  intention 
will  excuse  the  error  of  my  judgment. 

I  was  induced  to  this  relaxation  the  more  readily,  as  I  had 
directed  to  be  sent  on,  two  thousand  militia,  which  were  not  ex 
pected  by  you ;  and  a  thousand  continental  troops  out  of  those 
proposed  to  be  left  with  General  Putnam,  which  I  have  written 
to  him,  since  I  found  how  matters  were  circumstanced  here,  to 
forward  to  you  with  all  dispatch.  I  did  this  for  several  rea 
sons:  because  your  reinforcement  would  be  more  expeditious 
from  that  place  than  from  this :  because  two  thousand  continen 
tal  troops  at  Peekskill  will  not  be  wanted  in  its  present  circum 
stances  ;  especially  as  it  was  really  necessary  to  have  a  body  of 
continental  troops  at  this  place,  for  the  security  of  the  valuable 
stores  here :  and  I  should  not,  if  I  had  my  wish,  think  it  expedi 
ent  to  draw  off  more  than  two  of  the  three  brigades  now  here. 
This  being  the  case,  one  of  the  ends  you  proposed  to  be  an 
swered,  by  leaving  the  ten  regiments  with  General  Putnam,  will 
be  equally  answered  by  the  troops  here ;  I  mean  that  of  cover 
ing  and  fortifying  the  Eastern  States :  and  one  thousand  conti- 


£JT.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  43 

nental  troops  in  addition  to  the  militia  collected,  and  that  may 
be  collected,  here,  will  be  sufficient,  in  the  Highlands,  for  cover 
ing  the  country  down  that  way,  and  carrying  on  the  works  ne 
cessary  to  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  the  river. 

The  troops  gone,  and  going,  to  reinforce  you,  are  near  five 
thousand  rank  and  file,  continental  troops;  and  two  thousand 
five  hundred  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  militia.  These 
and  the  seven  hundred  Jersey  militia,  will  be  a  larger  reinforce 
ment  than  you  expected,  though  not  quite  an  equal  number  of 
continental  troops ;  nor  exactly  in  the  way  directed.  General 
Lincoln  tells  me,  the  militia  are  very  excellent;  and  though 
their  time  will  be  out  by  the  last  of  this  month,  you  will  be  able, 
if  you  think  proper,  to  order  the  troops  still  remaining  here,  to 
join  you  by  the  time  their  term  of  service  expires. 

I  cannot  forbear  being  uneasy,  lest  my  conduct  should  prove 
displeasing  to  you :  but  I  have  done  what,  considering  all  cir 
cumstances,  appeared  to  me  most  eligible  and  prudent. 

Vessels  are  preparing  to  carry  the  brigade  to  New  Windsor, 
which  will  embark  this  evening.  I  shall,  this  afternoon,  set  out 
on  iny  return  to  camp ;  and  on  my  way,  shall  endeavor  to  hasten 
the  troops  forward. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  great  esteem  and  respect, 
Your  Excellency's  most  ob't, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO   GATES. 

ALBANY,  November  5,  1777. 

Sm: 

By  inquiry,  I  have  learned  that  General  Patterson's  brigade, 
which  is  the  one  you  propose  to  send,  is  by  far  the  weakest  of 
the  three  now  here,  and  does  not  consist  of  more  than  about  six 
hundred  rank  and  file  fit  for  duty.  It  is  true,  that  there  is  a 
militia  regiment  with  it  of  about  two  hundred ;  but  the  time  of 
service  for  which  this  regiment  is  engaged,  is  so  near  expiring, 


44  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  20. 

that  it  would  be  past  by  the  time  the  men  could  arrive  at  their 
destination. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  cannot  consider  it  either  as 
compatible  with  the  good  of  the  service,  or  m  j  instructions  from 
His  Excellency  General  Washington,  to  consent  that  that  bri 
gade  be  selected  from  the  three  to  go  to  him ;  but  I  am  under  the 
necessity  of  desiring,  by  virtue  of  my  orders  from  him,  that  one 
of  the  others  be  substituted  instead  of  this ;  either  General  Nix 
on's,  or  General  Glover's ;  and  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  give 
immediate  orders  for  its  embarkation. 

Knowing  that  General  Washington  wished  me  to  pay  the 
greatest  deference  to  your  judgment,  I  ventured  so  far  to  deviate 
from  the  instructions  he  gave  me,  as  to  consent,  in  compliance 
with  your  opinion,  that  two  brigades  should  remain  here  instead 
of  one.  At  the  same  time  permit  me  to  observe,  that  I  am  not 
myself  sensible  of  the  expediency  of  keeping  more  than  one, 
with  the  detached  regiments  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  place ; 
and  that  my  ideas  coincide  with  those  gentlemen  whom  I  have 
consulted  on  the  occasion,  whose  judgment  I  have  much  more 
reliance  upon  than  on  my  own,  and  who  must  be  supposed  to 
have  a  thorough  knowledge  of  all  the  circumstances.  Their 
opinion  is,  that  one  brigade,  and  the  regiments  before  mentioned, 
would  amply  answer  the  purposes  of  this  post.  When  I  prefer 
red  your  opinion  to  other  considerations,  I  did  not  imagine  you 
would  pitch  upon  a  brigade  little  more  than  half  as  large  as  the 
others :  and  finding  this  to  be  the  case,  I  indispensably  owe  it  to 
my  duty,  to  desire,  in  His  Excellency's  name,  that  another  may 
go  instead  of  the  one  intended,  and  without  loss  of  time.  As  it 
may  be  conducive  to  dispatch,  to  send  Glover's  brigade,  if  agree 
able  to  you,  you  will  give  orders  accordingly. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  real  respect  and  esteem, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

General  Gates. 


jEi.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  45 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

NEW  WINDSOR,  November  10th,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  arrived  here  last  night  from  Albany.  Having  given  Gen 
eral  Gates  a  little  time  to  recollect  himself,  I  renewed  my  re 
monstrances  on  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  sending  you  more 
than  one  brigade  of  the  three  he  had  detained  with  him ;  and 
finally  prevailed  upon  him  to  give  orders  for  Glover's  in  addi 
tion  to  Patterson's  brigade,  to  march  this  way. 

As  it  was  thought  conducive  to  expedition,  to  send  the  troops 
by  water,  as  far  as  it  could  be  done,  I  procured  all  the  vessels 
that  could  be  had  at  Albany,  fit  for  the  purpose ;  but  could  not 
get  more  than  sufficient  to  take  Patterson's  brigade.  It  was 
embarked  the  seventh  instant ;  but  the  wind  has  been  contrary : 
they  must  probably  be  here  to-day.  General  Glover's  brigade 
marched  at  the  same  time,  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  the  roads 
being  much  better  than  on  this  side.  I  am  at  this  moment  in 
formed,  that  one  sloop,  with  a  part  of  Patterson's,  has  arrived, 
and  that  the  others  are  in  sight.  They  will  immediately  proceed, 
by  water,  to  King's  Ferry,  and  thence  take  the  shortest  route. 

I  am  pained  beyond  expression  to  inform  your  Excellency, 
that  on  my  arrival  here,  I  find  every  thing  has  been  neglected 
and  deranged  by  General  Putnam ;  and  that  the  two  brigades, 
Poor's  and  Learned's,  still  remain  here  and  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river  at  Fishkill.  Colonel  Warner's  militia,  I  am  told,  have 
been  drawn  to  Peekskill,  to  aid  in  an  expedition  against  New- 
York,  which,  it  seems,  is,  at  this  time,  the  hobby-horse  with 
General  Putnam.  Not  the  least  attention  has  been  paid  to  my 
order,  in  your  name,  for  a  detachment  of  one  thousand  men 
from  the  troops  hitherto  stationed  at  this  post.  Every  thing  is 
sacrificed  to  the  whim  of  taking  New- York. 

The  two  brigades  of  Poor  and  Learned,  it  appears,  would 
not  march  for  want  of  money  and  necessaries ;  several  of  the 
regiments  having  received  no  pay  for  six  or  eight  months  past. 
There  has  been  a  high  mutiny  among  the  former  on  this  account, 


46  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-fix.  20. 

in  which  a  captain  killed  a  man,  and  was  himself  shot  by  his 
comrade.  These  difficulties,  for  want  of  proper  management, 
have  stopped  the  troops  from  proceeding.  Governor  Clinton 
has  been  the  only  man  who  has  done  any  thing  towards  remov 
ing  them ;  but  for  want  of  General  Putnam's  co-operation,  has 
not  been  able  to  effect  it.  He  has  only  been  able  to  prevail  with 
Learned's  brigade,  to  agree  to  march  to  Goshen ;  in  hopes,  by 
getting  them  once  on  the  go,  to  induce  them  to  continue  their 
march.  On  coming  here,  I  immediately  sent  for  Colonel  Bailey, 
who  now  commands  Learned's  brigade,  and  persuaded  him  to 
engage  to  carry  the  brigade  on  to  head  quarters  as  fast  as  possi 
ble.  This  he  expects  to  effect  by  means  of  five  or  six  thousand 
dollars,  which  Governor  Clinton  was  kind  enough  to  borrow  for 
me,  and  which  Colonel  Bailey  thinks  will  keep  the  men  in  good 
humor  till  they  join  you.  They  marched  this  morning  towards 
Goshen. 

I  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  see  General  Poor,  and  do  every 
thing  in  my  power  to  get  him  along ;  and  hope  I  shall  be  able 
to  succeed. 

The  plan  I  before  laid,  having  been  totally  deranged,  a  new 
one  has  become  necessary.  It  is  now  too  late  to  send  Warner's 
militia;  by  the  time  they  reached  you,  their  term  of  service 
would  be  out.  The  motive  for  sending  them,  which  was  to  give 
you  a  speedy  reinforcement,  has,  by  the  past  delay,  been  super 
seded. 

By  Governor  Clinton's  advice,  I  have  sent  an  order,  in  the 
most  emphatical  terms,  to  General  Putnam,  immediately  to  dis 
patch  all  the  continental  troops  under  him  to  your  assistance ; 
and  to  detain  the  militia  instead  of  them. 

My  opinion  is,  that  the  only  present  use  for  troops  in  this 
quarter,  is,  to  protect  the  country  from  the  depredations  of  little 
plundering  parties  ;  and  for  carrying  on  the  works  necessary  for 
the  defence  of  the  river.  Nothing  more  ought  to  be  thought  of. 
'Tis  only  wasting  time,  and  misapplying  men,  to  employ  them  in 
a  suicidal  parade  against  New- York :  for  in  this  it  will  undoubt 
edly  terminate.  New- York  is  no  object,  if  it  could  be  taken : 
and  to  take  it,  would  require  more  men  than  could  be  spared 


^ET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  4f 

from  more  substantial  purposes.  Governor  Clinton's  ideas  coin- 
cide  with  mine.  He  thinks  that  there  is  no  need  of  more  conti 
nental  troops  here,  than  a  few  to  give  a  spur  to  the  militia  in 
working  upon  the  fortifications.  In  pursuance  of  this,  I  have 
given  the  directions  before  mentioned.  If  General  Putnam  at 
tends  to  them,  the  troops  under  him  may  be  with  you  nearly  as 
early  as  any  of  the  others  (though  he  has,  unluckily,  marched 
them  down  to  Tarrytown) ;  and  General  Glover's  brigade,  when 
it  gets  up,  will  be  more  than  sufficient  to  answer  the  true  end  of 
this  post. 

If  your  Excellency  agrees  with  me  in  opinion,  it  will  be  well 
to  send  instant  directions  to  General  Putnam,  to  pursue  the 
object  I  have  mentioned:  for  I  doubt  whether  he  will  attend  to 
any  thing  I  shall  say,  notwithstanding  it  comes  in  the  shape  of 
a  positive  order.  I  fear,  unless  you  interpose,  the  works  here 
will  go  on  so  feebly,  for  want  of  men,  that  they  will  not  be  com 
pleted  in  time :  whereas,  it  appears  to  me  of  the  greatest  im 
portance  they  should  be  pushed  with  the  utmost  vigor.  Gover 
nor  Clinton  will  do  every  thing  in  his  power.  I  wish  General 
Putnam  was  recalled  from  the  command  of  this  post,  and  Gov 
ernor  Clinton  would  accept  it :  the  blunders  and  caprices  of  the 
former  are  endless.  Believe  me,  Sir,  nobody  can  be  more  im 
pressed  with  the  importance  of  forwarding  the  reinforcements 
coming  to  you,  with  all  speed ;  nor  could  any  body  have  endea 
vored  to  promote  it  more  than  I  have  done :  but  the  ignorance  of 
some,  and  the  design  of  others,  have  been  almost  insuperable 
obstacles.  I  am  very  unwell ;  but  I  shall  not  spare  myself  to 
get  things  immediately  in  a  proper  train ;  and  for  that  purpose 
intend,  unless  I  receive  other  orders  from  you,  to  continue  with 
the  troops  in  the  progress  of  their  march.  As  soon  as  I  get 
General  Poor's  brigade  in  march,  I  shall  proceed  to  General 
Putnam's  at  Peekskill. 

I  have,  &c., 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 
His  Excellency,  General  Washington. 


48  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  20. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

NEW  WINDSOR,  November  12,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  been  detained  here  these  two  days  by  a  fever,  and 
violent  rheumatic  pains  throughout  my  body.  This  has  pre 
vented  my  being  active,  in  person,  for  promoting  the  purposes  of 
my  errand ;  but  I  have  taken  every  other  method  in  my  power, 
in  which  Governor  Clinton  has  obligingly  given  me  all  the  aid  he 
could.  In  answer  to  my  pressing  application  to  General  Poor, 
for  the  immediate  marching  of  his  brigade,  I  was  told  they  were 
under  an  operation  for  the  itch ;  which  made  it  impossible  for 
them  to  proceed  till  the  effects  of  it  were  over.  By  a  letter, 
however,  of  yesterday,  General  Poor  informs  me,  he  would 
certainly  march  this  morning.  I  must  do  him  the  justice  to  say, 
he  appears  solicitous  to  join  you;  and  that  I  believe  the  past 
delay  is  not  owing  to  any  fault  of  his,  but  is  wholly  chargeable 
on  General  Putnam.  Indeed,  Sir,  I  owe  it  to  the  service  to  say, 
that  every  part  of  this  gentleman's  conduct  is  marked  with 
blunder  and  negligence,  and  gives  general  disgust. 

Parsons'  brigade  will  join  you,  I  hope,  in  five  or  six  days 
from  this.  Learned's  may  do  the  same.  Poor's  will,  I  am  per 
suaded,  make  all  the  haste  they  can  for  the  future.  And  Glover's 
may  be  expected  at  Fishkill  to-night ;  whence  they  will  be 
pressed  forward  as  fast  as  I  can  have  any  influence  to  make 
them  go.  But  I  am  sorry  to  say,  the  disposition  for  marching, 
in  the  officers  and  men  in  general,  of  these  troops,  does  not  keep 
pace  with  my  wishes,  or  the  exigency  of  the  occasion.  They 
have,  unfortunately,  imbibed  an  idea,  that  they  have  done  their 
part  of  the  business  of  the  campaign,  and  are  now  entitled  to 
repose.  This,  and  the  want  of  pay,  make  them  averse  to  a  long 
march  at  this  advanced  season. 

*  *  *  In  a  letter  from  General  Putnam,  just  now  received  by 
Governor  Clinton,  he  appears  to  have  been,  the  10th  instant,  at 
King's  Street,  at  the  "White  Plains.  I  have  had  no  answer  to 
my  last  applications.  The  enemy  appear  to  have  stripped  New- 


jEi.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  49 

York  very  bare.  The  people  there,  that  is,  the  tories,  are  in  a 
great  fright :  this  adds  to  my  anxiety,  that  the  reinforcements 
from  this  quarter  to  you  are  not  in  greater  forwardness  and  more 
considerable. 

I  have  written  to  General  Gates,  informing  him  of  the  ac 
counts  of  the  situation  of  New- York  with  respect  to  troops,  and 
the  probability  of  the  force  gone  to  Howe  being  greater  than  was 
at  first  expected ;  to  try  if  this  will  not  extort  from  him  a  further 
reinforcement.  I  don't,  however,  expect  much  from  him ;  as  he 
pretends  to  have  in  view  an  expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  to 
be  undertaken  in  the  winter:  and  he  knows  that,  under  the 
sanction  of  this  idea,  calculated  to  catch  the  eastern  people,  he 
may,  without  censure,  retain  the  troops.  And  as  I  shall  be 
under  a  necessity  of  speaking  plainly  to  your  Excellency,  when 
I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to  say,  I 
doubt  whether  you  would  have  had  a  man  from  the  northern 
army,  if  the  whole  could  have  been  kept  at  Albany  with  any 
decency.  Perhaps  you  will  think  me  blamable  in  not  having 
exercised  the  powers  you  gave  me,  and  given  a  positive  order. 
Perhaps  I  have  been  so :  but,  deliberately  weighing  all  circum 
stances,  I  did  not,  and  do  not,  think  it  advisable  to  do  it. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  unfeigned  esteem  and  regard, 

Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO   GATES. 

FISHKILL,  November  12,  1777. 

SIK: 

Ever  since  my  arrival  in  this  quarter,  I  have  been  endeavor 
ing  to  collect  the  best  idea  I  could  of  the  state  of  things  in  New- 
York,  in  order  the  better  to  form  a  judgment  of  the  probable 
reinforcement  gone  to  General  Howe.  On  the  whole,  this  is  a 
fact  well  ascertained,  that  New-York  has  been  stripped  as  bare 
VOL.  i.  4 


50  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-fir.  20. 

as  possible :  that  in  consequence  of  this,  the  few  troops  there,  and 
the  inhabitants,  are  under  so  strong  apprehensions  of  an  attack, 
as  almost  to  amount  to  a  panic  ;  that  to  supply  the  deficiency  of 
men,  every  effort  is  making  to  excite  the  citizens  to  arms  for  the 
defence  of  the  city.  For  this  purpose,  the  public  papers  are  full 
of  addresses  to  them,  that  plainly  speak  the  apprehensions  pre 
vailing  on  the  occasion. 

Hence  I  infer,  that  a  formidable  force  is  gone  to  General 
Howe.  The  calculations  made  by  those  who  have  had  the  best 
opportunities  of  judging,  carry  the  number  from  six  to  seven 
thousand.  If  so,  the  number  gone,  and  going,  to  General  Wash 
ington,  is  far  inferior ;  five  thousand  at  the  utmost.  The  militia 
were  all  detained  by  General  Putnam  till  it  became  too  late  to 
send  them. 

The  state  of  things  I  gave  you  when  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  you,  was,  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  sacredly  true.  I 
give  you  the  present  information,  that  you  may  decide,  whether 
any  further  succor  can  with  propriety  come  from  you. 

The  fleet,  with  the  troops  on  board,  sailed  out  of  the  Hook 
on  the  fifth  instant.  This  circumstance  demonstrates,  beyond  the 
possibility  of  doubt,  that  it  is  General  Howe's  fixed  intention  to 
endeavor  to  hold  Philadelphia  at  all  hazards ;  and  removes  all 
danger  of  any  further  operations  up  the  North  River  this  winter. 
Otherwise,  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  movement,  at  this  advanced  sea 
son,  is  altogether  inexplicable. 

If  you  can  with  propriety  afford  any  further  assistance,  the 
most  expeditious  manner  of  conveying  it  will  be  to  acquaint 
General  Putnam  of  it,  that  he  may  send  on  the  troops  with  him, 
to  be  replaced  by  them.  You,  Sir,  best  know  the  uses  to  which 
the  troops  with  you  are  to  be  applied,  and  will  determine  accord 
ingly.  I  am  certain  it  is  not  His  Excellency's  wish  to  frustrate 
any  plan  you  may  have  in  view  for  the  benefit  of  the  service,  so 
far  as  it  can  possibly  be  avoided,  consistent  with  a  due  attention 
to  more  important  objects. 

I  am,  with  respect,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON,  A.  D.  C. 
To  General  Gates. 


JET.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  51 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PEEKSKILL,  Nov.  15,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  arrived  at  this  place  last  night,  and  unfortunately  find  my 
self  unable  to  proceed  any  further.  Imagining  I  had  gotten  the 
better  of  my  complaint,  which  confined  me  at  Governor  Clinton's, 
and  anxious  to  be  about  attending  to  the  march  of  the  troops,  the 
day  before  yesterday  I  crossed  the  ferry,  in  order  to  fall  in  with 
General  Glover's  brigade,  which  was  on  its  march  from  Pough- 
keepsie  to  Fishkill.  I  did  not,  however,  see  it  myself,  but 
received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Shepherd,  who  commands  the 
frigate,  informing  me  he  would  be  last  night  at  Fishkill,  and  this 
night  at  King's  ferry.  Wagons,  &c.,  are  provided  on  the  other 
side  for  his  accommodation ;  so  that  there  need  be  no  delay  but 
what  is  voluntary ;  and  I  believe  Colonel  Shepherd  is  as  well 
disposed  as  could  be  wished  to  hasten  his  march.  General  Poor's 
brigade  crossed  the  ferry  the  day  before  yesterday.  Two  York 
regiments,  Courtland's  and  Livingston's,  are  with  them:  they 
were  unwilling  to  be  separated  from  the  brigade,  and  the  brigade 
from  them.  General  Putnam  was  unwilling  to  keep  them  with 
him :  and  if  he  had  consented  to  do  it,  the  regiments  to  displace 
them  would  not  join  you  six  days  as  soon  as  these.  The  troops 
now  remaining  with  General  Putnam  will  amount  to  about  the 
number  you  intended,  though  they  are  not  exactly  the  same. 
He  has  detached  Colonel  Charles  Webb's  regiment  to  you.  He 
says  the  troops  with  him  are  not  in  a  condition  to  march,  being 
destitute  of  shoes,  stockings,  and  other  necessaries :  but  I  believe 
the  true  reasons  of  his  being  unwilling  to  pursue  the  mode 
pointed  out  by  you,  were  his  aversion  to  the  York  troops,  and 
his  desire  to  retain  General  Parsons  with  him. 

I  am,  with  much  respect  and  esteem, 
Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  General  Washington. 


52  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mr.  20. 

WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  November  15,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  duly  received  your  several  favors,  from  the  time  you 
left  me  to  that  of  the  twelfth  instant.  I  approve  entirely  of  all 
the  steps  you  have  taken  ;  and  have  only  to  wish,  that  the  ex 
ertions  of  those  you  have  had  to  deal  with,  had  kept  pace  with 
your  zeal  and  good  intentions.  I  hope  your  health  will,  before 
this,  have  permitted  you  to  push  on  the  rear  of  the  whole  rein 
forcement  beyond  New  Windsor.  Some  of  the  enemy's  ships 
have  arrived  in  the  Delaware ;  but  how  many  have  troops  on 
board,  I  cannot  exactly  ascertain.  The  enemy  have  lately  dam 
aged  Fort  Miflin  considerably :  but  our  people  keep  possession, 
and  seem  determined  to  do  so  to  the  last  extremity.  Our  loss  in 
men  has  been  but  small.  Captain  Treat  is  unfortunately  among 
the  killed.  I  wish  you  a  safe  return, 

And  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON/ 

Lt.  Col.  Hamilton. 


HUGH  KNOX  TO  HAMILTON. 

ST.  CROIX,  December  10,  1777- 

DEAR  HAMILTON: 

The  fine,  impartial,  laconic,  and  highly  descriptive  account 
you  favored  me  with  of  the  last  year's  campaign,  in  your  letter 
of  March  last,  excited  in  me,  and  many  of  your  other  friends 
here,  an  earnest  desire  of  further  accounts  from  your  pen,  of  the 
succeeding  fortunes  of  the  Great  American  War :  a  war  which 
will,  one  day,  shine  more  illustriously  in  the  historic  page,  than 
any  which  has  happened  since  the  times  of  ISTimrod  and  the 
Giants ;  and  deservedly,  on  account  of  the  goodness  of  the  cause, 
the  grandeur  of  the  object,  the  eclat  of  the  Generals,  the  bravery 
of  the  troops — and  (alas !  that  I  should  be  obliged  to  add)  of 


^ET.20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  53 

the  cruelty  and  ferocity  which  has  marked  the  route  of  your 
enemies  ;  and  the  tons  of  brothers'  blood  which  have  been  shed 
on  the  unhappy  occasion  ! 

I  wrote  two  answers  to  your  obliging  letter,  both  of  which  I 
hope  have  reached  you ;  and  in  both  of  which  I  have  urged  it 
upon  you,  to  make  and  collect  such  memoirs  as  the  urgency  of 
your  affairs  will  permit  you ;  which  may  furnish  materials  for 
an  accurate  history  of  the  war,  when  you  shall  have  leisure  to 
fill  up  and  embellish  such  a  skeleton,  with  all  that  elegance  and 
dignity  of  which  your  fine  pen  is  capable. 

The  honorable  post  you  hold  under  the  GEEAT  General 
Washington,  and  so  near  his  person,  will  give  you  a  peculiar 
advantage  for  delineating  his  character,  both  in  his  amiable  pri 
vate  virtues,  and  military  abilities.  And  depend  upon  it,  the 
very  minutiae  of  that  incomparable  man  will  be  read  with  avidity 
by  posterity.  You  know  me  too  well,  I  hope,  to  suspect  me  of 
superstition ;  yet  I  feel  myself,  at  times,  under  a  strong  impulse 
to  prophesy,  that  Washington  was  born  for  the  deliverance  of 
America — that  that  Providence  who  has  raised  and  trained  him 
up  for  that  very  purpose,  will  watch  over  his  scared  life  with  a 
paternal  and  solicitous  care ;  will  shield  his  head  in  every  day  of 
battle — will  give  him  to  see  America  free,  flourishing,  and  happy — 
and  will  adorn  his  fame,  among  latest  posterity,  with  a  Garland  of 
Laurel,  more  verdant,  blooming,  and  enviable,  than  ever  adorned 
the  brow  of  a  Marlborough  ! 

The  bearer  of  this  line  (if  he  should  be  indeed  so  fortunate 
as  to  put  it  into  your  hand)  is  our  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Cornelius 
Durant,  who  is  possessed  of  an  ardent  desire  of  having  the 
honor  of  a  short  interview  with  General  Washington;  princi 
pally,  that  he  may  have  it  to  say,  that  he  has  seen  and  spoken 
to  the  greatest  man  of  this  Age :  and,  indeed,  considering  Mr.  Du- 
rant's  personal  worth ;  his  uncommon  zeal  for,  and  attachment 
to,  the  American  cause ;  the  losses  he  has  sustained  in  attempt 
ing  to  assist  her ;  and  his  extraordinary  admiration  of,  and  love 
to,  the  General's  character  and  person ;  few  men  more  richly 
merit  this  indulgence.  If  you  still  exist,  and  exist  near  the 
General's  person  (and  I  have  not  yet  seen  your  name  among  the 


54  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  20. 

lists  of  the  slain  or  the  -Hisgraced),  you  can  easily  procure  him 
this  honor — and  I  trust  you  will. 

We  are  now  blessed  with,  and  certified  of,  the  glorious  news 
of  Burgoyne's  surrender  to  the  immortal  GATES  ;  another  bright 
star  in  the  Constellation  of  American  Heroes  :  and  we  are  mo 
mently  expecting  to  hear,  that  General  "Washington  has  done 
something  like  the  same  by  General  Howe !  But  we  yet  tremble 
in  suspense — and  it  is  indeed  a  painful  one.  Probably  before  this 
letter  goes,  we  shall  hear  more  of  the  matter.  Our  general 
accounts  are  favorable :  and  while  the  Chevaux  de  frize  are  de 
fended,  we  have  no  fears  about  Philadelphia.  May  this  cam 
paign  decide  the  matter! 

By  the  time  this  reaches  you,  you  will  be  (if  you  are  at  all) 
in  winter  quarters ;  and  perhaps  may  be  at  leisure  to  write  me  a 
half  folio,  of  which  Mr.  Durant  will  take  care  to  write  me  dupli 
cates  or  triplicates,  for  fear  of  miscarriage. 

A  piece  of  mine,  entitled  "  An  Address  to  America,  by  a 
friend  in  a  foreign  government,"  has  been  sent  to  the  Congress 
for  publication  (if  approved).  I  know  not  yet  its  fate.  It  is,  at 
least,  an  honestly  designed  and  animating  piece,  but  written 
incorrectly,  and  in  a  hurry.  If  you  have  seen  it,  pray  give  me 
your  sentiments  about  it ;  but  let  it  be  on  a  loose  paper  inclosed 
in  your  letter ;  for  the  knowledge  of  my  being  the  author  must 
be  a  profound  secret  here. 

My  wishes  are,  that  the  God  of  Armies  may  defend  and 
protect  you,  and  cause  you  happily  to  survive,  and  to  hand  down 
to  posterity  the  present  important  scenes.     Numbers  here  esteem 
you,  and  would  join  me  in  declaring  themselves,  as  I  do, 
Dear  Hamilton, 

Your  ever  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

HUGH  KNOX. 


.  20.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  55 


CLINTON  TO   HAMILTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  28th  December,  1777. 

DEAE  SIR: 

I  was  favored  with,  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  22d  in 
stant,  some  days  since,  and  returned  a  short  answer  to  it  by  the 
express  who  brought  it ;  but  as  I  have  reason  to  believe  you  had 
left  Peekskill  before  he  got  there,  I  conclude  my  letter  has  not 
been  received.  I  have  not  a  doubt  but  that  there  have  been 
such  unjust  and  dishonorable  practices  committed  on  the  inhab 
itants  as  you  mention ;  nor  have  I  reason  to  believe  they  were 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  commanding  officer  of  the  Depart 
ment.  Complaints  have  been  exhibited  to  him  of  cattle,  the 
property  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  State,  living  near  Col.  Kobin- 
son's,  being  drove  off  by  parties  of  the  continental  troops,  and 
sold  at  vendue  in  New  England,  without  any  account  being  ren 
dered  to  the  proprietors ;  and,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  an 
officer  with  a  party,  took  sundry  articles  from  Kobinson's,  sent 
them  off  and  sold  them  in  like  manner  in  Connecticut,  and  has 
not  accounted  with  the  States  for  the  proceeds.  Of  this  I  in 
formed  General  Putnam,  and  desired  that  an  inquiry  might  be 
made  into  the  conduct  of  the  officer  commanding  the  party,  to 
which  I  was  more  particularly  induced,  as  I  found  he  had  given 
an  order  on  the  Quarter-Master  General  for  the  payment  of  the 
teams  employed  in  carrying  off  those  effects ;  but  I  have  reason 
to  believe  he  has  had  no  regard  to  my  request.  Of  this  I  am 
fully  convinced,  that  the  soldiery  claim  as  lawful  prize  every 
thing  they  take  within  the  enemy's  lines,  though  the  property  of 
our  best  friends,  and  whatever  is  taken  beyond  our  advanced 
posts,  by  a  generous  construction,  comes  within  the  above  pre 
dicament.  On  this  principle  the  several  articles  taken  at  and 
near  Robinson's  were  sold  because  the  enemy's  shipping  were 
then  in  the  river  near  that  place;  and  on  the  same  principle 
indiscriminate  plunder  might  have  taken  place  on  both  sides  of 
the  river  as  high  up  as  the  manor  of  Livingston.  Little  good 
can  be  expected  of  an  army  whose  interest  it  is  to  suffer  a 


56  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  21. 

country  to  be  abandoned  to  the  enemy,  thereby  to  justify  plun 
dering  the  inhabitants.  Perhaps,  and  I  don't  know  that  it  would 
be  uncharitable  to  suppose,  that  it  is  this  trade  that  makes  some 
people  so  very  fond  of  little  expeditions. 

I  have  long  thought  to  ascertain  these  facts,  and  seek  redress 
not  only  for  the  parties  immediately  injured,  but  the  public; 
but  my  time  has  been  so  fully  employed  of  late  about  other 
matters  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  neglect  it. 

x  #•##### 

May  I  expect  a  line  from  you  whenever  you  have  leisure ; 
be  assured  it  will  always  be  most  kindly  received,  though  per 
haps  not  quite  so  punctually  answered  by 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  CLINTON. 
My  respects  to  Capt.  Gibbs  and  young  Livingston. 


HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM    DUER,   M.  C. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  take  the  liberty  to  trouble  you  with  a  few  hints  on  a  matter 
of  some  importance.  Baron  Steuben,  who  will  be  the  bearer  of 
this,  waits  on  Congress  to  have  his  office*  arranged  upon  some 
decisive  and  permanent  footing.  It  will  not  be  amiss  to  be  on 
your  guard.  The  Baron  is  a  gentleman  for  whom  I  have  a  par 
ticular  esteem;  and  whose  zeal,  intelligence,  and  success,  the 
consequence  of  both,  entitle  him  to  the  greatest  credit.  But  I 
am  apprehensive,  with  all  his  good  qualities,  a  fondness  for 
power  and  importance,  natural  to  every  man,  may  lead  him  to 
wish  for  more  extensive  prerogatives  in  his  department  than  it 
will  be  for  the  good  of  the  service  to  grant.  I  should  be  sorry 
to  excite  any  prejudice  against  him  on  this  account :  perhaps  I 
may  be  mistaken  in  my  conjecture.  The  caution  I  give  will  do 

*  Inspector-General  of  the  Army. 


jEi.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  57 

no  harm  if  I  am :  if  I  am  not,  it  may  be  useful.  In  either  case, 
the  Baron  deserves  to  be  considered  as  a  valuable  man,  and 
treated  with  all  the  deference  which  good  policy  will  warrant. 

On  the  first  institution  of  this  office,  the  General  allowed 
him  to  exercise  more  ample  powers  than  would  be  proper  for  a 
continuance.  They  were  necessary  in  the  commencement,  to 
put  things  in  a  train  with  a  degree  of  dispatch  which  the  exi 
gency  of  our  affairs  required :  but  it  has  been  necessary  to  re 
strain  them,  even  earlier  than  was  intended.  The  novelty  of 
the  office  excited  questions  about  its  boundaries ;  the  extent  of 
its  operations  alarmed  the  officers  of  every  rank  for  their  own 
rights.  Their  jealousies  and  discontents  were  rising  fast  to  a 
height  that  threatened  to  overturn  the  whole  plan.  It  became 
necessary  to  apply  a  remedy.  The  General  has  delineated  the 
functions  of  the  Inspectorship  in  general  orders,  a  copy  of  which 
will  be  sent  to  Congress.  The  plan  is  good,  and  satisfactory  to 
the  army  in  general. 

It  may  be  improved,  but  it  will  be  unsafe  to  deviate  essen 
tially  from  it.  It  is  of  course  the  General's  intention,  that 
whatever  regulations  are  adopted  by  him,  should  undergo  the 
revision,  and  receive  the  sanction,  of  Congress :  but  it  is  indis 
pensable,  in  the  present  state  of  our  army,  that  he  should  have 
the  power,  from  time  to  time,  to  introduce  and  authorize  the 
reformations  necessary  in  our  system.  It  is  a  work  which  must 
be  done  by  occasional  and  gradual  steps ;  and  ought  to  be  in 
trusted  to  a  person  on  the  spot,  who  is  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  all  our  defects,  and  has  judgment  sufficient  to  adopt  the 
progressive  remedies  they  require.  The  plan  established  by 
Congress,  on  a  report  of  the  Board  of  War  when  Conway  was 
appointed,  appears  to  me  exceptionable  in  many  respects.  It 
makes  the  Inspector  independent  of  the  Commander-in-chief; 
confers  powers  which  would  produce  universal  opposition  in  the 
army ;  and,  'by  making  the  previous  concurrence  of  the  Board 
of  War  requisite  to  the  introduction  of  every  regulation  which 
should  be  found  necessary,  opens  such  a  continual  source  of 
delay  as  would  defeat  the  usefulness  of  the  institution.  Let  the 
Commander-in-chief  introduce,  and  the  legislature  afterwards 


58  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  21. 

ratify,  or  reject,  as  they  shall  think  proper.  Perhaps  you  will 
not  differ  much  from  me,  when  I  suppose,  that  so  far  as  relates 
to  the  Board  of  War,  the  former  scheme  was  a  brat  of  faction, 
and  therefore  ought  to  be  renounced. 

There  is  one  thing  which  the  Baron  has  much  at  heart, 
which,  in  good  policy,  he  can  by  no  means  be  indulged  in :  it  is 
the  power  of  enforcing  that  part  of  discipline  which  we  under 
stand  by  subordination,  or  an  obedience  to  orders.  This  power 
can  only  be  properly  lodged  with  the  Commander-in-chief,  and 
would  inflame  the  whole  army  if  put  into  other  hands.  Each 
Captain  is  vested  with  it  in  his  company ;  each  Colonel  in  his 
regiment :  each  General  in  his  particular  command :  and  the 
Commander-in-chief  in  the  whole. 

When  I  began  this  letter,  I  did  not  intend  to  meddle  with 
any  other  subject  than  the  Inspectorship ;  but  one  just  comes 
into  my  head  which  appears  to  me  of  no  small  importance.  The 
goodness,  or  force,  of  an  army,  depends  as  much,  perhaps  more, 
on  the  composition  of  the  corps  which  form  it,  as  on  its  collec 
tive  number.  The  composition  is  good  or  bad,  not  only  accord 
ing  to  the  quality  of  the  men,  but  in '  proportion  to  the  com 
pleteness  or  incompleteness  of  a  corps  in  respect  to  numbers. 
A  regiment,  for  instance,  with  a  full  complement  of  officers,  and 
fifty  or  sixty  men,  is  not  half  so  good  as  a  company  with  the 
same  number  of  men.  A  Colonel  will  look  upon  such  a  com 
mand  as  unworthy  his  ambition,  and  will  neglect  and  despise  it : 
a  Captain  would  pride  himself  in  it,  and  take  all  the  pains  in 
his  power  to  bring  it  to  perfection.  In  one  case  we  shall  see  a 
total  relaxation  of  discipline,  and  negligence  of  every  thing  that 
constitutes  military  excellence:  in  the  other,  there  will  be  at 
tention,  energy,  and  every  thing  that  can  be  wished.  Opinion, 
whether  well  or  ill-founded,  is  the  governing  principle  of  human 
affairs.  A  corps  much  below  its  establishment,  comparing  what 
it  is  with  what  it  ought  to  be,  loses  all  confidence  in  itself;  and 
the  whole  army  loses  that  confidence  and  emulation  which  are 
essential  to  success.  These,  and  a  thousand  other  things  that 
will  occur  to  you,  make  it  evident,  that  the  most  important 
advantages  attend  the  having  complete  corps,  and  proportional 


JET.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  59 

disadvantages  the  reverse.  Ten  thousand  men,  distributed  into 
twenty  imperfect  regiments,  will  not  have  the  efficiency  of  the 
same  number  in  half  the  number  of  regiments.  The  fact  is, 
with  respect  to  the  American  army,  that  the  want  of  discipline, 
and  other  defects  we  labor  under,  are  as  much  owing  to  the 
skeleton  state  of  our  regiments  as  to  any  other  cause.  What 
then? 

Have  we  any  prospect  of  filling  our  regiments  ?  My  opinion  is, 
that  we  have  nearly  arrived  to  our  ne  plus  ultra.  If  so,  we  ought 
to  reduce  the  number  of  corps,  and  give  them  that  substance  and 
consistency  which  they  want,  by  incorporating  them  together,  so 
as  to  bring  them  near  their  establishment.  By  this  measure 
the  army  would  be  infinitely  improved ;  and  the  State  would 
be  saved  the  expense  of  maintaining  a  number  of  superfluous 
officers. 

In  the  present  condition  of  our  regiments,  they  are  incapable 
even  of  performing  their  common  exercises  without  joining  two 
or  more  together :  an  expedient  reluctantly  submitted  to  by 
those  officers  who  see  themselves  made  second  in  command  of  a 
battalion,  instead  of  first,  as  their  commission  imports;  which 
happens  to  every  younger  Colonel  whose  regiment  is  united  with 
that  of  an  elder. 

What  would  be  the  inconveniencies,  while  the  officers  who 
remain  in  command,  and  who  might  be  selected  from  the  others 
on  account  of  superior  merit,  would  applaud  themselves  in  the 
preference  given  them,  and  rejoice  at  a  change  which  confers 
such  additional  consequence  on  themselves  ? 

Those  who  should  be  excluded  by  the  measure,  would  return 
home  discontented,  and  make  a  noise,  which  would  soon  subside 
and  be  forgotten  among  matters  of  greater  moment.  To  quiet 
them  still  more  effectually,  if  it  should  be  thought  necessary, 
they  might  be  put  upon  half-pay  for  a  certain  time. 

If,  on  considering  this  matter,  you  should  agree  with  me  in 
sentiment,  it  were  to  be  wished  the  scheme  could  be  immediately 
adopted,  while  the  arrangement  now  in  hand  is  still  unexecuted. 
If  it  is  made,  it  will  be  rather  inconvenient,  immediately  after, 
to  unhinge  and  throw  the  whole  system  again  afloat. 


60  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  21. 

When  you  determined  on  your  last  arrangement,  you  did 
not  know  what  success  the  different  States  might  have  had  in 
draughting  and  recruiting.  It  would  then  have  been  improper 
to  reduce  the  number  of  corps,  as  proposed.  "We  have  now  seen 
their  success :  we  have  no  prospect  of  seeing  the  regiments  filled ; 
we  should  reduce  them. 

Believe  me  to  be, 

With  great  esteem  and  regard, 

Dear  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  GEN.   SULLIVAN. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  1778. 

SIK: 

His  Excellency  has  received  your  two  last  favors  to-day.  In 
the  first  you  hint  the  want  of  a  reinforcement,  but  as  the  inten 
tion  of  your  body  is  chiefly  for  observation  and  skirmishing,  and 
not  to  make  any  serious  stands,  it  is  the  less  necessary  it  should 
be  powerful  in  numbers.  It  will,  however,  depend  upon  circum 
stances  how  far  it  will  be  expedient  to  reinforce  you ;  and  as 
soon  as  any  thing  can  be  determined  from  them,  you  shall  have 
whatever  addition  of  strength  you  may  stand  in  need  of. 

The  information  contained  in  your  last,  of  the  enemy's  being 
encamped  on  the  road  leading  from  New  Brunswick  to  Prince 
ton,  about  the  Third  Mile  Run,  is  not  well  founded.  We  have 
had  parties  and  officers  reconnoitring  as  far  as  the  Mile  Run,  and 
there  is  no  sign  of  an  encampment.  They  seem  to  be  taking 
their  old  position  with  their  right  at  Amboy,  their  left  at  Bruns 
wick  ;  but  how  long  they  will  remain  so  it  is  hard  to  tell.  His 
Excellency  desires  you  will  engage  some  trusty  person  at  South 
Amboy,  on  whom  you  can  depend  for  faithful  and  early  intelli 
gence  of  the  appearance  of  shipping  in  the  river,  or  any  prepa 
rations  for  a  movement  by  water,  that  we  may  be  in  time  pre 
pared  to  counteract  them. 

I  am,  with  regard,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  61 


JAY  TO   HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  8th  May,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR: 

An  opinion  of  your  benevolence  leads  me  to  address  this 
letter  to  you.  Accident  has  introduced  me  to  Monsieur  Lewis 
de  Caleron.  We  happen  to  lodge  in  the  same  house.  His  mod 
esty  and!  decent  manners  made  an  impression  upon  me,  and 
induced  me  to  make  some  inquiries  into  his  history  and  char 
acter.  The  gentlemen  of  this  place  say  handsome  things  of 
him.  He  is  the  son  of  a  Major  General  who  fell  last  war  at 
Ticonderoga.  The  family  is  still  in  Canada,  and  one  of  the 
most  respectable  in  that  country.  He  was  sent  to  France  when 
five  years  old,  and  there  educated.  He  came  out  with  some 
French  troops  to  Martinico,  and  by  their  General,  as  well  as  Mr. 
Bingham,  was  recommended  to  Congress.  They  gave  him  a 
brevet  for  a  Captain's  commission.  He  served  last  campaign  as 
a  volunteer,  first  with  General  Furmoy,  and  afterwards  with 
Colonel  Morgan.  To  me  he  appears  to  have  been  neglected.  It 
seems  he  did  not  descend  to  the  adulation  lately  fashionable,  and 
perhaps  acceptable,  in  his  department.  While  effrontery  and 
arrogance,  even  in  our  virtuous  and  enlightened  days,  are  giving 
rank  and  importance  to  men  whom  wisdom  would  have  left  in 
obscurity,  I  am  persuaded  you  will  be  happy  in  an  opportunity 
of  exploring,  as  well  as  cherishing,  modest  merit.  I  think  M. 
De  Caleron  is  not  without  it,  and  under  this  impression  I  re 
commend  him  to  your  notice  as  a  probationer. 

Tell  me  in  some  future  letter  whether  he  deserves  the  favor 
able  opinion  I  am  inclined  to  entertain  of  him. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Yery  sincerely,  and  with  much  esteem, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  JAY. 

Lt.  Col.  Hamilton. 


62  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  21. 

WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  4th  June,  1778. 

SIR: 

Mr.  Loring  having  been  sent  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  to  meet 
Mr.  Boudinot,  or  any  other  person  appointed  by  me  for  the 
purpose  of  effecting  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  I  have  therefore 
to  desire  you  (Mr.  Boudinot  being  absent  from  camp)  to  hear 
any  proposals  Mr.  Loring  may  have  to  offer  on  this  subject ;  and 
to  do  definitively  whatever  may  be  necessary  towards  the  execu 
tion  of  a  general  exchange  of  prisoners.  And  I  hereby  assure 
you  that  your  proceedings  in  this  instance  will  be  ratified  by  me. 
I  am,  Sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

Lieut.  Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  THE   MAKQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE. 

25th  June,  1778. 

SIR: 

We  find,  on  our  arrival  here,  that  the  intelligence  received 
on  the  road  is  true.  The  enemy  have  all  filed  off  from  Allen 
Town,  on  the  Monmouth  road.  Their  rear  is  said  to  be  a  mile 
westward  of  Lawrence  Taylor's  tavern,  six  miles  from  Allen 
Town.  General  Maxwell  is  at  Hyde's  Town,  about  three  miles 
from  this  place.  General  Dickinson  is  said  to  be  on  the  enemy's 
right  flank ;  but  where,  cannot  be  told.  We  can  hear  nothing 
certain  of  General  Scott;  but,  from  circumstances,  he  is  pro 
bably  at  Allen  Town.  We  shall,  agreeably  to  your  request, 
consider  and  appoint  some  proper  place  of  rendezvous  for  the 
union  of  our  force,  which  we  shall  communicate  to  Generals 
Maxwell  and  Scott,  and  to  yourself.  In  the  mean  time,  I  would 
recommend  to  you  to  move  toward  this  place  as  soon  as  the  con 
venience  of  your  men  will  permit.  I  am  told  that  Colonel  Mor 
gan  is  on  the  enemy's  right  flank.  We  had  a  slight  skirmish 


jET.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  63 

with  their  rear  this  forenoon,  at  Kobert  Montgomery's,  on  the 
Monmouth  road,  leading  from  Allen  Town.  We  shall  see  Gen 
eral  Maxwell  immediately,  and  you  will  hear  from  us  again. 
Send  this  to  the  General  after  reading  it. 

I  am  your  ob't  serv't, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

DOCTOR  STILE'S  HOUSE,  Cranbury  Town,  9  o'clock. 

We  are  just  informed  that  General  Scott  passed  by  Hooper's 
tavern,  five  miles  from  Allen  Town,  this  afternoon  at  five  o'clock. 
M.  De  Lafayette. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON". 

$  ROBIN'S  TAVERN,  8  miles  from  Allen  Town, 
)  12  o'clock,  June  26,  1778. 

Sm: 

We  have  halted  the  troops  at  this  place.  The  enemy,  by 
our  last  reports,  were  four  miles  from  this  (that  is,  their  rear), 
and  had  passed  the  road  which  turns  off  toward  South  Amboy, 
which  determines  their  route  toward  Shrewsbury.  Our  reason 
for  halting,  is  the  extreme  distress  of  the  troops  for  want  of 
provisions.  General  Wayne's  detachment  is  almost  starving, 
and  seems  both  unwilling  and  unable  to  march  further  till  they 
are  supplied.  If  we  do  not  receive  an  immediate  supply,  the 
whole  purpose  of  our  detachment  must  be  frustrated. 

This  morning  we  missed  doing  any  thing,  from  a  deficiency 
of  intelligence.  On  my  arrival  at  Cranbury  yester-evening,  I 
proceeded,  by  desire  of  the  Marquis,  immediately  to  Hyde's 
Town  and  Allen  Town,  to  take  measures  for  co-operating  with 
the  different  parts  of  the  detachment,  and  to  find  what  was  doing 
to  procure  intelligence.  I  found  every  precaution  was  neglected ; 
no  horse  was  near  the  enemy,  nor  could  be  heard  of  till  late  in 
the  morning1:  so  that  before  we  could  send  out  parties  and  get 
the  necessary  information,  they  were  in  full  march :  and  as  they 


64  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  21. 

have  marched  pretty  expeditiously,  we  should  not  be  able  to 
come  up  with  them  during  the  march  of  the  day,  if  we  did  not 
suffer  the  impediment  we  do,  on  the  score  of  provisions.  We 
are  entirely  at  a  loss  where  the  army  is,  which  is  no  inconsid 
erable  check  to  our  enterprise.  If  the  army  is  wholly  out  of 
supporting  distance,  we  risk  the  total  loss  of  the  detachment  in 
making  an  attack. 

If  the  army  will  countenance  us,  we  may  do  something 
clever.  We  feel  our  personal  honor,  as  well  as  the  honor  of  the 
army,  and  the  good  of  the  service,  interested ;  and  are  heartily 
desirous  to  attempt  whatever  the  disposition  of  our  men  will 
second,  and  prudence  authorize.  It  is  evident  the  enemy  wish 
to  avoid,  not  to  engage  us. 

Desertions,  I  imagine,  have  been  pretty  considerable  to-day. 
I  have  seen  eight  or  ten  deserters,  and  have  heard  of  many  more. 
We  have  had  some  little  skirmishing  by  detached  parties :  one 
attacked  their  rear-guard  with  a  degree  of  success,  killed  a  few, 
and  took  seven  prisoners. 

An  officer  is  just  come  in,  who  informs  that  he  left  the 
enemy's  rear  five  miles  off,  still  in  march,  about  half  an  hour 
ago.  To  ascertain  still  more  fully  their  route,  I  have  ordered  a 
fresh  party  on  their  left,  toward  the  head  of  their  column.  They 
have  three  brigades  in  rear  of  their  baggage. 

I  am,  with  great  respect  and  regard,  Sir, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

June  28,  1778. 


SIR: 

The  result  of  what  I  have  seen  and  heard,  concerning  the 
enemy,  is,  that  they  have  encamped  with  their  van  a  little  be 
yond  Monmouth  Court  House,  and  their  rear  at  Manalapan's 


JET.21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  65 

river,  about  seven  miles  from  this  place.  Their  march  to-day 
has  been  very  judiciously  conducted ; — their  baggage  in  front, 
and  their  flying  army  in  the  rear,  with  a  rear-guard  of  one  thou 
sand  men  about  four  hundred  paces  from  the  main  body.  To 
attack  them  in  this  situation,  without  being  supported  by  the 
whole  army,  would  be  folly  in  the  extreme.  If  it  should  be 
thought  advisable  to  give  the  necessary  support,  the  army  can 
move  to  some  position  near  the  enemy's  left  flank,  which  would 
put  them  in  a  very  awkward  situation,  with  so  respectable  a 
body  in  their  rear ;  and  it  would  put  it  out  of  their  power  to 
turn  either  flank,  should  they  be  so  disposed.  Their  left  is 
strongly  posted,  and  I  am  told  their  right  also.  By  some 
accounts,  one  part  of  their  army  lies  on  the  road  leading  from 
the  Monmouth  road  to  South  Amboy.  It  is  not  improbable 
that  South  Amboy  may  be  the  object. 

I  had  written  thus  far  when  your  letter  to  the  Marquis 
arrived.  This  puts  the  matter  on  a  totally  different  footing. 
The  detachment  will  march  to-morrow  morning  at  three  o'clock 
to  English  Town. 

I  am,  with  great  regard  and  esteem, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

BLACK  POINT,  July  20,  1778. 

SIR: 

Inclosed  I  transmit  your  Excellency  a  letter  from  Count 
D'Estaing.  He  has  had  the  river  sounded,  and  finds  he  cannot 
enter.  He  will  sail  for  Khode  Island  to-morrow  evening.  In 
the  mean  time,  he  is  making  demonstrations  to  deceive  the  enemy, 
and  beget  an  opinion  that  he  intends  to  operate  in  this  quarter. 
He  would  sail  immediately,  but  he  awaits  the  arrival,  or  to  hear, 
of  a  frigate  which  carried  Mr.  Gerard  to  Delaware,  and  which  he 

VOL.  I.  5 


66  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  21. 

appointed  to  meet  him  at  Sandy  Hook ;  so  that  lie  fears  his  sud 
den  and  unexpected  departure,  before  she  arrives,  might  cause 
her  to  be  lost.  He  will  not,  however,  wait  longer  than  till  to 
morrow  evening.  We  have  agreed,  that  five  cannon,  fired  briskly, 
shall  be  a  signal  of  his  arrival  by  day,  and  the  same  number,  with 
five  sky-rockets,  a  signal  by  night.  In  communicating  this  to 
General  Sulli van,  the  Count  wishes  not  a  moment  may  be  lost ; 
and  that  he  may  be  directed  to  have  persons  stationed  on  the 
coast,  and  intermediate  expresses,  to  facilitate  the  communication 
between  them.  Pilots  will  be  a  material  article.  He  begs  every 
thing  may  be  forwarded  as  much  as  possible ;  and  as  many  troops 
collected  as  may  be.  He  would  be  glad  if  a  detachment  could 
march  from  your  army,  or  could  be  sent  by  water ;  for  which 
purpose  he  would  send  covering  ships,  and  some  vessels  he  has 
taken,  by  way  of  transports ;  but  he  cannot  think  of  losing  so 
much  time  as  seems  necessary.  If  the  water  scheme  could 
shorten  it,  it  would  be  a  happy  circumstance.  He  recommends 
it  to  your  attention  ;  and  that  you  would  take  measures,  if  the 
end  can  be  better  answered  in  this  way,  and  meet  him  with  infor 
mation  of  the  part  he  may  have  to  act  to  execute  the  plan.  I 
perceive  he  can,  with  difficulty,  debark  four  thousand  troops ; 
but  he  will  try  to  do  it. 

I  hope  your  Excellency  will  excuse  my  not  being  myself  the 
bearer  of  these  particulars ;  the  end  may  be  answered  by  letter. 
Mr.  Neville  is  anxious  to  get  on.  I  just  have  heard  of  dispatches 
arrived  from  you.  I  don't  know  but  they  may  contain  some 
thing  new  which  may  make  the  Count  to  wish  a  good  convey 
ance  to  return  an  answer.  My  stay  till  to-morrow  morning  may 
answer  that  end.  I  shall  not  delay  coming  forward. 
I  am,  Sir,  your  most  respectful 

And  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

His  Excellency  General  "Washington. 


jEi.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  67 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

NEWARK,  July  23,  1778,  one  o'clock. 

SIR: 

I  wrote  to  your  Excellency  the  evening  of  the  20th,  by  Major 
Neville.  I  remained  in  the  neighborhood  of  Black  Point  till  the 
afternoon  following.  The  Count  had  received  his  expected  dis 
patches  from  Congress,  and  was  to  sail,  as  I  mentioned  before,  the 
first  fair  wind.  At  Brunswick,  yesterday,  Mr.  Caldwell  joined 
me.  He  was  immediately  from  the  Point,  and  brought  intelli 
gence  that  g  the  fleet  got  under  way  yesterday  morning.  The 
wind,  unfortunately,  has  been  much  against  them ;  which  is  so 
much  the  more  to  be  regretted,  as  they  are  rather  in  want  of 
water. 

I  need  not  suggest  to  your  Excellency,  that  an  essential  part 
of  the  Rhode  Island  plan,  is  to  take  every  possible  measure  to 
watch  the  enemy's  motions,  and  to  establish  expresses  from  place 
to  place,  to  give  the  Count  instant  information  of  any  movement 
among  their  fleet.  This  will  enable  him  to  be  in  time  to  inter 
cept  them,  should  they  attempt  to  evacuate  New-York,  while  he 
is  at  Ehode  Island ;  and  will,  in  general,  facilitate  the  intercourse 
and  co-operation  between  him  and  your  Excellency. 

I  have  nothing  new  to  communicate,  beside  what  was  sent  by 
Major  Neville,  and  what  I  now  send.  All  the  ideas  interchanged 
between  the  Count  and  myself,  were  such  as  were  familiar  before 
I  left  Head  Quarters.  He  was  to  go  to  Rhode  Island,  and,  in 
conjunction  with  General  Sullivan,  endeavor  to  possess  himself 
of  the  enemy's  ships  and  troops  there  ;  if,  on  his  arrival,  he  had 
good  reason  to  think  it  could  be  effected  without  further  assist 
ance.  If  not,  he  will  be  glad  of  a  reinforcement  from  you  in  the 
most  expeditious  manner  possible.  What  manner  you  think  will 
be  most  expeditious,  you  will  adopt ;  and  if  his  aid  may  be  use 
ful,  he  will  afford  it  as  soon  as  he  is  informed  of  it. 

This  being  the  case,  my  immediate  presence  at  Head  Quarters 
is  the  less  necessary  as  to  this  business ;  and  I  hope  your  Excel 
lency  will  indulge  me,  if  I  do  not  make  all  the  dispatch  back 


68  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  21. 

which  a  case  of  emergency  would  require ;  though  I  do  not  mean 
to  delay,  more  than  a  moderate  attention  to  my  frail  constitution 
may  make  not  improper.  I  have,  &c., 

A.  HAMILTON. 
His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


COL.  LAURENS  TO  HAMILTON. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON: 

You  have  seen,  and  by  this  time  considered,  General  Lee's 
infamous  publication.  I  have  collected  some  hints  for  an  answer ; 
but  I  do  not  think,  either  that  I  can  rely  upon  my  own  know 
ledge  of  facts  and  style  to  answer  him  fully,  or  that  it  would  be 
prudent  to  undertake  it  without  counsel.  An  affair  of  this  kind 
ought  to  be  passed  over  in  total  silence,  or  answered  in  a  mas 
terly  manner. 

The  ancient  secretary  is  the  Eecueil  of  modern  history  and 
anecdotes,  and  will  give  them  to  us  with  candor,  elegance,  and 
perspicuity.  The  pen  of  Junius  is  in  your  hand ;  and  I  think 
you  will,  without  difficulty,  expose,  in  his  defence,  letters,  and 
last  production,  such  a  tissue  of  falsehood  and  inconsistency,  as 
will  satisfy  the  world,  and  put  him  for  ever  to  silence. 

I  think  the  affair  will  be  definitively  decided  in  Congress  this 
day.  He  has  found  means  to  league  himself  with  the  old  faction, 
and  to  gain  a  great  many  partisans. 

Adieu,  my  dear  boy.     I  shall  set  out  for  camp  to-morrow. 

JOHN  LAURENS. 


LAFAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

A  YORCTOWN,  ler  Septembre,  1778. 

Ne  suis-je  pas  bien  malheureux,  cher  Colonel.  On  me  pousse 
pour  aller  a  Boston,  on  me  chasse  de  Ehode  Island,  ils  n'ont  ni 
repos,  ni  patience  que  je  ne  sois  parti,  et  le  meme  jour  que  je 
m'absente  est  le  seul  ou  j'aurais  du,  ou  j'avais  voulu  etre  dans  1'ile. 


MT.21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  69 

Le  diable  en  vent  dans  ce  moment  a  tons  les  franc;  ais ;  heureuse- 
ment  que  je  viens  de  1'attraper,  car  a  force  de  conrir  je  snis  arrive 
a  temps  ponr  i'evacnation  dont  il  vonlait  encore  me  priver.  Le 
mallienr  de  ne  pas  etre  a  la  premiere  affaire  m'a  fait  la  peine  la  pins 
vive,  et  je  ne  m'en  consolerai  jamais,  quoique  ce  soit  bien  loin  d'etre 
ma  fante.  Les  denx  retraites  font  honnenr  anx  tronpes  et  an 
general  Sullivan,  qui  1'y  est  condnit  parfaitement,  elles  en  font 
rne  anx  Anglais  et  a  lenr  ge"nereaux  qni  n'ont  montre"  ni  activite, 
ni  genie,  dn  moins  a  ce  qn'il  me  parait. 

Le  malheureux  Mr.  Tonsard  a  en  le  bras  emporte  an  milien 
d'nne  des  actions  les  pins  valenrense  qni  ait  ete  faite.  C'est  un 
homme  aussi  brave  qu'il  ait  honnete.  Je  Grains  d'embarrasser  le 
general  en  Ini  mandant  ce  qne  je  vondrais  qn'on  fit  ponr  Ini ; 
mais  le  commission  de  Major  ne  ponvait-elle  pas  se  changer  en 
celle  de  lientenant  Colonel ;  il  avait  fait  nn  arrangement  avant  de 
partir  le  grand  arrangement  de  Mr.  du  Coudray,  on  en  cas  de  la 
perte  d'une  membre,  ils  devaient  avoir  une  pension  de  tant,  cet 
arrangement-la  qni  comme  von-savez  n'a  pas  ete  accepte,  ne 
ponvait-il  pas  sa  renonveller  en  sa  favenr. 

II  fant  qne  vons  me  rendiez  nn  grand  service ;  c'est  de  me 
mander  le  pins  de  details  possibles  snr  la  flotte  de  Lord  Howe, — 
les  moyens  qni  existent  a  New- York,  etc.  etc.  Mr.  D'Estaing  a 
beanconp  de  raisons  de  croire  qn'il  est  arrive  qnelqnes  vais- 
seanx  d'Angleterre,  autres  le  Cornwall.  Mandez-moi  dans  nne 
longne  lettre,  Mon  Cher  Hamilton,  ce  qne  vons  pensez  snr  ce  qni 
a  6te  fait,  ce  qni  va  se  faire,  et  ce  qne  ponvait  etre  fait  dans  la 
suite.  Yotre  depeche  me  tronvera  a  Warren,  petite  ville  pres  de 
la  Providence,  ou  je  vais  m'occnper  a  garder  beanconp  de  pays 
avec  pen  de  tronpes,  et  ou  sans  repondre  d'empecher  nne  descente 
des  ennemis  ;  je  ferai  le  moins  mal  possible  ;  si  forces  6gales,  je 
tacherai  de  les  battre.  On  me  flatte  que  le  General  viendra  ici 
lui-meme  ;  Dieu  le  venille.  Les  affaires  sur  lesquelles  je  vous  ai 
ecrit  mes  complaintes,  1'appaisent  un  pen,  mais  pour  prendre 
Rhode  Island  il  nous  fant  le  General  Washington. 

J'attends  de  vos  nouvelles  par  Mons  de  Pontgibault  et  finerai 
simplement  ma  lettre  en  vous  assurant  de  mon  tendre  attache- 

ment. 

LAFAYETTE. 


70  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  21. 


HAMILTON  TO 


HEAD  QUARTERS,  Nov.  8,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  4th,  and  shall  with  pleasure 
communicate  the  intelligence  we  have  had  at  Head  Quarters. 
On  the  morning  of  the  third  one  hundred  and  eight  sail  of  ves 
sels  sailed  out  of  the  Hook, — supposed,  from  the  best  calcula 
tions,  to  contain  seven  or  eight,  thousand  men.  They  first  steered 
to  the  eastward,  but  soon  after  changed  their  course  and  bore 
S.  E.  with  the  wind  at  N.  W.  The  general  accounts  from  New- 
York  speak  of  three  distinct  embarkations — one  for  the  West 
Indies — another  for  Halifax — another  for  St.  Augustine.  One 
division,  which  seems  to  be  best  ascertained,  contains  ten  or 
twelve  British  regiments,  and  most  of  the  new  levies,  which 
probably  went  in  the  above-mentioned  fleet. 

This  much  is  pretty  certain,  that  the  embarkation  has  con 
tinued  since  the  departure  of  that  fleet,  which  is  a  strong  circum 
stance  in  favor  of  a  general  evacuation.  All  their  vessels  the 
least  out  of  repair  are  drawn  up  to  the  different  ship-yards,  and 
their  repairs  are  going  on  with  all  possible  vigor.  Whether  the 
merchants  are  packing  up  or  not,  is  a  point  still  much  in  dubio  ; 
though  we  have  several  accounts  that  look  like  it,  but  they  are 
not  so  precise  and  certain  as  could  be  wished.  Several  bales  of 
goods  have  been  seen  on  the  wharves,  marked  for  particular 
ships.  A  deserter,  indeed,  lately  from  the  city,  insists  that  he 
saw  Coffin  and  Anderson  packing  up.  This,  if  true,  would  be 
decisive,  for  this  is  a  very  considerable  house  particularly  attached 
to  the  army.  One  of  our  spies,  a  trusty  one  too,  writes  the  31st 
of  October  that  the  principal  part  of  the  sick  from  the  hospitals 
had  embarked  ;  bat  this  stands  almost  wholly  upon  its  own  bot 
tom.  The  capture  of -Jamaica  seems  to  be  a  mere  rumor.  There 
are  several  others,  respecting  St.  Kitts,  Monserat,  and  Grenada. 
The  two  former  are  said  to  have  been  taken  by  surprise  on  a  tem 
porary  absence  of  their  guard-ships,  but  these  stories  were  not 
improbably  suggested  by  a  late  sudden  and  very  considerable  rise 


^ET.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  71 

in  the  prices  of  rum  and  molasses.  The  former  being  as  high  as 
fourteen  or  fifteen  shillings  per  gallon.  Large  purchases  have 
been  made  of  these  articles  as  sea  stores  for  the  troops,  and  the 
speculators  in  the  city  have  been  bidding  against  the  Commissa 
ries,  which  better  accounts  for  the  increased  prices. 

It  is  a  question  very  undecided  in  my  mind  whether  the 
enemy  will  evacuate  or  not.  Eeasoning  a  priori,  the  arguments 
seem  to  be  strongest  for  it — from  the  exhausted  state  of  the 
British  resources — the  naked  condition  of  their  dominions  every 
where — and  the  possibility  of  a  Spanish  war.  But  on  the  other 
hand  naval  superiority  must  do  a  great  deal  in  the  business.  This, 
I  think,  considering  all  things,  appears  clearly  enough  to  be  on  the 
side  of  Britain.  The  sluggishness  of  Spain  affords  room  to  doubt 
her  taking  a  decisive  part.  The  preserving  posts  in  these  States 
will  greatly  distress  our  trade,  and  give  security  to  the  British 
West  India  trade.  They  will  also  cover  the  West  Indies,  and 
restrain  any  operations  of  ours  against  the  British  dominions  on 
the  continent.  These  considerations,  and  the  depreciated  state 
of  our  currency,  will  be  strong  inducements  to  keep  New- York 
and  Ehode  Island,  if  not  with  "a  view  to  conquest,  with  a  view  to 
temporary  advantages,  and  making  better  terms  in  a  future  nego 
tiation. 

From  appearances,  the  great  delay  which  attends  the  embarka 
tion,  the  absolute  tranquillity  of  the  post  at  Khode  Island,  where 
there  is  no  kind  of  preparation  for  leaving  it,  and  some  other  cir 
cumstances,  seem  to  indicate  an  intention  to  remain.  On  the 
other  hand,  besides  the  general  appearances  I  have  already  men 
tioned,  their  inattention  to  the  petition  of  the  refugees,  and  the 
not  raising  new  works,  are  strong  additional  reasons  for  going 
away.  I  think  it  most  probable,  if  they  were  determined  to  con 
tinue  a  garrison,  that  they  would  give  most  explicit  assurances  to 
their  friends,  in  order  to  encourage  their  proposal,  and  engage 
them  to  aid  in  maintaining  it.  I  think  also  they  would  contract 
their  works,  to  be  better  proportioned  to  the  number  of  the  gar 
rison,  and  of  course  more  defensible,  by  throwing  a  chain  of  for 
tifications  across  the  narrow  part  of  the  island. 

Nothing  has  yet  been  decided,  that  we  know  of,  with  respect 


72  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  21. 

to  the  sentences  you  mention.  General  Lee's  case,  by  our  last 
advices,  was  on  the  eve  of  a  final  decision.  It  seems  he  has  made 
a  strong  party  in  Congress,  and  is  very  confident  of  having  the 
sentence  annulled.  St.  Glair's  trial  was  ordered  to  be  printed  for 
the  separate  consideration  of  the  members. 

The  depreciation  of  our  currency  really  casts  a  gloom  on  our 
prospects,  but  my  sentiments  on  this  subject  are  rather  peculiar. 
I  think,  bad  as  it  is,  it  will  continue  to  draw  out  the  resources  of 
the  country  a  good  while  longer,  and  especially  if  the  enemy 
make  such  detachments,  of  which  there  is  hardly  a  doubt,  as  will 
oblige  them  to  act  on  the  defensive.  This  will  make  our  public 
expenditures  infinitely  less — and  will  allow  the  States  leisure  to 
attend  to  the  arrangements  of  their  finances,  as  well  as  the  coun 
try  tranquillity  to  cultivate  its  resources. 

Any  letters  that  may  come  to  Head  Quarters  for  you  will  be 
carefully  forwarded. 

I  am,  with  the  most  respectful  attachment, 

Dear  Sir,  your  obed't  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO   BARON  STEUBEN. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  19th  Dec.,  1778. 

I  snatch  a  hasty  moment,  my  dear  Baron,  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  obliging  favor  of  the  sixth.  It  came  here  while 
I  was  absent  in  an  interview  with  some  British  Commissioners  on 
the  subject  of  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  was  not  delivered 
to  me  till  two  days  ago.  I  am  sorry  that  your  business  does  not 
seem  to  make  so  speedy  a  progress  as  we  all  wish  ;  but  I  hope  it 
will  soon  come  to  a  satisfactory  termination.  I  wish  you  to  be 
in  a  situation  to  employ  yourself  usefully  and  agreeably,  and  to 
contribute  to  giving  our  military  constitution  that  order  and  per 
fection  it  certainly  wants.  I  have  not  time  now  to  enter  upon 
some  matters  which  I  shall  take  another  opportunity  to  give  you 
my  sentiments  concerning.  I  have  read  your  letter  to  Lee  with 


^Ei.  21.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  73 

pleasure.  It  was  conceived  in  terms  which  the  offence  merited ; 
and  if  he  had  had  any  feeling,  must  have  been  felt  by  him.  Con 
sidering  the  pointedness  and  severity  of  your  expressions,  his 
answer  was  certainly  a  very  modest  one,  and  proved  that  he  had 
not  a  violent  appetite  for  so  close  a  tete-a-tete  as  you  seem  dis 
posed  to  insist  upon.  This  evasion,  if  known  to  the  world,  would 
do  him  very  little  honor.  I  don't  know  but  I  shall  be  shortly  at 
Philadelphia :  if  so,  I  shall  have  the  honor  of  personally  assuring 
you  of  the  perfect  respect  and  esteem  with  which  I  am, 
My  dear  Baron, 

Your  most  obed't  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


NARRATIVE  OF  AN  AFFAIR  OF  HONOR  BETWEEN    GENERAL  LEE 
AND  COL.   LAURENS. 

24th  December,  1778. 

General  Lee,  attended  by  Major  Edwards  and  Col.  Laurens 
attended  by  Col.  Hamilton,  met  agreeable  to  appointment  on 
Wednesday  afternoon  half  past  three,  in  a  wood,  situate  near  the 
four  mile  stone  on  the  Point-no-Point  Eoad.  Pistols  having 
been  the  weapons  previously  fixed  upon,  and  the  combatants  be 
ing  provided  with  a  brace  each,  it  was  asked  in  what  manner 
they  were  to  proceed.  General  Lee  proposed  to  advance  upon 
one  another,  and  each  fire  at  what  time  and  distance  he  thought 
proper.  Col.  Laurens  expressed  his  preference  of  this  mode,  and 
agreed  to  the  proposal  accordingly. 

They  approached  each  other  within  about  five  or  six  paces,  and 
exchanged  a  shot  almost  at  the  same  moment.  As  Col.  Laurens 
was  preparing  for  a  second  discharge,  General  Lee  declared  him 
self  wounded.  Col.  Laurens,  as  if  apprehending  the  wound  to 
be  more  serious  than  it  proved,  advanced  towards  the  General 
to  offer  his  support.  The  same  was  done  by  Col.  Hamilton  and 
Major  Edwards  under  a  similar  apprehension.  General  Lee  then 
said  the  wound  was  inconsiderable ;  less  than  he  had  imagined 


74  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  21. 

at  the  first  stroke  of  the  ball,  and  proposed  to  fire  a  second  time. 
This  was  warmly  opposed  both  by  Col.  Hamilton  and  Major 
Edwards,  who  declared  it  to  be  their  opinion,  that  the  affair 
should  terminate  as  it  then  stood.  But  General  Lee  repeated 
his  desire,  that  there  should  be  a  second  discharge,  and  Col.  Lau- 
rens  agreed  to  the  proposal.  Col.  Hamilton  observed  that,  un 
less  the  General  was  influenced  by  motives  of  personal  en- 
"mity,  he  did  not  think  the  affair  ought  to  be  pursued  any  further ; 
but  as  Gen.  Lee  seemed  to  persist  in  desiring  it,  he  was  too  ten 
der  of  his  friend's  honor  to  persist  in  opposing  it.  The  combat 
was  then  going  to  be  renewed ;  but  Major  Edwards  again  declar 
ing  his  opinion,  that  the  affair  ought  to  end  where  it  was,  Gen. 
Lee  then  expressed  his  confidence  in  the  honor  of  the  gentlemen 
concerned  as  seconds,  and  said  he  should  be  willing  to  comply 
with  whatever  they  should  coolly  and  deliberately  determine. 
Col.  Laurens  consented  to  the  same. 

Col.  Hamilton  and  Major  Edwards  withdrew,  and  conversing 
awhile  on  the  subject,  still  concurred  fully  in  the  opinion,  that  for 
the  most  urgent  reasons,  the  affair  should  terminate  as  it  was 
then  circumstanced.  This  decision  was  communicated  to  the 
parties  and  agreed  to  by  them,  upon  which  they  immediately 
returned  to  town ;  General  Lee  slightly  wounded  in  the  right  side. 

During  the  interview  a  conversation  to  the  following  purport 
passed  between  General  Lee  and  Col.  Laurens.  On  Col.  Hamil 
ton's  intimating  the  idea  of  personal  enmity,  as  before  mentioned 
— Gen.  Lee  declared  he  had  none,  and  had  only  met  Col.  Lau 
rens,  to  defend  his  own  honor — that  Mr.  Laurens  best  knew 
whether  there  was  any  on  his  part.  Col.  Laurens  replied,  that 
General  Lee  was  acquainted  with  the  motives  that  had  brought 
him  there,  which  were,  that  he  had  been  informed  from  what  he 
thought  good  authority,  that  Gen.  Lee  had  spoken  of  General 
Washington  in  the  grossest  and  most  opprobrious  terms  of  per 
sonal  abuse,  which  he,  Col.  Laurens,  thought  himself  bound  to 
resent,  as  well  on  account  of  the  relation  he  bore  to  General 
Washington,  as  from  motives  of  personal  friendship  and  respect 
for  his  character.  General  Lee  acknowledged  that  he  had  given 
his  opinion  against  General  Washington's  military  character  to 


JET.  22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  Y5 

his  particular  friends,  and  might  perhaps  do  it  again.  He  said 
every  man  had  a  right  to  give  his  sentiments  freely  of  mili 
tary  characters,  and  that  he  did  not  think  himself  person 
ally  accountable  to  Col.  Laurens  for  what  he  had  done  in  that 
respect.  But  he  said  he  never  had  spoken  of  General  Washing 
ton  in  the  terms  mentioned,  which  he  could  not  have  done ;  as 
well  because  he  had  always  esteemed  General  Washington  as  a 
man,  as  because  such  abuse  would  be  incompatible  with  the  char 
acter  he  would  ever  wish  to  sustain  as  a  gentleman. 

Upon  the  whole,  we  think  it  a  piece  of  justice  to  the  two  gen 
tlemen  to  declare,  that  after  they  met,  their  conduct  was  strongly 
marked  with  all  the  politeness,  generosity,  coolness  and  firmness, 
that  ought  to  characterize  a  transaction  of  this  nature. 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Ev.  EDWARDS. 

PHILADELPHIA,  December  24th,  1778. 


DUPLESSIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

11  Janvier,  1779. 

Je  nai  point  re§u,  mon  cher  Hamilton,  les  papi^rs  que  vous 
deviez  m'envoyer  avec  Les  Signes  en  chiffres. 

Si  vons  desirez  ce  dont  nous  etiens  convenu,  lorsque  je  partis 
du  quartier  General,  remettez  le  tout  a  M.  De  la  Colombe,  qui 
dans  deux  mois  part  pour  France.  Je  vous  promets  beaucoup 
de  verite  et  jeu  d'  esprit  dans  la  narration. 

Dans  peu  de  minutes,  nous  voguerous ;  presentez  mon  respect 
a  son  Excellence,  et  mes  amities  a  toute  votre  famille.  Souvenez 
vous  de  tout  ce  que  je  vous  ai  dit  a  mon  depart  et  soyez  homme 
de  parole. 

Adieu,  soyez  sur  que  vous  avez  en  moi  un  bon  et  vrai  ami ; 
n'en  doutez  point,  et  vous  rendrez  justice. 

LE  CHEVALIER  DUPLESSIS. 
Col.  Hamilton, 
Aid-de-Camp  of 
His  Excellency  General  Washington, 

Head  Quarters. 


76  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  22. 

HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  March  14,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Colonel  Laurens,  who  will  have  the  honor  of  delivering  you 
this  letter,  is  on  his  way  to  South  Carolina,  on  a  project  which  I 
think,  in  the  present  situation  of  affairs  there,  is  a  very  good 
one,  and  deserves  every  kind  of  support  and  encouragement. 
This  is,  to  raise  two,  three,  or  four  battalions  of  negroes,  with 
the  assistance  of  the  government  of  that  State,  by  contributions 
from  the  owners,  in  proportion  to  the  number  they  possess.  If 
you  should  think  proper  to  enter  upon  the  subject  with  him,  he 
will  give  you  a  detail  of  his  plan.  He  wishes  to  have  it  recom 
mended  by  Congress  to  the  State  ;  and,  as  an  inducement,  that 
they  would  engage  to  take  their  battalions  into  Continental  pay. 

It  appears  to  me,  that  an  expedient  of  this  kind,  in  the  pre 
sent  state  of  Southern  affairs,  is  the  most  rational  that  can  be 
adopted,  and  promises  very  important  advantages.  Indeed,  I 
hardly  see  how  a  sufficient  force  can  be  collected  in  that  quarter 
without  it :  and  the  enemy's  operations  there  are  growing 
infinitely  serious  and  formidable.  I  have  not  the  least  doubt, 
that  the  negroes  will  make  very  excellent  soldiers,  with  proper 
management :  and  I  will  venture  to  pronounce,  that  they  cannot 
be  put  in  better  hands  than  those  of  Mr.  Laurens.  He  has  all 
the  zeal,  intelligence,  enterprise,  and  every  other  qualification, 
requisite  to  succeed  in  such  an  undertaking.  It  is  a  maxim  with 
some  great  military  judges,  that,  with  sensible  officers,  soldiers 
can  hardly  be  too  stupid :  and,  on  this  principle,  it  is  thought 
that  the  Eussians  would  make  the  best  soldiers  in  the  world,  if 
they  were  under  other  officers  than  their  own.  The  King  of 
Prussia  is  among  the  number  who  maintains  this  doctrine,  and 
has  a  very  emphatic  saying  on  the  occasion,  which  I  do  not  ex 
actly  recollect.  I  mention  this  because  I  have  frequently  heard 
it  objected  to  the  scheme  of  embodying  negroes,  that  they  are 
too  stupid  to  make  soldiers.  This  is  so  far  from  appearing  to 
me  a  valid  objection,  that  I  think  their  want  of  cultivation  (for 


MT.  22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  77 

their  natural  faculties  are  as  good  as  ours),  joined  to  that  habit 
of  subordination  which  they  acquire  from  a  life  of  servitude,  will 
enable  them  sooner  to  become  soldiers  than  our  white  inhabit 
ants.  Let  officers  be  men  of  sense  and  sentiment;  and  the 
nearer  the  soldiers  approach  to  machines,  perhaps  the  better. 

I  foresee  that  this  project  will  have  to  combat  much  opposi 
tion  from  prejudice  and  self-interest.  The  contempt  we  have 
been  taught  to  entertain  for  the  blacks,  makes  us  fancy  many 
things  that  are  founded  neither  in  reason  nor  experience ;  and 
an  unwillingness  to  part  with  property  of  so  valuable  a  kind, 
will  furnish  a  thousand  arguments  to  show  the  impracticability, 
or  pernicious  tendency,  of  a  scheme  which  requires  such  sacri 
fices.  But  it  should  be  considered,  that  if  we  do  not  make  use 
of  them  in  this  way,  the  enemy  probably  will ;  and  that  the  best 
way  to  counteract  the  temptations  they  will  hold  out,  will  be,  to 
offer  them  ourselves.  An  essential  part  of  the  plan  is,  to  give 
them  their  freedom  with  their  swords.  This  will  secure  their 
fidelity,  animate  their  courage,  and,  I  believe,  will  have  a  good 
influence  upon  those  who  remain,  by  opening  a  door  to  their 
emancipation.  This  circumstance,  I  confess,  has  no  small  weight 
in  inducing  me  to  wish  the  success  of  the  project;  for  the  dic 
tates  of  humanity,  and  true  policy,  equally  interest  me  in  favor 
of  this  unfortunate  class  of  men. 

While  I  am  on  the  subject  of  southern  affairs,  you  will  ex 
cuse  the  liberty  I  take  in  saying,  that  I  do  not  think  measures 
sufficiently  vigorous  are  pursuing  for  our  defence  in  that  quarter. 
Except  the  few  regular  troops  of  South  Carolina,  we  seem  to  be  re 
lying  wholly  on  the  militia  of  that  and  the  two  neighboring  States. 
These  will  soon  grow  impatient  of  service,  and  leave  our  affairs 
in  a  miserable  situation.  No  considerable  force  can  be  uniformly 
kept  up  by  militia ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  many  obvious  and 
well-known  inconveniences  that  attend  this  kind  of  troops.  I 
would  beg  leave  to  suggest,  Sir,  that  no  time  ought  to  be  lost  in 
making  a  draught  of  militia  to  serve  a  twelvemonth,  from  the 
States  of  North  and  South  Carolina  and  Virginia.  But  South 
Carolina,  being  very  weak  in  her  population  of  whites,  may  be 
excused  from  the  draught,  on  condition  of  furnishing  the  black 


78  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  22. 

battalions.  The  two  others  may  furnish  about  three  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  and  be  exempted,  on  that  account,  from  send 
ing  any  succors  to  this  army.  The  States  to  the  northward  of 
Virginia,  will  be  fully  able  to  give  competent  supplies  to  the 
army  here;  and  it  will  require  all  the  force  and  exertions  of 
the  three  States  I  have  mentioned,  to  withstand  the  storm  which 
has  arisen,  and  is  increasing  in  the  South. 

The  troops  draughted,  must  be  thrown  into  battalions,  and 
officered  in  the  best  possible  manner.  The  supernumerary 
officers  may  be  made  use  of  as  far  as  they  will  go.  If  arms  are 
wanted  for  their  troops,  and  no  better  way  of  supplying  them  is 
to  be  found,  we  should  endeavor  to  levy  a  contribution  of  arms 
upon  the  militia  at  large.  Extraordinary  exigencies  demand 
extraordinary  means.  I  fear  this  southern  business  will  become 
a  very  grave  one. 

"With  the  truest  respect  and  esteem, 

I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 
His  Excell'y  John  Jay, 
President  of  Congress. 


HAMILTON  TO  BARON  STEUBEN. 

May  26,  1779. 

The  General,  on  reflection,  is  a  little  uneasy  about  the  route 
you  intend  to  take.  He  thinks  it  not  quite  safe,  as  the  enemy 
have  troops  on  Long  Island  and  may  easily  throw  a  party  across 
the  Sound,  so  that  you  would  be  in  danger  of  having  your 
agreeable  dreams  interrupted,  if  you  should  sleep  any  where  from 
New  Haven  to  Fairneld. 

It  is  probable,  one  of  the  Count's  motives  in  coming  this  way 
may  be  to  see  the  ruins  of  those  places ;  and  if  he  could  do  it 
without  risk,  it  would  be  desirable ;  but  he  would  not  probably 


-ET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  79 

be  at  his  ease,  if  in  consequence  of  it,  he  should  be  obliged  to 
attend  the  levee  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  This  may  happen  if  he 
continues  his  intention,  unless  very  good  precautions  are  taken 
to  avoid  the  danger.  The  General  recommends  it  to  you,  at 
least  to  be  very  vigilant  upon  your  post,  and  not  to  suffer  your 
self  to  be  surprised.  You  will  be  so  good  as  to  let  us  have 
timely  notice  of  your  approach,  as  we  shall,  at  least,  meet  you  at 
Fishkill  Landing,  with  boats  to  take  you  down  to  Head  Quarters. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Your  affectionate  and  respectful  friend, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  OTHO  H.   WILLIAMS. 

llth  June,  1779. 

DEAR  WILLIAMS: 

The  General  sends  you  four  fresh  horsemen  to  enable  you  to 
transmit  him  intelligence.  The  General  will  take  the  road  you 
marched  to  your  quarters. 

Mind  your  eye,  my  dear  boy,  and  if  you  have  an  opportunity, 
fight  hard. 

Your  friend  and  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  MAJOR  LEE,  OR  IN  HIS  ABSENCE,   CAPT.  McLANE. 

July,  1779. 

SIR: 

There  is  an  encampment  of  the  enemy,  or  a  demonstration  of 
one,  which  appears  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  considerably 
on  this  side  of  Tarry  Town.  You  will  be  pleased  in  conse 
quence  to  have  patrols  kept  from  this  till  morning,  seven  or 
eight  miles  down  along  the  shore  and  on  the  roads  leading  to  this 


80  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mr.  22. 

place  on  our  right.     This  might  be  a  critical  night,  and  demands 
the  greatest  vigilance. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON, 

Aid-de-Camp. 


HENKY  LAUKENS  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  29th  July,  1779. 

DEAK  SIE: 

In  addition  to  the  lines  which  I  troubled  you  with  the  day 
before  yesterday  by  Colonel,  or  I  should  say  Doctor  McHenry ; 
he  is  an  honest  man  with  either,  or  without  any  title,  permit  me 
to  inform  you.  I  presented  to  Congress  this  morning,  Colonel 
Fleury's  earnest  request  for  the  flag  which  he  had  the  glory  of 
lowering  at  Stony  Point,  but  there  was  not  a  single  voice  heard 
in  second  to  my  motion.  In  truth,  I  had  spoken  to  several  of 
the  members  on  the  subject  before  the  meeting  of  Congress; 
these  discovered  not  only  no  inclination,  but  rather  an  aversion 
to  parting  with  so  high  a  testimony  of  a  great  and  brilliant 
victory ;  nevertheless,  I  determined  to  fulfil  my  promise ;  you 
see  the  success.  Fancy  often  fills  up  the  chasms  made  by  dis 
appointments  of  this  kind ;  many  of  the  most  celebrated  Italian 
originals  in  the  cabinets  of  curious  fanciful  men  in  England,  are 
good  copies.  Suppose  in  the  present  instance  the  Colonel  should 
order  an  accurate  likeness  of  the  first  flag  to  be  made,  and  con 
tent  himself  with  that,  or  that  by  a  very  trifling  practice  of 
ambidexterity,  he  should  exchange  the  copy  for  the  original ;  or 
suppose  he  should  take  a  much  better  and  less  exceptionable 
method  for  accomplishing  his  wishes,  that  he  should  arm  himself 
with  one  of  Dunlap's  Packets,  in  which  his  gallant  behavior  and 
the  particular  feat  of  cutting  the  halliards,  stand  upon  record  by 
authority  of  Congress ;  this  might  be  kept  in  the  tin  case  with 
commissions  and  testimonials,  answer  every  purpose  of  display, 


JEx.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  81 

and  save  the  trouble  and  expense  of  lugging  sixty  or  eighty 
yards  of  bunting  round  the  Globe. 

I  have  executed  my  commission ;  have  added  my  best  conso 
latory  advice  to  a  disappointed  client,  and  trust  the  Colonel  will 
do  me  the  justice  to  assure  himself,  my  own  opinion  on  the  pro 
priety  of  his  suit  was  not  disclosed  fully  or  partially  to  any  body 
before  I  had  received  a  modest  denial  by  a  profound  silence. 

Nothing  new  from  South  Carolina,  excepting  a  delegate,  who 
left  Charleston  one  day  before  the  date  of  our  late  letters. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  great  esteem  and  respect, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

HENEY  LAUEENS. 
Col.  A.  Hamilton,  Head  Quarters,  North  Eiver. 


COLONEL  FLEUEY  TO  HAMILTON. 

L'lNFANTERY  CAMP,  18th  AllgUSt,  1779. 

DEAE  COLONEL: 

The  officers  of  the  two  A  Battalions  of  I'Infantery,  which  I 
actually  command,  have  applied  to  me  for  ceasing  to  run  over 
those  craggy  mountains  barefooted,  and  beg  that  I  would  write 
to  head  quarters  to  have  an  order  from  his  Excellency  to  get  one 
pair  of  shoes  for  each ;  the  shoes  they  hint  to  are  at  New  Wind 
sor,  and  their  intention  is  to  pay  for. 

Do  not  be  so  greedy  for  shoes  as  for  my  blanket,  and  think 
that  the  most  urgent  necessity  has  determined  their  application ; 
they  are  quite  barefooted. 

I  am  very  respectfully,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

L.  FLEUEY. 

N.  B.  As  his  Excellency  could  form  a  very  advantageous 
idea  of  our  being  lucky  in  shoes  by  the  appearance  of  the 
VOL.  I.  6 


82  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [£&.  22. 


officers  who  dined  to-day  at  head  quarters,  and  were  not  quite 
without,  I  beg  you  would  observe  to  him,  if  necessary,  that 
each  company  had  furnished  a  shoe  for  their  dressing. 

Camp  1'Infantery,  19th  August,  1779. 

Si  vous  savez  un  mot  de  M.  De  La  Luzerne  dites  le  moi. 


HAMILTON  TO  JAMES  DUANE. 

August  28th,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  with  pleasure  snatch  a  moment,  agreeable  to  your  request, 
to  inform  you  of  the  events  which  have  taken  place  since  you 
left  us.  A  York  paper  of  the  24th,  announces  the  arrival  of  the 
Eussell  of  74,  which  parted  three  days  before  from  Arbuthnot's 
fleet,  which  was  of  course  momently  expected.  Subsequent 
intelligence  gives  us  the  arrival  of  the  whole  fleet.  This  comes 
through  different  channels,  and  is  believed;  but  we  have  no 
particulars.  Wayne  is  still  safe. 

Northern  news  says  that  Sir  George  Collier,  having  appeared 
in  Penobscot  Eiver,  put  our  grand  fleet  to  the  rout.  They 
were  run  ashore,  abandoned,  and  burnt ;  the  troops  and  seamen 
safe.  Colonel  Jackson's  regiment,  which  had  been  sent  as  a 
reinforcement,  landed  at  Portsmouth.  This  account  comes  in  a 
letter  from  General  Gates  to  Colonel  Hay.  To  counterbalance 
the  bad  in  a  degree,  he  tells  me  three  of  our  Continental  frigates 
were  arrived  at  Boston  with  six  sail  out  of  ten  of  the  Jamaica 
fleet  which  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  containing  5000  hdds.  of 
rum  and  sugar. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  faithfully  and  affectionately, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

Hon.  Mr.  Duane. 


JET.  22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  83 


BARON  STEUBEN  TO  HAMILTON". 

August  30th,  1779. 

Mr.  De  la  Luzerne  desires  me  to  join  him  on  his  route,  to  ac 
company  him  to  head  quarters.  I  shall  depart  on  Tuesday  morn 
ing  for  Providence,  where  I  may  require  three  days  to  review 
the  regiments ;  after  which  I  shall  return  immediately  to  Hart 
ford  to  join  the  Minister. 

I  promised  to  give  you  a  picture  of  his  new  Excellency.  He 
is  about  thirty -six  years  of  age,  though  he  appears  younger.  In 
the  last  war  he  was  aid-de-camp  to  Marshal  Broglio.  He  ap 
pears  to  be  a  man  of  solid  sense,  and  less  presumptuous  than  the 
people  of  quality  in  that  country  usually  are.  His  manners  are 
prepossessing ;  and  they  would  be  more  so  if  he  could  speak  En 
glish.  His  character  appears  to  me  to  be  good ;  and  he  is  less 
reserved  than  European  Ministers  usually  are.  His  personal  ap 
pearance  will  not  displease  the  ladies  of  Philadelphia.  He  is  a 
young  chevalier  of  Malta,  who  is  not  so  much  imbrowned  by  his 
crusades,  but  that  the  American  beauties  will  take  pains  to  teach 
him  English  in  a  short  time.  His  Secretary,  Mr.  Marbois,  is  a 
counsellor  of  Parliament,  from  Metz  in  Lorraine — speaks  good 
English;  and  is  a  man  who  shows  much  information  and  judg 
ment. 

STEUBEN. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


DUANE   TO  HAMILTON. 

Kingston,  4th  Sept.,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  spent  some  days  at  this  place  with  our  Legislature,  and 
have  been  happy  in  finding  their  zeal  for  the  common  cause 
undiminished.  Every  thing  which  can  be  asked  for  the  army, 
they  will  most  cheerfully  grant,  and  Col.  Wadsworth  is  gone 
away  perfectly  satisfied.  It  is  a  circumstance  to  their  honor  that 


84  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^ET.  22. 

amidst  all  their  wants  and  distresses — flour  and  carriage  have 
been  supplied  at  25  per  cent,  less  than  in  any  part  of  the  Conti 
nent  :  and  that  by  a  law  of  the  State.  If  it  had  produced  the 
effect  to  be  expected  from  so  spirited  an  example,  it  must  have 
had  a  powerful  influence  on  our  money :  but  it  is  to  be  lamented 
that  we  stood  single,  and  that  our  citizens  are  impoverished  by  a 
sacrifice  of  a  fourth  of  their  produce  and  labor  to  little  purpose. 

Be  kind  enough  to  forward  the  inclosed  to  Lt.  Col.  Wash 
ington  ;  and  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to  his  Excel 
lency  the  Commander-in-Chief  and  the  family ;  and  believe  me 
to  be,  with  real  esteem  and  affection, 

Dear  Col., 

Your  most  ob't  servant, 

JAMES  DUANE. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  BARON  STEUBEN. 

Sept.,  1779. 

DEAR  BARON  : 

I  am  at  this  moment  honored  with  your  letter  of  the  30th 
ultimo,  and  have  communicated  that  part  of  it  which  concerns 
M.  De  la  Luzerne  to  the  General ;  agreeably  to  which  we  shall 
take  our  measures  on  the  reception  of  this  private  public  gentle 
man.  We  had  prepared  a  party  of  Cavalry  to  receive  him  at 
Fishkill,  on  the  supposition  that  he  would  set  out  with  an  escort 
from  Boston ;  but  we  have  now  sent  orders  to  the  party  immedi 
ately  to  take  the  route  you  mention  to  Hartford,  and  there  place 
themselves  under  your  orders. 

The  General  requests  you  will  make  his  respectful  compli 
ments  to  your  Chevalier,  and  gives  you  carte  blanche  to  say 
every  handsome  thing  you  think  proper  in  his  name,  of  the  plea 
sure  which  this  visit  will  give  him.  I  have  no  doubt  that  your 
portrait,  which  appears  to  be  executed  en  maitre,  will  be  found 
a  just  representation  of  the  original ;  and  if  he  is  as  happy  as  his 
predecessor  in  gaining  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  men  of 


JET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  85 

this  country,  with  so  many  talents  to  conciliate  the  leaders,  his 
ministry  will  not  be  unsuccessful.  I  augur  well  for  him.  Gen. 
Washington  proposes  to  meet  him  as  a  private  gentleman  at 
Fishkill. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  DUANE. 

Sept.  7,  1779. 

My  DEAE  Sra : 

I  this  day  received  your  letter  of  the  4th,  with  one  inclosed 
for  Col.  Washington,  which  was  immediately  forwarded.  You 
do  not  mention  the  receipt  of  a  line  from  me  which  I  wrote  sev 
eral  days  since,  giving  you  an  account  of  Arbuthnot's  arrival. 

The  current  of  our  intelligence  makes  the  reinforcement  with 
him  amount  to  about  three  thousand,  mostly  recruits  and  in  bad 
health ;  it  is  said  some  preparations  are  making  for  an  expedi 
tion,  and  there  are  various  conjectures  about  the  object ;  some 
point  to  the  Southward ;  perhaps  the  true  destination  is  the  West 
Indies.  But,  I  confess,  I  should  not  be  surprised,  if  the  enemy 
should  make  a  further  and  vigorous  attempt  to  gain  possession 
of  two  or  three  of  the  Southern  States.  If  their  affairs  are  so 
desperate  with  respect  to  alliance  as  we  are  told,  the  object  of  the 
war  on  their  side,  from  conquest  must  necessarily  change  to  pa 
cification.  The  acquisition  of  two  or  three  of  the  Southern 
States  would  be  a  handsome  counterpoise  to  their  losses  in  the 
Islands,  and  would  enable  them  to  negotiate  with  the  more  credit 
and  success  the  ensuing  winter. 

I  am  happy  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  gratify  your  curiosity 
about  the  Western  expedition  with  the  inclosed  agreeable  ac 
count.  It  is  the  substance  of  a  letter  from  General  Sullivan  of 
the  30th,  extracted  at  Col.  Hay's  request,  for  Mr.  Lowdon's  paper. 
The  facts  are  all  true,  though  you  will  perceive  I  have  given  it 
a  few  of  the  usual  embellishments  of  a  newspaper  paragraph.  I 
have  not  specified  the  number  of  Gen  Sullivan's  wounded ;  they 


86  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JBi.  22. 

amount  to  thirty -nine,  among  which,  are  Major  Titcomb  and  two 
other  officers.     This  is  a  pleasing  and  I  hope  decisive  event. 
In  haste,  but  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  regard, 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  most 

Obed't  servant, 
ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


COL.   LEE  TO  HAMILTON. 

Sept.  10,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  wish  you  would  send  me  a  copy  of  General  Washington's 
letter  of  instructions  to  me — a  copy  of  General  Orders  on  the 
subject  of  the  19th  and  the  sentence  of  the  Court  and  trial.  The 
emissaries  from  the  Virginia  party  have  been  industrious  to 
injure  my  military  character. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Yours  sincerely, 

HENRY  LEE. 


DUANE  TO  HAMILTON. 

Sept.  10,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Accept  my  thanks  for  your  favor  of  the  28th  of  August,  and 
your  obliging  assurances  that  you  will  comply  with  my  request. 
Unless  my  anxiety  in  the  events  of  the  campaign  had  been  very 
great,  I  should  not  have  been  so  unreasonable  as  to  impose  this 
burthen  on  any  of  my  much  respected  friends  at  head  quarters ; 
well  knowing  that  they,  of  all  others,  have  the  least  leisure.  I 
find  the  British  reinforcement  is  arrived.  To  me  it  brings  no 
terror,  as  I  think  we  have  the  strongest  evidence  that  it  was  not 
originally  intended  to  exceed  four  thousand  men,  and  these  raw 
recruits.  You  say  Wayne  is  still  safe.  Let  him  keep  a  sharp 
look  out ;  for  I  still  hold  the  opinion,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  is 


J3T.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  87 

bound  in  honor  to  chastise  him,  for  one  of  the  most  daring  and 
insolent  assaults  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  chivalry ; 
an  achievement  so  brilliant  in  itself — so  romantic  in  the  scale  of 
British  admiration — that  none  but  a  hero,  inspired  by  the  forti 
tude,  instructed  by  the  wisdom,  and  guided  by  the  planet  of 
"Washington,  could,  by  the  exploit  at  Paulus  Hook,  have  fur 
nished  materials  in  the  page  of  history  to  give  it  a  parallel.  *  * 
You  see  from  this  how  much  I  am  at  my  ease. 

To  know  the  value  of  domestic  enjoyment,  next  to  head 
quarters,  I  recommend  the  chair  at  the  Board  of  Treasury,  for 
ten  months  of  a  session,  in  which  both  our  friends  and  foes  are 
waging  a  successful  war  against  the  public  credit. 

Present  my  affectionate  regard  to  His  Excellency,  and  the 
family,  and  believe  me,  with  every  friendly  sentiment, 

Your  affectionate  and  devoted  servant, 

JAMES  DUANE. 


HAMILTON  TO  DUANE. 

WEST  POINT,  Sept.  14,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  do  not  recollect  whether  I  said  any  thing  in  my  last  about 
the  strength  of  the  reinforcement  with  Arbuthnot.  All  the 
accounts  agree  that  it  does  not  exceed  3000,  mostly  recruits,  and 
in  very  bad  health ;  it  is  said  more  than  a  thousand  died  on  the 
passage,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder  are  journeying 
fast  to  the  other  world.  Disease  prevails  also  in  the  other  parts 
of  the  army  and  among  the  inhabitants,  more  than  has  been 
known  at  any  time,  since  the  enemy  has  been  in  possession  of 
the  city.  They  have  been  of  late  making  extensive  preparations 
for  embarking  troops,  and  we  have  just  received  advice,  that 
two  German  and  one  British  regiment  sailed  from  New- York  on 
the  llth,  under  convoy  of  a  Sixty -four.  The  rumors  about  the 
destination  are  various.  The  West  Indies,  Georgia,  Canada,  are 
all  talked  of,  but  the  first  with  most  confidence,  and  is  no  doubt 


88  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  22. 

most  probable ;  our  intelligence  announces  a  continuance  of  the 
embarkation. 

A  vessel  lately  arrived  at  Boston  from  the  Cape,  reports  that 
she  sailed  from  that  place  in  company  with  Count  D'Estaing, 
with  twenty-five  sail  of  the  line,  and  some  transports,  containing 
6000  troops  taken  in  at  the  Cape,  and  bound  first  for  Georgia 
and  afterward  farther  Northward.  She  parted  with  the  fleet  in 
latitude  25,  longitude  74.  Two  other  vessels,  arived  at  some 
place  in  Connecticut,  pretend  that  they  parted  with  a  French 
fleet  of  men  of  war,  and  transports,  in  the  latitude  of  Bermuda, 
steering  for  this  coast.  These  concurrent  accounts  are  not 
entirely  unworthy  of  attention,  though  I  am  not  disposed  to  give 
them  entire  credit. 

The  reduction  of  the  enemy's  fleets  and  armies  in  this  country, 
would  be  the  surest  method  to  effect  the  complete  conquest  of 
the  Islands ;  and  it  would  be  one  of  the  most  fatal  strokes  Great 
Britain  could  receive.  The  stamina  of  their  Military  Establish 
ment  are  in  this  country.  The  ruin  of  this,  and  the  capture  of 
their  seamen  and  ships,  would  be  an  irrecoverable  loss.  The 
"West  Indies  would  scarcely  have  any  further  prospect  of  succor, 
and  would  be  obliged  to  submit  to  the  power  of  France  almost 
without  resistance;  which  might  then  operate  at  leisure,  aided 
by  ample  supplies  from  this  continent,  which  I  believe  are  the 
principal  thing  wanting. 

These  reasons  may  have  induced  the  Count  to  make  us  a 
visit,  during  the  season  of  inactivity  in  the  West  Indies ;  or  if 
he  does  not  come  himself,  if  by  forming  a  junction  with  the 
Spanish  fleet,  he  can  make  a  detachment  this  way,  and  still 
maintain  a  superority  for  operation  in  that  quarter,  this  perhaps 
will  make  the  event  more  probable,  than  on  the  former  supposi 
tion.  I  have  now  given  you  all  the  intelligence  we  have,  and 
have  mixed  certainties,  rumors,  and  conjectures.  You  will 
extract  and  believe  as  much  as  you  think  proper.  I  shall  only 
add,  that  I  am  with  the  most  perfect  esteem  and  attachment, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obed't  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


J3T.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  89 

The  General  and  family  charge  me  to  present  their  most 
affectionate  respects.  We  are  to  receive  the  new  Minister  to 
morrow  morning. 


DUANE  TO  HAMILTON. 

MANOR  OF  LIVINGSTON,  16th  September,  1779. 

MY  DEAK  COL.  : 

I  have  had  no  earlier  opportunity  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  your  very  agreeable  favor  of  the  7th  instant.  To 
yours  of  the  • I  transmitted  an  answer  by  the  post. 

I  perfectly  agree  in  opinion  with  you  what  the  enemy  ought 
in  good  feeling  to  attempt ;  but  as  they  uniformly  contravene 
their  best  interests,  and  pursue  measures  which  can  produce  the 
least  possible  advantage,  I  conclude  they  will  not  persevere  in 
the  system  of  attacking  us  in  our  weakest  side — the  Southern 
States.  They  may  too,  by  this  time,  have  some  reason  for 
declining  what  a  more  enterprising  people  would  hazard  at  any 
event.  I  think  I  intimated  to  you  that  I  should  not  be  surprised 
if  Count  D'Estaing  paid  a  visit  to  our  coast  this  fall.  Eeports 
prevail  which  announce  his  approach.  In  that  case  they  will  be 
as  safe  in  New- York  as  at  Savannah  or  Charleston ;  and  it  is 
no  slander  to  say,  that  the  safety  of  their  army  has  all  along  been 
their  first  object.  I  have  many  reasons  to  be  anxious  for  the 
expedition  against  the  Six  Nations.  No  less  than  the  safety  of 
our  Northern  and  "Western  frontiers  depends  upon  its  success ; 
to  say  nothing  of  the  vast  national  advantages  which  will  be 
derived  from  the  reduction  of  these  perfidious  savages.  By  the 
way,  what  will  the  world  think  of  our  spirit  and  our  resources, 
when  at  the  very  instant  our  enemies,  foreign  and  domestic,  pro 
nounced  our  immediate  ruin  from  the  embarrassment  of  our 
finances,  and  a  series  of  heavy  calamities  under  which  they 
affirmed  we  were  expiring,  they  see  their  grand  army  cooped 
up  in  a  garrison ;  their  forts  taken  from  them  by  unparalleled 
bravery;  the  country  of  their  Indian  allies  ravaged  and 


90  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  22. 

destroyed  without  a  single  effort  for  their  protection;  and  a 
capital  naval  armament  equipped  by  a  single  State,  which  it 
required  misconduct  perhaps,  on  our  part,  and  certainly  the 
most  hazardous  efforts  on  theirs,  to  defeat !  I  wait  with  great 
impatience  for  further  intelligence  from  General  Sullivan's  army. 
I  am  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  country  to  form  a  clear 
idea  of  their  intended  route;  but  if  they  visit  the  Senecas 
effectually,  I  suppose  we  soon  shall  hear  from  them  at  Conode- 
seraga,  the  chief  Seneca  town,  where  our  State,  so  long  ago  as 
1732,  made  a  large  purchase  for  a  settlement,  to  keep  them  in? 
but  which  was  not  prosecuted  on  account  of  the  turbulent  and 
faithless  temper  of  the  Senecas,  and  the  want  of  vigor  in  our 
own  Government. 

I  must  close,  or  lose  the  opportunity  by  a  sloop  passing  to 
New  Windsor.  Be  so  good  as  to  pay  my  most  respectful  com 
pliments  to  His  Excellency,  the  family,  Generals  McDougal, 
Greene  and  Knox,  and  if  he  is  still  safe,  to  G.  Wayne ;  and  be 
lieve  me  to  be  with  great  regard,  and  a  disposition  to  do  you 
every  possible  service, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

JAS.  DUANE. 
Col  Hamilton. 


DUANE    TO  HAMILTON. 

MANOR  LIVINGSTON,  23d  September,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  obliged  much  by  your  kind  attention  to  me.  The  con 
dition  of  our  enemies,  instead  of  being  formidable,  as  they  pre 
dicted,  seems  daily  to  become  more  feeble ;  and  instead  of  those 
vigorous  and  decisive  operations,  which  could  alone  have  re 
vived  their  declining  cause,  and  kept  up  the  spirits  of  their  in 
fatuated  adherents,  we  see  nothing  but  languor,  discontent,  and 
disgust  in  their  army,  their  fields,  and  their  councils.  Their 
king  alone,  as  if  literally  hardened  by  a  judicial  blindness,  per 
sists  in  his  obstinate  folly,  and  courts  the  destruction  of  the 


^ET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  91 

British  Empire.  If,  in  addition  to  all  his  other  wants,  distresses, 
and  misfortunes,  sickness  has  taken  a  deep  root  among  his  troops, 
and  his  partisans ;  a  decisive  period  must  in  all  probability  be 
speedily  put  to  the  mad  career. 

Count  d'Estaing  seems  to  have  the  ball  at  his  feet.  His  com 
mand  of  the  ocean  must  be  indisputable  when  he  is  joined  by 
the  Spanish  squadron  lately  at  Havana.  He  may  divide  his 
force,  subdue  the  West  India  Islands,  and  assist  us  in  expelling 
or  captivating  the  remnant  of  our  enemies  on  this  continent.  I 
have,  however,  some  distrust  of  the  Count's  planet.  His  former 
ill  luck  on  our  coast  has  led  me  to  think  that  he  is  no  Felix.  I 
conclude  not  much  from  the  advantages  he  acquired  over  Biron ; 
for  that  man  is  marked  for  the  child  of  misfortune,  and  I  dare 
say  if  his  nativity  was  cast,  it  would  appear  that  his  star  fore 
boded  decapitation  and  disgrace.  Believe  me,  I  never  meddled 
with  the  black  art,  nor  am  I  over  superstitious,  and  yet  I  discern 
that  I  am  not  altogether  free  from  a  prejudice  which  was  very 
remarkable  in  the  greatest  nation  of  antiquity.  Hence  it  is  that 
I  so  anxiously  look  for  the  fortunate  completion  of  our  western 
expedition ;  even  when  a  train  of  favorable  events  renders  it  so 
highly  probable. 

Be  so  good  as  to  present  my  affectionate  and  respectful  com 
pliments  to  the  Greneral  and  all  the  family ;  and  believe  that  I 
shall  be  happy  in  every  opportunity  to  convince  you  that  I  am 
sincerely, 

Your  friend  and 

Most  obedient  servant, 

JAS.  DUANE. 

P.  S.  How  do  you  like  the  new  Minister  of  France  ?  I  have 
a  letter  from  Gr.  Schuyler.  In  the  course  of  a  week  I  expect 
him  here,  and  shall  probably  accompany  him  on  a  visit  to  the 
General  and  our  friends  at  head  quarters. 


92  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  22. 


HAMILTON    TO   DUANE. 

October  1,  1779. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  your  two  letters 
of  the  16th  and  23d.  In  haste  I  snatch  up  my  pen  by  an  ex 
press  going  off  to  the  Governor,  to  give  you  the  news  as  it  runs. 
The  most  important  and  best  authenticated  is,  that  Count  D'Es- 
taing  was  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Georgia.  The  tale  runs  thus. 
We  are  in  possession  of  a  Charleston  paper  of  the  6th  of  Sep 
tember,  which  mentions  that  the  Yiscount  de  Fontagnes  had 
arrived  at  that  place,  sent  by  the  Count  to  announce  his  ap 
proach.  Mr.  Mitchel,  who  transmits  the<  paper,  adds, — that  by 
the  express  which  brought  it,  Mr.  Gerard  had  received  dispatches 
from  the  Count,  informing  him  of  his  intention  to  attack  the 
enemy  in  Georgia  on  the  9th ;  that  in  consequence  of  this  intel 
ligence  Mr.  Gerard  had  postponed  his  voyage  a  few  days  to  be 
the  bearer  of  the  event.  This,  I  hope,  puts  a  period  to  the 
danger  of  the  Southern  States,  for  which  I  could  not  help  having 
strong  apprehensions,  notwithstanding  the  presumption  drawn 
from  the  enemies'  past  folly  against  their  pursuing  any  plan 
favorable  to  their  interest.  I  acknowledge  the  force  of  the  ar 
gument,  but  I  was  afraid  they  might  for  once  blunder  upon  the 
right  way.  The  departure  of  Cornwallis  on  the  25th,  with  the 
Grenadiers,  Light  Infantry,  and  one  British  regiment,  had  in 
creased  my  horrors  on  this  subject.  The  nature  of  this  corps 
pointed  to  a  temporary  service  for  some  important  coup  de  main. 
Charleston  presented  itself  as  the  only  object.  They  would 
hardly  separate  the  flower  of  their  troops  for  any  remote  and 
permanent  station.  They  are  continuing  their  embarkation. 
The  accounts  we  have  of  the  particular  corps  carry  them  to 
between  five  and  six  thousand.  I  send  you  a  Boston  paper  of 
the  23d,  containing  some  interesting  European  advices. 
Your  most  respectful  and  affectionate  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  The  General  is  happy  in  the  hopes  you  give  him  of  a 


jET.  22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  93 

speedy  visit  from  General  Sclmyler  and  yourself,  and  orders  me 
to  present  his  respects  to  both.  The  family  join  in  every  senti 
ment  of  perfect  esteem. 


HEAD  QUARTERS.  WEST  POINT.  October  7th,  1779. 

SIE: 

Since  my  letter  to  your  Excellency  on  the  4th  instant,  I  have 
had  the  honor  of  a  visit  from  his  Excellency,  Monsieur  Gerard. 
In  the  conversation  we  had  relative  to  a  co-operation  with  the 
fleet  and  troops  under  your  command,  he  expressed  his  doubts 
of  its  being  possible  for  you  to  continue  such  a  length  of  time 
as  may  be  essential  to  the  success  of  the  undertaking,  and  which 
alone  could  justify  me  in  going  into  those  extensive  preparations 
absolutely  necessary  on  our  part.  I  have  therefore  appointed 
Brigadier  General  Du  Portail  and  Colonel  Hamilton  to  wait 
upon  your  Excellency  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  explain  to 
you  fully  my  ideas  of  the  proposed  co-operation — the  means 
we  shall  be  able  to  employ — the  obstacles  we  shall  have  to 
encounter  on  our  side — the  plans  which  it  may  be  proper  to 
pursue,  and  the  measures  which  are  taking  and  may  be  taken 
by  the  enemy  to  counteract  them.  This  will  enable  your  Ex 
cellency  to  determine  what  you  can  with  propriety  undertake. 
I  shall  only  add,  that  if  your  Excellency  will  engage  to  co-ope 
rate  with  your  whole  naval  and  land  force  against  the  enemy's 
fleet  and  army  at  New- York,  till  the  winter  is  so  far  advanced 
that  the  ice  will  make  it  impracticable  to  remain  with  your  fleet 
any  longer  in  port,  I  will  bring  twenty -five  thousand  effective 
men  into  the  field,  and  will  exert  all  the  resources  of  the  country 
in  a  vigorous  and  decided  co-operation.  "Without  this  assurance 
on  the  part  of  your  Excellency,  it  would  be  inconsistent  with 
my  duty  to  the  public  and  to  the  common  cause,  to  incur  the 
expense  and  hazard  which  would  be  inseparable  from  the  enter 
prise,  and  the  more  disagreeable  consequences  which  would 


94  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  22. 

attend  a  failure.  I  flatter  myself  your  Excellency  will  be  fully 
sensible  of  the  weight  of  the  reasons,  on  which  this  declaration 
is  founded,  and  will  approve  the  frankness  with  which  it  is 
made,  and  with  which  I  have  instructed  General  Du  Portail  and 
Colonel  Hamilton  to  disclose  to  you  every  circumstance,  and 
every  consideration  with  which  it  is  necessary  you  should  be 
acquainted.  If  your  determination  should  be  in  favor  of  the 
enterprise,  I  request  you  will  honor  me  with  a  line  in  answer  to 
this  letter,  expressive  of  your  ultimate  intentions,  and  that  you 
will  communicate  to  the  gentlemen  who  now  wait  upon  you,  the 
previous  measures  you  propose  to  pursue,  and  your  sentiments 
of  the  most  eligible  plan  of  co-operation.  I  shall  act  in  conse 
quence,  till  the  period  arrives  for  concerting  a  final  and  more 
determinate  plan. 

I  would  now  observe  to  your  Excellency,  that  you  may 
repose  the  most  implicit  confidence  in  General  Du  Portail  and 
Colonel  Hamilton,  and  accordingly  I  recommend  them  to  your 
kind  civilities  and  attention.  And,  having  done  this,  I  have 
only  to  renew  the  assurances  of  that  sincere  attachment  and 
perfect  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


HENRY  LEE  TO  HAMILTON. 

MANDLOPEN,  October  15th,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  your  letters  of  the  9th  and  13th  October.  The  pilots 
have  orders  one  half  to  proceed  to  Lewistown,  there  to  wait  on 
you. 

The  route  I  cannot  yet  determine,  as  I  am  not  sufficiently 
acquainted.  They  will  be  sent  the  shortest,  and  every  assist 
ance  given  them  to  expedite  their  arrival. 

Should  you  leave  the  Capes  before  they  get  there,  it  would 


^ET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  95 

be  necessary  to  dispatch  a  courier  to  cross  at  Dover  and  pursue 
the  Jersey  route  with  directions  for  them.  Yourself  or  courier 
must  meet  them. 

My  intelligence  corresponds  exactly  with  the  information 
obtained  from  Captain  Monroe  and  transmitted  you  from  head 
quarters. 

Ehode  Island  was  not  evacuated  when  my  last  accounts 
arrived,  but  will  be  on  the  Count's  appearance.  Transports  are 
ready  there  for  the  purpose. 

Sandy  Hook,  the  Narrows,  and  Governor's  Island  are  strongly 
fortified.  Be  assured  of  my  execution  of  your  wishes,  and  that 

I  am  your  friend  and  servant, 

HENRY  LEE. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON  AND  DU  PORTAIL. 

Head  Quarters,  West  Point,  Oct.  18,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

I  have  been  favored  with  Colonel  Hamilton's  letter,  mention 
ing  your  arrival  early  on  the  llth,  at  Philadelphia,  and  your  be 
ing  about  to  set  off  for  Lewistown  on  the  morning  on  which  it 
was  written. 

I  have  attentively  considered  the  object  to  which  you  more 
particularly  refer,  and  am  now  to  authorize  you  (provided  the 
Count  will  not  determine  on  a  co-operation  to  the  full  extent  of 
my  instructions),  to  engage  the  whole  force  described  in  my  let 
ters  to  him,  comprehending  the  Continental  troops  and  militia, 
in  such  an  enterprise  against  the  enemy's  shipping,  as  the  Count 
and  you  may  agree  to  undertake.  In  a  word,  I  will  aid  him  in 
every  plan  of  operations  against  the  enemy  at  New- York,  or 
Ehode  Island,  in  the  most  effectual  manner  that  our  strength  and 
resources  will  admit.  He  has  nothing  more  to  do,  therefore,  than 
to  propose  his  own  plan,  if  time  will  not  admit  him  to  accede  to 


96  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEn.  22. 

ours ;  weighing  thoroughly,  consequences  of  expense  and  disap 
pointment. 

Inclosed  is  some  intelligence  received  from  Elizabethtown 
since  your  departure.  You  will  observe  the  preparations  of  the 
enemy  for  throwing  every  possible  obstruction  in  the  Count's 
passage. 

A  chain  of  alarm  ships  are  stationed  in  the  Sound,  to  com 
municate  the  first  approach  of  the  Count's  fleet  to  the  garrison 
at  Ehode  Island.  This  they  can  propagate  in  a  few  minutes  by 
signal  guns.  In  a  letter  from  General  Gates  of  the  13th  instant, 
he  advises  me  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  which  some  time  ago 
sailed  from  New -York.  It  amounts  to  fifty-six  sail,  and  appear 
ed  to  be  only  in  a  set  of  ballast.  This  was  confirmed  by  one  of 
the  vessels  which  fell  into  our  hands  for  a  few  hours.  The  opin 
ion  is,  that  it  is  designed  to  take  off  the  garrison. 

General  Gates  makes  the  marine  force  at  Newport,  one  fifty, 
and  a  thirty-two  gun  frigate.  The  Eefugee  and  Wood  fleet, 
about  thirty-seven  sail,  mostly  armed,  at  the  head  of  which  is  the 
Eestoration,  late  the  Oliver  Cromwell,  of  twenty-two  guns.  One 
frigate  is  also  taken  notice  of  in  the  fleet  from  New-York. 

Should  the  operations  against  New- York,  in  either  case,  be 
undertaken,  it  will  be  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  block  up  the 
garrison  at  Ehode  Island.  You  will  consider  the  propriety  of 
suggesting  to  the  Count,  the  detaching  of  a  superior  sea  force  for 
this  purpose,  previous  to  his  approaching  the  Hook.  For,  should 
the  measure  be  deferred  till  his  arrival  there,  it  may  not  then  be 
possible  to  prevent  their  junction  with  the  army  at  New- York, 
as  the  notice  can  be  so  very  suddenly  transmitted  by  means  of 
the  signals  which  they  have  established. 

Every  proper  attention  has  been  given  to  preparing  the  neces 
sary  number  of  fascines,  and  suchother  materials  as  may  be  requi 
site  in  this  quarter.  Fascines,  gabions,  etc.,  are  also  held  in 
readiness  at  Providence  in  case  of  an  operation  against  Newport. 
I  had  thought  of  the  fire  ships,  and  have  taken  order  in  the  mat 
ter.  I  do  not,  however,  choose  to  go  to  the  great  expense  they 
must  run  us  into,  till  something  is  decided  with  His  Excellency 


jEi.  22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  97 

Count  D'Estaing ;  but  every  thing  relative  shall  be  provided,  so 
as  to  occasion  no  delay  when  such  matters  become  necessary. 

I  am,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 
•  G.  WASHINGTON. 

Brigadier-General  Du  Portail. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON  AND  DU  POKTAIL. 

WEST  POINT,  October  21,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

In  my  letters  of  the  tenth  and  eighteenth,  I  transmitted  all 
the  intelligence  I  had  obtained  respecting  the  enemy,  from  the 
time  of  your  departure  to  those  two  periods :  and  by  the  present 
conveyance,  I  inclose  you  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  Major-Gen 
eral  Gates,  of  the  15th.  By  this  you  will  perceive,  he  was  fully 
persuaded  that  the  enemy  are  now  preparing  to  evacuate  Khode 
Island ;  and  he  expected,  from  his  advices,  they  would  do  it  on 
Monday  or  Tuesday  last. 

Whether  the  event  has  taken  place,  or  not,  as  yet,  is  a  matter 
I  cannot  determine,  having  received  no  information  since  upon 
the  subject.  But  admitting  it  has  not,  there  is  no  room  to  doubt 
that  they  have  all  things  in  a  condition  to  do  it,  on  the  shortest 
notice,  whenever  they  shall  think  the  exigency  of  their  affairs 
requires  it.  It  is  also  equally  certain,  that  they  continue  to  carry 
on  their  fortifications  for  the  defence  of  New- York  with  the  ut 
most  industry  and  perseverance ;  and  appear  to  be  providing  for 
the  most  obstinate  resistance.  Indeed,  as  their  reduction  would 
be  attended  with  the  most  alarming  and  fatal  consequences  to 
their  nation,  nothing  else  can  be  reasonably  expected.  The  mo 
ment  I  hear  the  troops  have  left  Ehode  Island,  I  will  advise  you. 
The  garrisons  at  Yerplanck's  and  Stony  Points,  still  remain ; 
but  from  the  concurring  accounts  of  deserters,  the  heavy  baggage 
and  stores,  except  about  eighteen  or  twenty  rounds  for  each  can 
non,  are  embarked,  and  all  matters  are  putting  in  train  for  an 

VOL.  i.  7 


98  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  22. 

evacuation,  in  case  events  make  it  necessary.  The  deserters  add, 
as  a  circumstance  of  confirmation,  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  was  up 
at  the  posts  about  eight  days  ago ;  and  that,  from  that  time,  they 
have  totally  declined  carrying  on  any  works. 

Having  given  you  the  substancfe  of  the  intelligence  received 
since  my  last,  I  am  led  (from  the  vast  magnitude  of  the  object 
which  carried  you  from  head  quarters,  and  the  very  interesting 
consequences  it  may  involve,  all  of  which  I  am  persuaded  will 
occur  to  your  consideration)  to  remark,  that  the  Count's  entering 
New- York  Bay  with  his  fleet,  must  be  the  basis  and  groundwork 
of  any  co-operation  that  can  be  undertaken  by  us,  either  for  the 
reduction  of  the  enemy's  whole  force,  or  the  destruction  of  their 
shipping  only.  Every  thing  will  absolutely  depend  upon  it,  in 
either  case  ;  as,  without  it,  and  a  free  and  open  communication 
up  and  down  the  rivers,  and  in  the  Sound,  which  cannot  be  effect 
ed  and  maintained  in  any  other  way,  we  could  not  possibly 
undertake  any  operations  on  Long  Island,  as  our  supplies  of  pro 
visions  and  stores  could  only  be  obtained  by  water. 

This  point,  I  am  certain,  would  have  your  due  consideration ; 
but  it  appearing  to  me  the  hinge,  the  one  thing  upon  \%hich  all 
others  must  rest,  I  could  not  forbear  mentioning  it.  The  circum 
stance  of  the  season  now,  the  expenditure  of  wood,  and  the  ne 
cessity  of  supplying  it,  etc.,  will  of  course  be  fully  attended  to, 
according  to  their  importance :  and  I  have  only  to  add,  from  a 
desire  of  preventing  a  misconception  by  either  side,  if  any  co 
operation  is  agreed  on,  that  the  terms  and  conditions  may  be 
explicitly  understood.  And  whether  it  shall  extend  to  an  at 
tempt  to  reduce  the  enemy's  whole  force,  or  only  to  the  destruc 
tion  of  their  shipping  ;  your  engagements  will  provide  for  the 
continuance  of  the  Count's  fleet,  to  secure  our  retreat,  and  the 
removal  of  our  stores  from  Long  and  York  Islands,  if,  unhappily, 
it  should  be  found,  on  experiment,  that  neither  is  practicable, 
and  we  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  enterprise. 
I  am,  Gentlemen, 

With  great  regard  and  respect, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

Gr.  WASHINGTON. 


jET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  99 

P.  S.  1-4  after  three,  P.  M.  Three  deserters  have  just  come 
in,  who  left  Yerplanck's  Point  last  night.  They  all  corroborate 
the  accounts,  by  a  detail  of  circumstances,  of  the  preparations  to 
evacuate  both  that  and  Stony  Point.  I  have  no  doubt  that  things 
will  at  least  be  held  in  readiness. 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

After  dispatching  the  above,  I  received  a  letter  from  Major- 
General  Heath,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy. 

"I  now  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  your  Excellency,  that 
the  enemy  have  left  both  Points,  having  burnt  and  destroyed 
their  works." 

General  Du  Portail. 

Colonel  Hamilton. 

MANDEVILLE'S,  Oct.  21,  1779.    4  o'clock,  P.  M. 


HENRY  LEE  TO  HAMILTON. 

MONMOUTH,  Oct.  22d,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  received  your  two  letters  announcing  your  object,  route 
and  wishes.  I  sent  to  you  at  Lewistown  two  pilots;  one  of 
them  Captain  Schuyler,  from  whom  you  may  know  more  than 
from  any  other,  as  he  was  particularly  active. 

The  enemy's  strength  at  the  Hook  consists  in  two  64's,  the 
Europa  and  Eussell;  the  Eaisonable,  Renown,  Roebuck  and 
Romulus. 

Besides  these  they  have  ten  frigates  and  some  armed  schooners. 
They  have  sunk  ten  hulks  in  the  outer  channel,  and  have  more 
ready  to  be  sunk;  some  of  those  sunk  have  got  afloat  and 
reached  shore. 

They  have  also  two  fire  ships.  My  latest  accounts  from 
New- York,  mention  that  all  was  attention  and  labor  among  the 
troops.  Works  are  erecting  on  both  sides  the  Narrows  and  on 
Governor's  Island. 


100  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  |>ET.  22. 

Head  quarters  in  Long  Island.  Evacuation  of  Khode  Island 
not  yet  taken  place.  A  vessel  got  in  on  the  16th  from  Georgia, 
since  whose  arrival,  the  two  64's,  and  the  Eenown  have  fallen 
down  to  New-York. 

The  troops  have  embarked  from  the  Hook  and  gone  to  the 
city. 

I  construe  these  movements  as  indicatory  of  the  Count's 
withdrawal  from  the  coast.  Do  write  me  whenever  you  may 
hear  certainly  from  the  fleet.  You  will  regularly  be  informed  of 

what  passes  here. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Yours  affectionately, 

HENRY  LEE. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


MITCHELL  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  23d  October,  1779. 

SIR: 

Your  favor  of  the  18th  instant  from  Lewistown,  came  duly 
to  hand,  and  in  consequence  of  your  request,  expresses  have 
been  stationed  at  proper  distances  on  the  road  between  this  and 
Lewistown. 

Yours  of  the  19th  from  Egg  Harbor,  came  to  hand  at  half- 
past  two,  and  yours  of  the  22d  instant,  from  Col.  Westcoat's, 
came  to  hand  at  three  o'clock  this  afternoon. 

I  shall  only  observe  in  answer  to  your  last  note,  which  came 
unsealed,  that  you  have  met  with  no  delays  from  me,  since  your 
arrival  in  this  city  from  His  Excellency's  head  quarters,  nor 
shall  any  delays  or  neglects  be  given  you  by  the  Department 
that  I  can  prevent. 

Your  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  is  delivered.  I 
have  shown  him  yours  to  me.  Congress  is  now  sitting,  but  I  shall 
wait  till  they  rise  in  order  that  his  dispatches  may  go  with  this 
conveyance;  three  expresses  set  out  with  this  to  attend  any 
orders  you  may  have  to  dispatch.  If  you  find  more  necessary, 
you  shall  have  them. 


jET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  101 

I  had  letters  from  His  Excellency  yesterday,  but  none  for 
you  or  General  Portail.  This  day  letters  came  from  Charles 
ton,  which  mention  that  all  the  British  forces  in  Carolina  and 
Georgia  had  got  to  Savannah,  where  they  were  invested  by  the 
Count  D'Estaing,  and  the  American  forces.  He  had  carried  his 
approaches  within  four  hundred  yards  of  their  works,  and  ex 
pected  they  would  surrender  in  two  or  three  days;  the 
Experiment  taken,  and  several  other  ships  and  their  naval  force 
destroyed :  but  I  expect  the  President  will  give  you  a  more  par 
ticular  account ;  those  accounts  are  by  private  letters  of  good 
authority.  Mr.  Laurens  was  my  informant. 

I  have  sent  you  per  the  express,  Mr.  Trueman  Kirk  of 
O'Mooney,  four  horses,  the  best  I  can  procure  in  so  short  a  time ; 
one  of  them  is  a  horse  you  left  here.  It  is  with  great  difficulty 
horses  can  be  procured  sufficient  to  do  the  public  business. 

The  President  of  Congress  informs  me  he  cannot  write  at 
present.  The  accounts  from  the  southward  are  as  late  as  the  4th 
instant,  on  which  day  the  Count's  batteries  were  to  open. 

I  am  with  esteem  and  compl'ts  to  General  Portail — Sir, 
Your  most  obed't  servant, 

JNO.  MITCHELL, 

D.  Q.  Mst. 

A  letter  from  His  Excellency  for  you  and  Gen.  Portail  was 
sent  to  Lewistown  on  the  19th  inst.,  but  suppose  it  will  be  re 
turned  ;  if  so,  no  time  shall  be  lost  in  sending  it. 
Col.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON  AND  DU  PORTAIL. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  WEST  POINT,  October  25,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Hamilton,  men 
tioning  your  having  changed  your  position,  at  Lewistown,  for 
that  of  Little  Egg  Harbor ;  and  that  you  would  write  me  more 
fully  on  your  arrival  at  the  Furnace. 


102  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JSi.  22. 

In  my  last  I  informed  you  that  the  enemy  had  evacuated 
both  their  posts  at  King's  Ferry ;  since  which,  no  alteration  has 
taken  place  that  has  come  to  my  knowledge.  Things  at  Khode 
Island  remain  in  the  same  situation ;  at  least  I  have  received  no 
accounts,  either  confirming  or  contradicting  my  former  intelli 
gence. 

I  am,  Gentlemen,  your  most  ob't, 

Humble  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 
Gen,  Du  Portail. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


DU  PORTAIL  AND  HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

GREAT  EGG  HARBOR  LANDING,  October  26,  1779. 

SIB: 

"We  are  honored  with  two  letters  from  your  Excellency,  of 
the  10th  and  21st ;  to  the  contents  of  which  we  beg  leave  to 
assure  you  of  our  strictest  attention. 

That  of  the  18th  has  not  yet  come  to  hand.  It  is  not  im 
probable,  it  has  gone  round  by  Lewistown,  which  has  occasioned 
the  delay. 

Colonel  Hamilton  wrote  to  your  Excellency  from  Philadel 
phia,  acquainting  you  with  our  arrival  there,  and  our  intention 
to  proceed  to  Lewistown,  Cape  Henlopen,  and  from  Great  Egg 
Harbor,  communicating  our  progress  since,  and  our  determina 
tion  to  establish  ourselves  at  Bat  Stove  Furnace.  We  have 
since  fixed  on  this  place,  about  forty-four  miles  from  the  ex 
tremity  of  Cape  May  (eighteen  miles  short  of  the  Furnace,  which 
we  found  to  be  more  remote  than  had  been  represented),  and,  as 
far  as  we  have  been  able  to  learn,  from  100  to  110  miles  of  Sandy 
Hook,  and  about  50  from  Philadelphia.  Your  Excellency  will 
easily  perceive  the  reason  of  our  choosing  this  station.  It  did 
not  appear  to  us,  from  our  inquiries^in  Philadelphia,  to  be  a  point 
well  ascertained,  that  the  fleet  would  stop  at  the  Delaware ;  and 
the  time  which  had  elapsed,  made  it  more  possible,  if  the  Count 


-ffii.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  103 

should  be  determined  to  prosecute  any  further  operations  on  the 
continent,  that  he  would  not  lose  time  by  a  procedure  of  this 
sort,  but  might  content  himself  with  sending  some  transports, 
under  escort  of  a  few  frigates,  to  receive  the  provisions  for  the 
fleet,  and  proceed  himself  directly  on  to  the  Hook.  On  this 
supposition,  our  position  at  Lewistown  was  entirely  ineligible. 
The  distance  at  which  we  were  from  the  city,  as  well  as  from 
the  Hook ;  the  delays  that  would  consequently  attend  our  intel 
ligence  from  every  quarter;  the  difficulty  and  impossibility, 
sometimes,  of  traversing  the  Bay,  made  our  first  situation  incon 
venient  in  every  respect,  in  the  event  of  the  fleet's  proceeding 
immediately  to  the  Hook.  These  considerations  induced  us  to 
cross  the  Delaware,  and  take  the  position  at  which  we  now  are ; 
where,  or  in  the  vicinity,  we  propose  to  remain  till  the  arrival  of 
the  Count ;  till  intelligence  from  him  decides  the  inutility  of  a 
longer  stay;  or  till  we  receive  your  Excellency's  orders  of 
recall. 

We  have  now  a  better  relation  to  the  different  points  in 
which  we  are  interested,  and  have  taken  the  necessary  precau 
tions  to  gain  the  earliest  notice  of  whatever  happens.  We  have 
stationed  expresses  at  the  pitch  of  the  Cape,  and  have  established 
a  regular  communication  with  Major  Lee,  and  with  the  city.  If 
the  fleet  should  appear  off  the  Delaware,  we  can  be  there  in 
twelve  hours  after  its  first  appearance ;  and  if  at  the  Hook,  in 
less  than  four  days ;  provided  Major  Lee  is  punctual  in  convey 
ing  the  intelligence,  and  the  expresses,  from  either  side,  in  bring 
ing  it. 

By  recent  information  from  Philadelphia  (though  not  quite 
so  distinct  and  accurate  as  we  could  wish),  we  find,  that  so  late 
as  the  fourth  of  this  month,  the  Count,  as  yet,  was  to  open  his 
batteries  against  the  enemy  at  Savannah.  The  time  that  will 
probably  intervene  between  this  and  the  final  reduction ;  the 
re-embarkation  of  the  Count's  troops ;  the  dispositions  for  sailing, 
and  his  arrival  on  this  coast ;  may,  we  fear,  exhaust  the  season 
too  much  to  permit  of  the  co-operation  to  which  our  mission  re 
lates. 

We  do  not,  however,  despair ;  for  if  the  Count  has  been  fully 


104  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  JET.  22. 


successful  to  the  southward,  and  should  shortly  arrive  (which 
may  be  the  case),  the  enterprise  may  possibly  go  on. 

In  a  letter  from  Major  Lee,  of  the  22d,  he  informs  us,  that  a 
vessel  from  Georgia  arrived  on  the  16th  ;  since  which  the  two 
sixty  -fours,  and  the  Kenown,  which  were  at  the  Hook,  had  fallen 
down  towards  New-  York  ;  and  the  troops  at  the  Hook  had  em 
barked  and  gone  to  the  city.  At  first  sight,  this  account  alarmed 
us,  and  made  us  apprehensive  that  the  enemy  had  received  some 
favorable  advices  from  the  southward,  which  put  them  out  of 
danger,  and  superseded  the  necessity  of  continuing  their  prepa 
rations  for  defence.  But,  on  further  reflection,  we  think  it  more 
probable,  that  this  is  only  a  change  of  disposition  ;  and  that 
finding,  on  closer  examination,  they  would  be  unable  to  defend 
the  Hook,  they  had  determined  to  relinquish  the  attempt. 

This  seems  the  more  likely,  as  Major  Lee  mentions,  that  a 
part  of  the  hulks,  sunk  in  the  channel,  had  gotten  afloat  and 
drifted  ashore. 

To  this  experience  of  the  difficulty  of  obstructing  the  channel, 
may,  perhaps,  be  attributed  the  change  we  suppose.  And  we 
are  confirmed  in  this  conjecture,  by  the  evacuation  of  the  two 
posts  at  King's  Ferry,  which  appears,  by  your  Excellency's 
letter,  to  have  taken  place  on  the  21st,  five  days  after  the  sup 
posed  arrival  of  the  vessel  from  Georgia  ;  a  proof  that  they  had 
not  received  information  of  any  decisive  good  fortune  on  their 
side,  or  ill  fortune  on  ours;  and  that  they  persisted  in  their 
defensive  plan.  We  are  persuaded,  too,  that  their  exultation 
would  have  given  wings  to  any  good  news  they  might  have 
received,  and  that  it  would  have  reached  us  before  this.  Were 
the  season  less  advanced,  we  should  regret  this  change  of  disposi 
tion  ;  because  we  believe  the  attempt  to  defend  the  entrance  of 
the  Hook  would  have  been  fruitless  ;  and  it  might  have  thrown 
a  part  of  their  ships,  and  of  their  troops,  into  our  hands,  in 
the  first  instance,  which  could  not  fail  to  facilitate  the  succes 
sive  operations. 

But,  at  this  late  period,  it  may  rather  be  an  advantage. 
To  force  the  passage,  might  have  required  land  operations 
against  the  Hook,  which  would  lose  time  and  expose  the  fleet 


^ET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  105 

to  the  hazard  of  winds,  which  would  have  rendered  its  situa 
tion  critical.  JSTow,  the  fleet  may  probably  enter  the  bay,  on 
its  first  approach,  and  be  in  security :  and  the  whole  operation 
will  be  brought*  to  a  point,  and  may  demand  less  time  for  its 
accomplishment. 

As  a  large  number  of  fascines,  ready  for  use,  appear  to  us 
essential  to  any  operations  that  may  be  undertaken,  we  presume 
your  Excellency  has  been  preparing,  and  will  continue  to  pre 
pare  as  many  as  possible.  We  beg  leave  to  suggest  the  utility 
of  having,  at  the  same  time,  a  sufficient  number  of  gabions  and 
sand  bags.  Of  the  former,  Colonel  Gouvion,  if  your  Excellency 
thinks  proper,  may  be  charged  with  the  constructing :  the  latter 
may  be  made  under  the  care  of  the  Quarter-Master  at  Phila 
delphia.  Several  thousands  may  be  necessary.  The  usual 
dimensions  are  fifteen  or  eighteen  inches  long,  and  twelve 
wide.  If,  notwithstanding  the  advices  from  Major  Lee,  any 
thing  by  land  is  to  be  attempted  against  the  Hook,  these  will  be 
peculiarly  useful  on  such  a  flat,  sandy  spot;  and,  indeed,  it 
would  be  impracticable  to  construct  batteries,  in  any  reasonable 
time,  without  them. 

"We  have  the  honor  to  be, 
*  Sir,  your  most  obedient  and 

Humble  servants, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

Du  PORTAIL. 
His  Excellency  Gen.  Washington. 


HENRY  LEE  TO  HAMILTON. 

October  29,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  nothing  new  since  my  last ;  only  a  report  aboard  the 
Navy  at  the  Hook,  purporting  two  naval  actions,  the  one  in  the 
English  Channel  between  the  grand  fleets :  the  second  in  the 
West  Indies :  in  the  former  the  British  were  worsted ;  the  Ar- 


106  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mr.  22. 

dent,  man-of-war,  Admiral  Gambier,  sunk,  and  the  fleet  drove 
into  two  different  ports  where  they  were  blocked  up ;  in  the  lat 
ter  the  French  were  much  damaged,  and  four  of  their  capital  ships 
taken. 

Lt.  Col.  Simcoe  has  made  lately  a  very  extraordinary  tour 
to  Middlebrook :  he  burnt  the  boats,  magazine  of  forage,  court 
house,  meeting-house,  took  two  officers  at  Mr.  Yanhorn's,  and  lost 
himself  near  Brunswick.  The  party  got  safe  to  South  Amboy. 

I  send  you  a  letter  from  head  quarters. 

Adieu. 

Yours  affectionately, 

HENRY  LEE. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON  AND  DU   POETAIL. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  WEST  POINT,  November  1,  1779. 

G-ENTLEMEN  : 

I  have  this  day  been  favored  with  yours  of  twenty-sixth  ult, 
informing  me  of  your  removal  to  Great  Egg  Harbor.  My  letter 
of  the  eighteenth,  which  had  not  reached  you,  went,  as  you  sup 
posed,  by  way  of  Philadelphia ;  and,  lest  any  accident  may  have 
happened  to  it,  I  inclose  you  a  duplicate.  Mine  of  the  thirtieth 
ultimo,  which  went  through  Major  Lee,  informed  you  of  the 
evacuation  of  Ehode  Island.  I  have  since  received  a  letter  of* 
the  twenty -first  ultimo,  from  my  confidential  correspondent  in 
New- York.  He  informs  me  that  Rawdon's  corps,  the  57th,  and 
some  of  the  artillery,  were  then  embarked :  and  it  was  said,  and 
generally  believed,  that  they  were  bound  to  Halifax.  That  the 
Eobuste,  of  seventy -four  guns,  had  arrived  the  twentieth,  from 
Halifax;  and  that  a  number  of  transports  were  taking  in  water 
and  ballast.  He  gave  me  nothing  further  worth  communicating. 

You  will  find,  by  the  letter  of  the  18th,  that  a  provision  of 
fascines  and  gabions  was  making ;  and  I  shall  give  directions  to 
the  Quarter-Master-General,  to  provide  a  quantity  of  sand  bags. 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  you,  that  Colonel  La  Rodiere  died  on 


jE-r.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  107 

Saturday  last.     He  is  to  be  buried  this  day  with,  the  honors  due 
to  his  rank. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

P.  S.     Upon  a  presumption  that  Colonel  Laurens  will  be  on 
board  the  fleet,  the  inclosed  are  sent  to  you. 

Brigadier-General  Du  Portail. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  DU  POETAIL  AND  HAMILTON. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  WEST  POINT,  November  2,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN:  - 

Since  mine  of  yesterday,  I  have  received  another  letter  from 
my  confidential  correspondent  in  New- York,  dated  the  twenty- 
ninth  ultimo.  He  informs  me,  that  the  fifty-seventh  regiment, 
Eawdon's  corps,  and  the  artillery  mentioned  in  his  last,  were 
to  sail  on  that  day  for  Halifax;  and  with  them,  all  the  heavy 
ships  of  war,  except  the  Europa.  The  Daphne  frigate,  with  Sir 
George  Collier  and  Colonel  Stewart  on  board,  was  to  sail  for 
England  the  same  day.  He  says  the  pilots  reported,  that  it  was 
now  difficult  to  bring  a  vessel  into  the  Hook,  on  account  of  the 
hulks  sunk  there.  (By  this  it  would  seem  that  some  of  them 
still  remained  upon  the  shoals.)  He  says  the  transports  men 
tioned  in  his  last,  as  taking  in  water  and  ballast,  only  carried  it 
down  to  the  ships  at.  the  Hook.  The  Eainbow,  of  forty  guns, 
had  arrived  from  Halifax.  He  informs  me  of  no  other  circum 
stances  that  materially  relate  to  affairs  in  New- York.  He  says 
a  packet  arrived  from  England  on  the  twenty-third  October. 
The  accounts  brought  by  her  seemed  to  alarm  the  tories  very 
much.  It  was  reported  that  the  Ardent,  of  sixty-four  guns,  had 
been  taken,  and  the  English  fleet  chased  into  Portsmouth  by  the 
combined  fleet,  which  remained  off  that  place  several  days.  He 


108  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  22. 

mentions  these  matters  as  current  reports,  and  adds,  that  a  fleet 
of  victuallers  were  to  sail  from  Cork  the  latter  end  of  Septem 
ber,  and  another  of  store  ships  and  merchantmen,  from  Spithead, 
about  the  same  time. 

I  am,  with  great  regard,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

The  capture  of  the  Ardent  is  confirmed  by  a  New- York 
paper  of  the  twentieth  ultimo. 

General  Du  Portail  and  Colonel  Hamilton. 


DU  PORTAIL  TO  HAMILTON. 

SAMEDI  MATIN,  1779. 

MON  CHER  COLONEL: 

J'ai  beaucoup  reve*  depuis  hier  a  1'affaire  de  Caroline,  et  je 
trouve  toujours  dans  ma  tete  les  monies  choses,  la  meme  facon 
de  voir,  les  memes  dispositions,  que  je  vais  vous  expliquer  en 
deux  mots.  Je  serais  certainement  bien  aise  d'aller  en  Caroline 
pendant  cet  hiver,  mais  je  ne  voudrais  pas  absolument  le  de- 
mander,  parceque,  si  je  le  demande,  on  ne  me  saura  plus  de 
gre",  que  je  n'irai  pas  avec  le  meme  agreement,  que  je  ne  pourrai 
faire  aucune  espece  d'arrangements  qui  me  donne  le  moyen 
d'etre  vraiment  utile  la  bas,  qu'il  me  vaudra  voyager  a  mes  de- 
pens,  ce  que  1'etat  de  mes  finances  ne  me  permet  pas,  etc.,  etc. 
Je  ne  desire  done  y  aller  que  dans  le  cas  ou  le  Congres  ayant 
par  exemple  assez  bonne  opinion  de  moi  pour  croire  que  dans  le 
moment  critique  je  puis  etre  ne"cessaire  dans  le  pays,  il  penserait 
de  long  meme  ou  avertis  par  quelqu'un  a  m'y  envoyer,  ne 
pourriez  vous  done  pas  mon  cher  Colonel,  a  propos  de  la  de 
mande  du  General  Washington  au  Congres,  observer,  comme  de 
vous  meme,  au  General,  que  si  je  voulais  aller  passer  mon  hiver 
en  Caroline  cela  serait  peut-etre  fort  avantageuese.  Si  le  Gen 
eral  le  jugeait  ainsi,  probablement,  il  vous  demanderait  si  vous 


-ffiT.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  109 

croyez  que  cela  me  convient  d'ailleurs  et  me  fit  plaisir.  Sur  cela 
vous  poussiez  lui  repondre  que  vous  en  etes  persuad^,  et  que  je 
vous  ai  fait  entrevoir  meme  que  dans  cette  circonstance,  je  desi- 
rerais  que  le  General  et  le  Congres  jugeassent  a  propos  de  m'en- 
voyer  dans  le  sud,  mais  pour  le  moment  de  crise  seulement, 
souhaitant  de  revenir  pour  ses  ordres  au  commencement  de  la 
Congres  prochaine.  Le  General  prendrait  done  la  resolution 
pour  cela  de  me  donner  les  ordres  necessaires,  si  je  n'ai  besoin 
que  des  siens,  ou  s'il  pense  que  le  Congres  doit  intervenir,  d'ex- 
pliquer  au  Congres  sa  fagon  de  penser  a  cet  egard.  Ceci  suffit  a 
quelqu'un  d'aussi  intelligent  que  vous,  pour  negocier  sous  le 
pied  ou  je  desire,  ainsi  je  laisse  le  reste  a  faire  a  votre  amitie. 
Que  cette  lettre  d'ailleurs  soit  un  secret  entre  nous,  de  quelque 
facon  que  1'affaire  tourne ;  mais  je  desire  absolument  d'etre 
gratifie  en  ceci.  Adieu  je  vous  attends  a  diner  et  j'ai  1'honneur 
d'etre. 

GENERAL  DU  PORTAIL. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  LAURENS. 

Cold  in  my  professions — warm  in  my  friendships — I  wish, 
my  dear  Laurens,  it  were  in  my  power,  by  actions,  rather  than 
words,  to  convince  you  that  I  love  you.  I  shall  only  tell  you, 
that  till  you  bid  us  adieu,  I  hardly  knew  the  value  you  had 
taught  my  heart  to  set  upon  you.  Indeed,  my  friend,  it  was 
not  well  done.  You  know  the  opinion  I  entertain  of  mankind ; 
and  how  much  it  is  my  desire  to  preserve  myself  free  from  par 
ticular  attachments,  and  to  keep  my  happiness  independent  of 
the  caprices  of  others.  You  should  not  have  taken  advantage 
of  my  sensibility,  to  steal  into  my  affections  without  my  consent. 

But  as  you  have  done  it,  and  as  we  are  generally  indulgent  to 
those  we  love,  I  shall  not  scruple  to  pardon  the  fraud  you  have 
committed,  on  one  condition ;  that  for  my  sake,  if  not  for  your 
own,  you  will  continue  to  merit  the  partiality  which  you  have  so 
artfully  instilled  into  me. 


110  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^T.  22. 


I  have  received  your  two  letters  :  one  from  Philadelphia,  the 
other  from  Chester.  I  am  pleased  with  your  success  so  far  ;  and 
I  hope  the  favorable  omens  that  precede  your  application  to  the 
Assembly,  may  have  as  favorable  an  issue  ;  provided  the  situa 
tion  of  affairs  should  require  it,  which  I  fear  will  be  the  case. 
But,  both  for  your  country's  sake  and  for  my  own,  I  wish  the 
enemy  may  be  gone  from  Georgia  before  you  arrive  ;  and  that 
you  may  be  obliged  to  return,  and  share  the  fortunes  of  your 
old  friends.  In  respect  to  the  commission  which  you  received 
from  Congress,  all  the  world  must  think  your  conduct  perfectly 
right.  Indeed,  your  ideas  upon  this  occasion  seem  not  to  have 
their  wonted  accuracy  ;  and  you  have  had  scruples,  in  a  great 
measure,  without  foundation.  By  your  appointment  as  Aid-de- 
Camp  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  you  had  as  much  the  rank  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel  as  any  officer  in  the  line.  Your  receiving  a 
commission  as  Lieutenant-Colonel,  from  the  date  of  that  appoint 
ment,  does  not,  in  the  least,  injure  or  interfere  with  one  of  them; 
unless,  by  virtue  of  it,  you  are  introduced  into  a  particular  regi 
ment,  in  violation  of  the  right  of  succession,  which  is  not  the 
case  at  present,  neither  is  it  a  necessary  consequence.  As  you 
were  going  to  command  a  battalion,  it  was  proper  you  should 
have  a  commission  ;  and  if  this  commission  had  been  dated 
posterior  to  your  appointment  as  Aid-de-Camp,  I  should  have 
considered  it  derogatory  to  your  former  rank,  to  mine,  and  to 
that  of  the  whole  corps.  The  only  thing  I  see  wrong  in  the 
affair  is  this  :  Congress,  by  their  conduct,  both  on  the  former 
and  present  occasion,  appear  to  have  intended  to  confer  a  privi 
lege,  an  honor,  a  mark  of  distinction,  a  something  upon  you, 
which  they  withheld  from  other  gentlemen  of  the  family.  This 
carries  with  it  an  air  of  preference,  which,  though  we  can  all 
truly  say  we  love  your  character  and  admire  your  military 
merit,  cannot  fail  to  give  some  of  us  uneasy  sensations.  But  in 
this,  my  dear,  I  wish  you  to  understand  me  well.  The  blame, 
if  there  is  any,  falls  wholly  upon  Congress.  I  repeat  it,  your 
conduct  has  been  perfectly  right,  and  even  laudable.  You  re 
jected  the  offer  when  you  ought  to  have  rejected  it;  and  you 
accepted  it  when  you  ought  to  have  accepted  it  ;  and  let  me  add, 


jET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  Ill 

with  a  degree  of  over-scrupulous  delicacy*  It  was  necessary  to 
your  project.  Your  project  was  the  public  good  ;  and  I  should 
have  done  the  same.  In  hesitating,  you  have  refined  on  the  re 
finements  of  generosity. 

There  is  a  total  stagnation  of  news  here.  Gates  has  refused 
the  Indian  command.  Sullivan  is  come  to  take  it.  The  former 
has  lately  given  a  fresh  proof  of  his  impudence,  his  folly,  and 
his  •***•*•****•*.  'Tis  no  great  matter ;  but  a  peculiarity  in  the 
case  prevents  my  saying  what. 

Fleury  shall  be  taken  care  of.  All  the  family  send  love.  In 
this,  join  the  General  and  Mrs.  Washington  ;  and  what  is  best, 
it  is  not  in  the  style  of  ceremony,  but  sincerity. 


LAURENS  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  December  12,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON: 

Upon  my  arrival  here  yesterday  evening,  I  communicated 
the  intelligence  received  from  General  Wayne,  to  the  President 
of  Congress  and  the  French  minister.  The  latter  surprised  me 
greatly,  by  informing  me,  that  only  one  74  gun  ship  of  the 
Count  De  Grasse's  division,  and  the  Fier  Kodrigue,  had  arrived 
at  Chesapeake.  I  am  at  a  loss  how  to  account  for  the  absence 
of  the  rest.  They  have  not  been  within  the  reach  of  a  superior 
enemy's  force :  no  storm  has  happened,  within  our  knowledge, 
to  drive  them  to  any  considerable  distance  from  the  coast.  It 
cannot  rationally  be  supposed  that  the  Count  has  received  coun 
termanding  orders,  and  that  a  capital  ship  of  the  line,  together 
with  a  very  valuable  warlike  merchantman,  is  to  be  sacrificed. 
Be  the  case  as  it  may,  all  hopes  of  passing  our  reinforcement  for 
the  southern  department,  by  sea,  are  out  of  the  question.  The 
North  Carolina  Brigade,  after  profiting  by  the  navigation  of  the 
Delaware  as  far  as  it  would  serve  them,  marched  to  the  head  of 


112  HAMILTON'S     WORKS. 


.  22. 


Elk.  Thence  they  proceed,  by  water,  across  the  Chesapeake, 
and  up  to  Petersburgh,  where  they  are  to  be  overtaken  by  their 
wagons,  and  pursue  the  rest  of  their  way  by  the  middle  road  to 
Charleston.  This  is  the  route  marked  by  the  Board  of  War, 
and  a  Committee  of  Congress  appointed  to  confer  with  them  ; 
and  I  believe  it  was  recommended  by  Doctor  Burke,  one  of  the 
North  Carolina  delegates  lately  from  that  country.  It  is  intend 
ed  that  the  Virginians  should  pursue  the  same  as  far  as  Peters- 
burgh,  where  they  are  to  take  an  upper  road.  In  this  route  we 
do  not  avail  ourselves  of  Albemarle  Sound.  The  going  up  the 
river  to  Petersburgh  will  certainly  be  tedious  ;  and  four  hundred 
miles  land  march  is  to  be  executed  from  thence.  I  communica 
ted  these  objections  to  Mr.  Matthews,  and  proposed  the  route 
which  the  General  pointed  out  ;  but  the  poverty  of  the  country 
in  provision,  and  the  means  of  transporting  the  baggage  of  the 
troops,  he  said,  would  outweigh  the  advantages  of  the  water  car 
riage  and  direct  road.  I  am  by  no  means  satisfied  with  the  pres 
ent  arrangement,  when  I  reflect  how  much  more  rapidly  the 
British  may  convey  their  reinforcements  :  but  all  the  inquiries  I 
have  made  hitherto,  have  produced  nothing  favorable  to  our 
plan.  Indeed,  in  the  present  unguarded  state  of  the  Chesapeake, 
the  British  might  render  the  passage  even  of  that  ineligible. 

Mr.  Serle,  a  member  of  Congress,  who  arrived  in  town  last 
night  from  the  neighborhood  of  Major  Leigh's  post,  asserts,  that 
no  transports  were  at  the  Hook  on  Wednesday.  Whether  the 
British  operations  are  delayed  by  false  rumors  of  Count  De 
Grasse's  division  ;  or  whether  they  have  heard,  as  we  have  here, 
that  Count  D'Estaing  was  still  on  the  coast  the  twentieth  of  No 
vember,  I  cannot  decide  :  but  one  would  be  inclined  to  think, 
that  they  are  disconcerted,  either  by  false  intelligence,  or  a  total 
defect  of  it.  I  entreat  you,  my  dear  friend,  to  transmit  me  the 
earliest  and  most  accurate  relation  that  can  be  obtained,  of  the 
British  movements  ;  and  enlighten  me  with  your  observations 
upon  them.  Present  my  respects  and  love  to  our  excellent  Gen 
eral  and  the  family.  May  you  enjoy  all  the  pleasure,  moral  and 
physical,  which  you  promise  yourself  in  winter  quarters,  and  be 
as  happy  as  you  deserve. 


.ET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  113 

Tell  the  Doctor  I  shall  commit  his  darling  to  the  press  this 
morning. 

Yours,  ever, 

JOHN  LAURENS. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


LAURENS  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  December  18,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON: 

On  my  arrival  in  town,  I  was  informed  by  the  President,  that 
Congress  had  suspended  the  business  of  appointing  a  secretary 
to  their  minister  plenipotentiary  at  Versailles,  until  my  return, 
in  hopes  that  I  might  still  be  prevailed  upon  to  accept  the  office. 
I  replied,  that  I  thought  my  letter  upon  the  subject  sufficiently 
explicit ;  and  assured  him  of  my  sincere  desire  to  be  excused 
from  serving  in  that  capacity  at  the  present  juncture  of  our  af 
fairs. 

He  urged  the  unanimity  of  the  choice  with  respect  to  me ; 
the  difficulty  of  uniting  the  suffrages  of  all  parties,  in  case  of  a 
new  nomination;  and  the  advantages  of  this  union.  Several 
delegates  of  Congress  declared  to  me  the  embarrassment  of  Con 
gress  since  I  had  declined.  One,  in  particular,  suggested  to  me 
his  apprehension  of  interest  being  made  for  a  late  delegate  of 
New- York,  who  is  candidate  for  the  office,  and  to  whom  the 
world,  in  general,  allows  greater  credit  for  his  abilities  than  his 
integrity ;  and  said,  "  he  was  determined  to  oppose  him  with  all 
his  influence."  When  I  quitted  town  the  sixteenth,  these  mat 
ters  crowded  into  my  mind.  I  fell  into  a  train  of  serious  reflec 
tions  and  self-examination  ;  endeavored  to  investigate  whether  I 
had  acted  consonantly  to  the  xalov  xai  aya&ov,  and  fulfilled  the 
duties  of  a  good  citizen  in  this  transaction.  In  fine,  I  agitated 
the  grand  question,  Whether  a  citizen  has  a  right  to  decline  any 
office  to  which  his  countrymen  appoint  him ;  upon  what  that 
right  is  founded ;  and  whether  it  existed  in  my  case. 

After  undergoing  the  severest  conflict  that  ever  I  experi- 

VOL.  I.  8 


114  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [>ET.  22. 

enced;  sometimes  reproaching,  sometimes  justifying  myself; 
pursuing  my  journey,  or  turning  retrograde  ;  as  the  arguments 
on  the  one  side  or  the  other  appeared  to  prevail ;  I  determined 
that  I  had  been  deficient  in  the  duties  of  a  good  citizen.  I  re 
turned  to  Philadelphia;  communicated  my  sentiments  to  the 
President  and  two  other  members  ;  and  declared  to  them,  that  I 
thought  it  incumbent  on  me,  in  the  first  place,  to  recommend  a 
person  equally  qualified  in  point  of  integrity,  and  much  better 
in  point  of  ability.  That  if,  unhappily,  they  could  not  agree 
upon  Colonel  Hamilton,  and  that  I  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
exclude  a  dangerous  person,  or  to  prevent  pernicious  delays,  I 
should  think  it  my  duty  to  obey  the  orders  of  Congress.  The 
persons  now  in  nomination,  are,  Colonel  Hamilton,  Mr.  Lovell, 
Mr.  G-.  Morris,  Major  Stewart.  I  am  sorry  that  you  are  not  bet 
ter  known  to  Congress.  Great  stress  is  laid  upon  the  probity 
and  patriotism  of  the  person  to  be  employed  in  this  commission. 
I  have  given  my  testimony  of  you  in  this,  and  the  other  equally 
essential  points. 

I  am  sorry  to  inform  you,  that  the  North  Carolina  brigade 
had  not  quitted  Elk  the  sixteenth ;  having  been  detained  by  the 
ice. 

I  am  sorry  to  write  you,  just  as  I  am  on  the  wing.  Be  so 
good  as  to  thank  Tilghman  for  his  letter.  Inform  him,  from  Mr. 
Mitchell,  that  his  habiliments  are  making. 

My  love  as  usual.     Adieu. 

JOHN  LAUKENS. 

Colonel  Hamilton. 


LAUKENS  TO  HAMILTON. 

CHARLESTON,  1779. 

Ternant  will  relate  to  you  how  many  violent  struggles  I  have 
had  between  duty  and  inclination — how  much  my  heart  was 
with  you,  while  I  appeared  to  be  most  actively  employed  here. 
But  it  appears  to  me  that  I  should  be  inexcusable  in  the  light  of 


jET.22.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  115 

a  citizen,  if  I  did  not  continue  my  utmost  efforts  for  carrying 
the  plan  of  the  black  levies  into  execution,  while  there  remains 
the  smallest  hopes  of  success. 

Our  army  is  reduced  to  nothing  almost,  by  the  departure  of 
the  Virginians.  Scott's  arrival  will  scarcely  restore  us  to  our  an 
cient  number.  If  the  enemy  destine  the  reinforcements  from 
Great  Britain  to  this  quarter,  as  in  policy  they  ought  to  do,  that 
number  will  be  insufficient  for  the  security  of  our  country.  The 
Governor,  among  other  matters  to  be  laid  before  the  House  of 
Assembly,  intends  to  propose  the  completing  our  continental  bat 
talions  by  drafts  from  the  militia.  This  measure,  I  am  told,  is  so 
unpopular  that  there  is  no  hope  of  succeeding  in  it.  Either  this 
must  be  adopted,  or  the  black  levies,  or  the  State  will  fall  a  vic 
tim  to  the  improvidence  of  its  inhabitants. 

The  House  of  [Representatives  have  had  a  longer  recess  than 
usual,  occasioned  by  the  number  of  members  in  the  field.  It 
will  be  convened,  however,  in  a  few  days.  I  intend  to  qualify, 
and  make  a  final  effort.  Oh  that  I  were  a  Demosthenes !  The 
Athenians  never  deserved  a  more  bitter  exprobation  than  our 
countrymen. 

General  Clinton's  movements,  and  your  march  in  consequence, 
made  me  wish  to  be  with  you.  If  any  thing  important  should 
be  done  in  your  quarter,  while  I  am  doing  daily  penance  here, 
and  making  useless  harangues,  I  shall  execrate  my  stars,  and  be 
out  of  humor  with  the  world.  I  entreat  you,  my  dear  friend, 
write  me  as  freely  as  circumstances  will  permit,  and  enlighten 
me  upon  what  is  going  forward. 

Adieu.  My  love  to  our  colleagues.  I  am  afraid  I  was  so 
thoughtless  as  to  omit  my  remembrances  to  Gibbs.  Tell  him 
that  I  am  always  his  sincere  well-wisher,  and  hope  to  laugh  with 
him  again  ere  long. 

Adieu  again.     Yours  ever, 

JOHN  LAUKENS. 


116  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  23. 


HAMILTON  TO   EGBERT  MORRIS. 

SIR: 

The  present  conjuncture  is  by  all  allowed  to  be  peculiarly 
critical.  Every  man  of  reflection  employs  his  thoughts  about 
the  remedies  proper  to  be  applied  to  the  national  disorders ;  and 
every  one,  from  a  partiality  to  his  own  ideas,  wishes  to  convey 
them  to  those  who  are  charged  with  the  management  of  affairs. 
The  channel  of  the  public  papers,  commonly  made  use  of  for  the 
purpose,  appears  to  me  exceptionable  on  several  accounts.  It  not 
only  restrains  a  freedom  of  discussion,  from  the  extreme  delicacy 
of  the  subject;  but  the  discussion  itself  increases  the  evil,  by 
exposing  our  weak  sides  to  the  popular  eye,  and  adding  false 
terrors  to  those  well-founded  apprehensions  which  our  situation 
authorizes. 

Instead  of  pursuing  this  method,  I  prefer  addressing  myself 
to  a  member  of  that  body,  in  whose  power  alone  it  is,  by  well- 
digested  system,  to  extricate  us  from  our  embarrassments.  I 
have  pitched  upon  you,  from  a  personal  knowledge  of  your  abil 
ities  and  zeal.  If  I  offer  any  thing  new  and  useful,  I  am  per 
suaded  you  will  endeavor  to  turn  it  to  advantage.  If  the  contrary 
is  the  case,  I  am,  at  least,  doing  no  harm.  I  shall  only  have  had 
the  trouble  of  writing,  and  you  of  reading,  a  few  useless  pages. 

The  object  of  principal  concern  is  the  state  of  our  currency. 
In  my  opinion,  all  our  speculations  on  this  head  have  been 
founded  in  error.  Most  people  think,  that  the  depreciation  might 
have  been  avoided,  by  provident  arrangements  in  the  beginning, 
without  any  aid  from  abroad :  and  a  great  many  of  our  sanguine 
politicians,  till  very  lately,  imagined  the  money  might  still  be 
restored  by  expedients  within  ourselves.  Hence  the  delay  in 
attempting  to  procure  a  foreign  loan. 

This  idea  proceeded  from  an  ignorance  of  the  real  extent  of 
our  resources.  The  war,  particularly  in  the  first  periods,  required 
exertions  beyond  our  strength,  to  which  neither  our  population 
nor  riches  were  equal.  We  have  the  fullest  proof  of  this,  in  the 
constant  thinness  of  our  armies ;  the  impossibility,  at  this  time, 
of  recruiting  them  otherwise  than  by  compulsion ;  the  scarcity  of 


^Ei.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  117 

hands  in  husbandry,  and  other  occupations ;  the  decrease  of  our 
staple  commodities ;  and  the  difficulty  of  every  species  of  supply. 
I  am  aware  that  the  badness  of  the  money  has  its  influence ; 
but  it  was  originally  an  effect,  not  a  cause,  though  it  now  par 
takes  of  the  nature  of  both.  A  part  of  those  evils  would  appear, 
were  our  finances  in  a  more  flourishing  condition.  We  experi 
enced  them  before  the  money  was  materially  depreciated ;  and 
they  contributed  to  its  depreciation.  The  want  of  men  soon 
obliged  the  public  to  pay  extravagant  wages  for  them  in  every 
department.  Agriculture  languished  from  a  defect  of  hands. 
The  mechanic  arts  did  the  same.  The  price  of  every  kind  of 
labor  increased :  and  the  articles  of  foreign  commerce,  from  the 
interruption  it  received,  more  than  kept  pace  with  other  things. 

The  relative  value  of  money  being  determined  by  the  greater 
or  less  portion  of  labor  and  commodities  which  it  will  purchase ; 
whatever  these  gained  in  price,  that  of  course  lost  in  value. 

The  public  expenditures,  from  the  dearness  of  every  thing, 
necessarily  became  immense ;  greater  in  proportion  than  in  other 
countries ;  and  much  beyond  any  revenues  which  the  best  con 
certed  scheme  of  finance  could  have  extracted  from  the  natural 
funds  of  the  State.  No  taxes,  which  the  people  were  capable  of 
bearing,  on  that  quantity  of  money  which  is  deemed  a  proper 
medium  for  this  country  (had  it  been  gold  instead  of  paper), 
would  have  been  sufficient  for  the  current  exigencies  of  Govern 
ment. 

The  most  opulent  States  of  Europe,  in  a  war  of  any  duration, 
are  commonly  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  foreign  loans  or  sub 
sidies.*  How,  then,  could  we  expect  to  do  without  them,  and 

*  France  owes  a  debt  of  near  two  hundred  millions  of  pounds  sterling ;  of  which 
about  twenty-eight  millions  is  due  to  Governments  and  individuals  in  the  United 
Provinces. 

England  owes  a  debt  not  much  short :  of  which  about  thirty  millions  is  like 
wise  due  in  the  United  Provinces. 

The  United  Provinces,  themselves,  owe  a  debt  of  the  generality,  of  fifty  millions 
sterling  besides  the  particular  debts  of  each  province.  Russia,  Prussia,  Denmark. 
Sweden,  all  owe  money  to  the  United  Provinces,  notwithstanding  the  assistance  of 
their  mines.  These  Governments,  too,  are  patterns  of  economy.  Sweden  receives 
a  constant  supply  from  France.  The  House  of  Austria  is  also  to  be  included  in  the 


118  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

not  augment  the  quantity  of  our  artificial  wealth  beyond  those 
bounds  which  were  proper  to  preserve  its  credit  ?  The  idea  was 
chimerical. 

The  quantity  of  money  formerly  in  circulation  among  us,  is 
estimated  at  about  thirty  millions  of  dollars.  This  was  barely 
sufficient  for  our  interior  commerce.  Our  exterior  commerce  was 
chiefly  carried  on  by  barter.  We  sent  our  commodities  abroad, 
and  brought  back  others  in  return.  The  balance  of  the  princi 
pal  branch  was  against  us ;  and  the  little  specie  derived  from 
others,  was  transferred  directly  to  the  payment  of  that  balance, 
without  passing  into  home  circulation.  It  would  have  been  im 
practicable,  by  loans  and  taxes,  to  bring  such  a  portion  of  the 
forementioned  sum  into  the  public  coffers  as  would  have  answered 
the  purposes  of  the  war  :  nor  could  it  have  spared  so  considera 
ble  a  part,  without  obstructing  the  operations  of  domestic  com 
merce.  Taxes  are  limited,  not  only  by  the  quantity  of  wealth  in 
a  State,  but  by  the  temper,  habits,  and  genius  of  the  people  ;  all 
which,  in  this  country,  conspired  to  render  them  moderate  :  and 
as  to  loans,  men  will  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  lend  money  to  the 
public  when  there  is  a  scarcity,  and  they  can  find  a  more  profita 
ble  way  of  employing  it  otherwise,  as  was  our  case. 

The  ordinary  revenues  of  the  United  Provinces  amount  to 
about  twenty -five  millions  of  guilders  ;  or  two  millions  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling  per  annum.  This  is,  in 
proportion  to  its  territory  and  numbers,  the  richest  country  in 
the  world  ;  and  the  country  where  the  people  sustain  the  heaviest 

catalogue.  Spain  is  almost  the  only  considerable  European  power  to  be  excepted  ; 
but  this  is  to  be  attributed  to  that  inexhaustible  fund  of  treasure  which  she  pos 
sesses  in  the  mines  of  South  America. 

The  King  of  Prussia  is  one  of  those  potentates  the  least  in  debt ;  notwithstand 
ing  he  has  a  long  time  made  a  figure  in  Europe,  much  above  what  the  comparative 
strength  and  resources  of  his  kingdom  entitled  him  to  expect.  This  his  superior 
genius  has  effected.  By  a  wise  administration,  he  maintains  an  army  of  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  thousand  men,  nearly  equal  to  that  of  France,  with  one-third  of  its 
people,  and  less  than  a  third  of  its  riches.  This  he  does  by  judicious  arrange 
ments  ;  by  a  rigid  economy ;  and  by  a  species  of  commerce,  which  is  carried  on, 
on  account  of  the  State.  There  are  several  public  manufactories,  from  which  the 
army  is  supplied ;  and  by  the  help  of  which,  the  money  paid  out  with  one  hand  is 
taken  in  by  the  other. 


jET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  119 

load  of  taxes.  Its  population  is  about  equal  to  ours,  two  millions 
of  souls.  The  burthens  on  the  subject  are  so  great,  that  it  is  by 
some  held  almost  impracticable,  even  on  extraordinary  emergen 
cies,  to  enlarge  the  revenues  by  new  impositions.  It  is  main 
tained,  their  dependence,  in  these  cases,  must  be  on  the  extraor 
dinary  contributions  of  wealthy  individuals ;  with  the  aid  of 
which,  in  some  of  their  wars,  they  have  raised  four  millions  ster 
ling  a  year.  In  a  country  possessed  of  so  vast  a  stock  of  wealth, 
where  taxes  are  carried  to  such  a  height ;  and  where  the  means 
of  paying  them  so  infinitely  exceed  those  in  our  power ;  if  the 
national  revenues  only  amount  to  the  sum  I  have  stated,  how 
inadequate  must  have  been  the  product  of  any  taxes  we  could 
have  levied,  to  the  demands  of  the  service  !  Loans,  for  the  rea 
son  before  hinted,  would  have  been  out  of  the  question  ;  at  least, 
they  would  have  been  so  trifling  as  to  be  an  object  of  little  im 
portance.  Suppose  we  should  have  been  able  to  raise  a  million 
sterling,  annually ;  a  sum  that  probably  would  have  exceeded 
our  ability  ;  how  unequal  would  this  have  been  to  our  wants  I* 
No  economy  could  have  made  it  bear  any  proportion,  especially 
if  we  recur  to  the  causes  already  enumerated,  by  which  the  cur 
rency  depreciated  in  its  first  stages. 

From  these  reasonings  it  results,  that  it  was  not  in  the  power 
of  Congress,  when  their  emissions  had  arrived  at  the  thirty  mil 
lions  of  dollars,  to  put  a  stop  to  them.f  They  were  obliged,  in 
order  to  keep  up  the  supplies,  to  go  on  creating  artificial  reve 
nues  by  new  emissions ;  and  as  these  multiplied,  their  value 
declined.  The  progress  of  the  depreciation  might  have  been 
retarded,  but  it  could  not  have  been  prevented.  It  was,  in  a 
great  degree,  necessary. 

There  was  but  one  remedy  ;  a  foreign  loan.  All  other  expe 
dients  should  rather  have  been  considered  as  auxiliary.  Could 


*  This  will  appear,  by  recurring  to  our  expenses  in  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  before  the  money  was  depreciated.  In  75,  which  was  only  three-fourths  of  a 
year,  the  emissions  amounted  to  seven  millions  of  dollars  :  in  76,  to  fourteen  mil 
lions.  The  war  did  not  begin,  in  earnest,  till  76. 

t  This  is  meant,  without  employing  the  assistance  of  a  foreign  loan,  and  of 
other  expedients  beside  borrowing  and  taxing. 


120  HAMILTON'S.  WORKS.  [^Ex.  23. 

a  loan  have  been  obtained,  and  judiciously  applied,  assisted  by  a 
vigorous  system  of  taxation,  we  might  have  avoided  that  excess 
of  emissions  which  has  ruined  the  paper.  The  credit  of  such  a 
fund  would  have  procured  loans  from  the  moneyed  and  trading 
men  within  ourselves ;  because  it  might  have  been  so  directed, 
as  to  have  been  beneficial  to  them  in  their  commercial  transac 
tions  abroad.* 

The  necessity  for  a  foreign  loan  is  now  greater  than  ever. 
Nothing  else  will  retrieve  our  affairs. 

The  wheels  of  Government,  without  it,  cannot  much  longer 
be  kept  in  motion.  Including  Loan-office  certificates,  and  State 
emissions,  we  have  about  four  hundred  millions  of  dollars  in  cir 
culation.  The  real  value  of  these,  is  less  than  seven  millions, 
which  is  the  true  circulating  medium  of  these  States  :  for  though 
the  price  of  specie  is  and  the  rate  of  exchange  for  sterling 

bills  the  nominal  value  of  every  commodity  is  at  least 

sixty  to  one,  on  an  average.  All  the  reasonings  against  the  pos 
sibility  of  raising  the  current  expenses  on  the  foundation  of  thirty 
millions,  apply  to  our  present  situation  in  the  ratio  of  thirty  to 
seven  ;  that  is,  it  is  as  thirty  to  seven  less  practicable  now  than 
when  our  emissions  amounted  to  only  thirty  millions.  Could 
every  dollar  in  circulation  be  brought  annually  into  the  treasury, 
which  never  was  effected  in  any  country,  and  is  politically  im 
possible,  the  revenue  would  not  be  equal  to  the  yearly  expense. 

The  hope  of  appreciating  the  money,  by  taxes  and  domestic 
loans,  is  at  an  end.  As  fast  as  it  could  be  received,  it  must  be 
issued  in  the  daily  expenditures.  The  momentary  interval  be 
tween  its  being  drawn  out  of  circulation  and  returning  into  it, 
would  prevent  its  receiving  the  least  advantage. 

These  reasonings  may  appear  useless,  as  the  necessity  of  a 
foreign  loan  is  now  acknowledged,  and  measures  are  taking  to 
procure  it.  But  they  are  intended  to  establish  good  principles  ; 
the  want  of  which  has  brought  us  to  the  desperate  crisis  we  are 
arrived  at,  and  may  still  betray  us  into  fatal  mistakes. 

How  this  loan  is  to  be  employed,  is  now  the  question ;  and 

*  This  will  appear  from  the  plan  which  will  be  proposed. 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  121 

its  difficulty  equal  to  its  importance!  Two  plans  have  been 
proposed :  one,  to  purchase  up  at  once,  in  specie,  or  sterling  bills, 
all  superfluous  paper;  and  to  endeavor,  by  taxes,  loans,  and 
economy,  to  hinder  its  returning  into  circulation.  The  remain 
der,  it  is  supposed,  would  then  recover  its  value.  This,  it  is  said, 
will  reduce  our  public  debt  to  the  sterling  cost  of  the  paper. 

Suppose  two  hundred  millions  were  to  be  purchased,  and  the 
rest  called  in  by  taxes.  At  this  would  require  bills 

to  the  amount  of  of  dollars.     But  I  doubt  whether 

four  times  this  sum  would  be  sufficient.  The  moment  it  was 
known  such  purchases  were  to  be  made,  the  avarice  of  the  specu 
lators  would  begin,  to  operate  :  the  demand  would  immediately 
occasion  an  artificial  appreciation  ;  each  successive  million  would 
cost  more  than  the  preceding.  But  this  appreciation  would  be 
more  relative  to  the  purchasing  medium  than  to  the  prices  of 
commodities.  The  raising  the  value  of  the  paper  relative  to  the 
former,  would  depend  on  the  combination  of  a  few  artful  indi 
viduals,  and  would  be  easily  accomplished.  The  diminution  of 
prices  must  be  slow,  as  it  implies  a  change  in  the  sentiments  of 
the  body  of  the  people  with  respect  to  the  money.  A  sudden 
revolution  in  the  general  rates  of  all  the  necessaries  of  life  is  not 
to  be  expected.  The  prices  of  these,  as  they  have  reached  their 
present  summit  by  degrees,  must,  by  degrees,  revert  to  their 
former  station.  The  minds  of  the  people  will  not  readily  admit 
impressions  in  favor  of  the  currency.  All  their  past  experience 
has  given  a  habit  of  diffidence  ;  and  the  epidemical  spirit  of  ex 
tortion  will  maintain  a  violent  struggle  with  whatever  has  a  ten 
dency  to  produce  a  fall  of  prices.  A  permanent  reduction  of  the 
quantity  of  circulating  cash,  will  alone  gradually  effect  it.  But 
this  will  not  happen  on  the  present  plan. 

The  necessity  of  continuing  the  supplies  at  nearly  the  same 
rates  now  given  (which  would  be  the  case  if  my  reasonings  are 
true),  would  have  nearly  the  same  effect  mentioned  with  respect 
to  taxes  and  domestic  loans.  The  money  would  return  into  cir 
culation  almost  as  fast  as  it  was  drawn  out :  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  we  should  find  our  treasury  empty  ;  our  foreign  loan  dissi 
pated  ;  and  4he  state  of  our  finances  as  deplorable  as  ever.  At 


122  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [£JT.  23. 

a  moderate  calculation,  we  should  have  spent  ten  or  twelve  mil 
lions  of  real  dollars,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  war 
another  year.  It  would  be  much  better,  instead  of  purchasing 
up  the  paper  currency,  to  purchase  the  supplies  out  of  our  specie 
or  bills.  In  the  first  instance,  the  public  would  suffer  a  direct 
loss  of  the  artificial  appreciation,  relative  to  the  purchasing  me 
dium  :  in  the  last,  it  would  buy  at  the  value  of  the  commodities 
in  specie  or  bills. 

A  great  source  of  error  in  disquisitions  of  this  nature,  is  the 
judging  of  events  by  abstract  calculations ;  which,  though  geo 
metrically  true,  are  false  as  they  relate  to  the  concerns  of  beings 
governed  more  by  passion  and  prejudice,  than  by  an  enlightened 
sense  of  their  interests.  A  degree  of  illusion  mixes  itself  in  all 
the  affairs  of  society.  The  opinion  of  objects  has  more  influence 
than  their  real  nature.  The  quantity  of  money  in  circulation  is 
certainly  a  chief  cause  of  its  decline :  but  we  find  it  is  deprecia 
ted  more  than  five  times  as  much  as  it  ought  to  be  by  this  rule. 
The  excess  is  derived  from  opinion  ;  a  want  of  confidence.  In 
like  manner  we  deceive  ourselves,  when  we  suppose  the  value 
will  increase  in  proportion  as  the  quantity  is  lessened.  Opinion 
will  operate  here  also ;  and  a  thousand  circumstances  may  pro 
mote  or  counteract  the  principle. 

The  other  plan  proposed,  is  to  convert  the  loan  into  merchan 
dise,  and  import  it  on  public  account.  This  plan  is  incomparably 
better  than  the  former.  Instead  of  losing  on  the  sale  of  its  spe 
cie  or  bills,  the  public  would  gain  a  considerable  profit  on  the 
commodities  imported.  The  loan  would  go  much  further  this 
way,  in  supplying  the  expenses  of  the  war ;  and  a  large  stock  of 
valuable  commodities,  useful  to  the  army  and  to  the  country, 
would  be  introduced.  This  would  affect  the  prices  of  things  in 
general,  and  assist  the  currency.  But  the  arts  of  monopolizers 
would  prevent  its  having  so  extensive  and  durable  an  influence 
as  it  ought  to  have. 

A  great  impediment  to  the  success  of  this,  as  well  as  the  for 
mer  scheme,  will  be  the  vast  sums  requisite  for  the  current  ex 
penses.  The  arguments  adduced  in  the  former  case  are  applica 
ble  here  also,  though  not  with  equal  force.  The  .necessity  the 


jEi.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  123 

public  will  be  under  of  parting  with  its  stock  to  defray  the  daily 
demands,  will  give  designing  men  an  opportunity,  by  combina 
tions  not  to  purchase,  to  oblige  it  to  sell  at  a  rate  below  the  real 
value  of  money.  This  they  may  the  more  easily  effect,  as  the 
demand  for  foreign  commodities  is  much  less  than  formerly,  on 
account  of  the  general  spirit  of  parsimony  which  has  obtained 
from  necessity,  and  the  manufactures  carried  on  in  private  fami 
lies  for  their  own  use.  The  greatest  part  of  the  country  people 
now  almost  entirely  clothe  themselves.  « 

The  public  must  either  sell  very  cheap,  to  collect  rapidly  the 
superfluous  paper  in  hopes  of  raising  the  value  of  the  remainder  ; 
or  it  must  sell  very  slow,  to  preserve  the  due  proportion  l^tween 
the  articles  it  has  for  sale  and  those  it  wants  to  buy.  Bj  pursu 
ing  the  first  method,  it  will  soon  exhaust  its  stock  at  a  very  con 
siderable  loss,  and  only  give  temporary  relief  to  the  currency. 
According  to  my  principle,  though  it  sells  cheap,  it  must  still 
buy  dear ;  and,  consequently,  the  money  collected  cannot  remain 
in  the  treasury  long  enough  to  preserve  the  rise  in  its  appreciated 
state.  If  it  pursues  the  second  method,  the  expenditures  will  be 
equal  to  the  income ;  and  though  the  public  will  make  the  natu 
ral  profits  on  its  goods,  as  it  will  lay  up  nothing,  it  will  do  noth 
ing  towards  the  appreciation.* 

The  farmers  have  the  game  in  their  own  hands,  and  will 

*  To  form  an  idea  of  the  effect  of  this  plan,  let  it  be  supposed  that  the  goods 
imported  amount  to  two  millions  of  pounds  sterling,  and  that  these  sell  at  one 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds  in  paper,  for  each  pound  sterling.  The  whole  proceeds 
will  be  eight  hundred  millions  of  dollars :  to  these  add  two  hundred  millions, 
raised  in  taxes.  There  will  then  be  in  the  hands  of  the  public,  one  thousand  mil 
lions  of  dollars ;  which,  at  sixty  to  one,  gives  sixteen  millions  six  hundred  and  six 
ty-six  thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  and  two-thirds  of  real  dollars.  Take 
the  year  76  for  a  standard,  and  suppose  fourteen  millions  of  dollars  to  be  the  prop 
er  annual  expense  of  the  war,  which  is  only  two  millions  six  hundred  and  sixty-six 
thousand  six  hundred  and  sixty-six  and  two-thirds  less  than  the  whole  amount 
of  the  goods  and  taxes.  At  this  rate,  the  plan  would  do  little  more  than  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  war  for  one  year.  But  this  calculation  is  not  exactly  true  ;  be 
cause  the  money  would  certainly  appreciate,  in  some  degree,  by  the  reduction  of 
its  quantity  :  yet,  as  this  reduction  would  not  last,  at  least  in  the  same  extent,  to 
preserve  the  appreciation ;  and  as,  in  proportion  to  the  appreciation,  the  price  of 
goods  must  fall,  and  bring  less  money  in,  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  it  would  not 
ultimately  come  to  the  same  thing. 


124  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  |>ET.  23. 

make  it  very  difficult  to  lower  the  prices  of  their  commodities. 
For  want  of  laborers,  there  is  no  great  superfluity  of  the  most 
essential  articles  raised.  These  are  things  of  absolute  necessity, 
and  must  be  purchased,  as  well  by  the  other  classes  of  socie 
ty  as  by  the  public.  The  farmers,  on  the  contrary,  if  they  do 
not  like  the  price,  are  not  obliged  to  sell ;  because  they  have  al 
most  every  necessary  within  themselves ;  salt,  and  one  or  two 
more,  excepted ;  which  bear  a  small  proportion  to  what  is  wanted 
from  them ;  and  ^hich  they  can  obtain,  by  barter,  for  other  arti 
cles  equally  indispensable.  Heavy  taxes,  it  may  be  said,  will 
oblige  them  to  sell ;  but  they  can  pay,  with  a  small  part  of  what 
they  have,  any  taxes  our  legislatures  will  venture  to  impose,  or 
would  i5e  able  to  enforce. 

One  measure,  alone,  can  counterbalance  these  advantages  of 
the  farmers,  and  oblige  them  to  contribute  their  proper  quota  to 
the  support  of  Government :  a  tax  in  kind. 

This  ought  instantly  to  begin  throughout  the  States.  The 
present  quantity  of  cash,  though  nominally  enormous,  would,  in 
reality,  be  found  incompetent  to  domestic  circulation,  were  it  not 
that  a  great  part  of  our  internal  commerce  is  carried  on  by  bar 
ter.  For  this  reason,  it  is  impossible,  by  pecuniary  taxes,  to 
raise  a  sum  proportioned  to  the  wants  of  the  State.  The  money 
is  no  longer  a  general  representative ;  and  when  it  ceases  to  be 
so,  the  State  ought  to  call  for  a  portion  of  the  thing  represented ; 
or,  in  other  words,  to  tax  in  kind.  This  will  greatly  facilitate 
whatever  plan  of  finance  is  adopted ;  because  it  will  lessen  the 
expenditures  in  cash,  and  make  it  the  easier  to  retain  what  is 
drawn  in. 

I  said  the  demand  for  foreign  goods  is  less  than  it  formerly 
was.  I  mean  there  is  not  a  demand  for  so  large  a  quantity,  which 
the  reasons  already  assigned  clearly  demonstrate ;  nor  are  the 
exorbitant  rates  now  given  any  objection  to  this  doctrine. 
There  is  an  absolute  scarcity  even  in  comparison  of  the  present 
consumption ;  and,  of  course,  a  demand  for  what  there  is.  But 
should  an  importation  of  two  millions  sterling  take  place,  the 
market  would  be  glutted ;  and  there  would  be  no  way  of  keep 
ing  up  the  price,  but  by  making  very  slow  sales.  A  less  quan- 


•JET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  125 

tity  would  stand  no  chance  of  calling  in  the  money,  and  keeping 
it  in  long  enough  to  effect  any  thing  in  favor  of  its  credit. 

I  say  nothing  about  the  risk  of  importation.  I  do  not  believe 
we  could  obtain  a  convoy  sufficient  to  justify  our  hazarding  it 
without  the  precaution  of  insurance.  But  with  this  expedient 
we  are  safe ;  and  must  be  satisfied  with  smaller  profits  for  the 
sake  of  security. 

This  is  a  plan  not  altogether  to  be  rejected.  With  prudent 
management  it  might  enable  us  to  carry  on  the  war  two  or  three 
years  (which,  perhaps,  is  as  long  as  it  may  last) ;  but  if  we  should 
expect  more  from  it,  the  restoration  of  the  currency,  we  should 
be  disappointed. 

The  only  plan  that  can  preserve  the  currency,  is  one  that  will 
make  it  the  immediate  interest  of  the  moneyed  men  to  co-operate 
with  Government  in  its  support.  This  country  is  in  the  same 
predicament  in  which  France  was  previous  to  the  famous  Missis 
sippi  scheme,  projected  by  Mr.  Law.  Its  paper  money,  like  ours, 
had  dwindled  to  nothing ;  and  no  efforts  of  the  Government 
could  revive  it,  because  the  people  had  lost  all  confidence  in  its 
ability.  Mr.  Law,  who  had  much  more  penetration  than  integri 
ty,  readily  perceived,  that  no  plan  could  succeed  which  did  not 
unite  the  interest  and  credit  of  rich  individuals  with  those  of  the 
State ;  and  upon  this,  he  framed  the  idea  of  his  project,  which, 
so  far,  agreed  in  principle  with  the  Bank  of  England.  The  foun 
dation  was  good,  but  the  superstructure  too  vast.  The  proprie 
tors  aimed  at  unlimited  wealth,  and  the  Government  itself  ex 
pected  too  much ;  which  was  the  cause  of  the  ultimate  miscar 
riage  of  the  scheme,  and  of  all  the  mischiefs  that  befel  the  king 
dom  in  consequence. 

It  will  be  our  wisdom  to  select  what  is  good  in  this  plan, 
and  in  any  others  that  have  gone  before  us ;  avoiding  their  de 
fects  and  excesses.  Something  on  a  similar  principle  in  America, 
will  alone  accomplish  the  restoration  of  paper  credit,  and  estab 
lish  a  permanent  fund  for  the  future  exigencies  of  Government. 

Article  I.  The  plan  I  would  propose,  is  that  of  an  American 
Bank,  instituted  by  authority  of  Congress  for  ten  years,  under 
the  denomination  of  The  Bank  of  the  United  States. 


126  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

II.  A  foreign  loan  makes  a  necessary  part  of  the  plan ;  but 
this  I  am  persuaded  we  can  obtain,  if  we  pursue  the  proper  mea 
sures.     I  shall  suppose  it  to  amount  to  two  millions  of  pounds 
sterling.     This  loan  to  be  thrown  into  the  Bank  as  a  part  of  its 
stock. 

III.  A  subscription  to  be  opened  for  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollars ;  and  the  subscribers  erected  into  a  Company,  to  be 
called  THE  COMPANY  OF  THE  BANK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

IV.  The  Government  to  guarantee  this  subscription  money 
to  the  proprietors,  at  the  rate  of  one  for  twenty ;    that  is,  to 
engage,  at  the  dissolution  of  the  Bank,  to  make  good  to  them 
the  sum  of  ten  millions  of  dollars,  in  lieu  of  the  two  hundred 
millions  subscribed,  payable  in  Spanish  milled  dollars,  or  a  cur 
rency  bona  fide  equivalent  to  them. 

"V.  The  tax"es  raised  in  money  annually,  to  be  thrown  into 
stock.* 

YI.  All  the  remaining  paper  to  be  called  in  (at  the  option 
of  the  possessor),  and  bank  notes  issued  in  lieu  of  them,  for  so 
much  sterling,  payable  to  the  bearer  in  three  months  from  the 
date,  at  two  per  cent,  per  annum  interest.  A  pound  sterling  to 
be  estimated  at  two  hundred  and  sixty-six  and  two-thirds  of 
the  present  dollars. f  The  interest  to  be  punctually  paid  in 
specie  at  the  end  of  the  three  months ;  when  it  shall  be  at  the 
choice  of  the  possessor  to  have  the  bank  notes  renewed,  or  to 
receive  the  sum  deposited,  in  the  old  paper. 

VII.  All  the  money  issued  from  the  Bank,  to  be  of  the 
same  denomination,  and  on  the  same  terms.:): 

*  The  taxes  are  made  to  increase  every  year,  for  the  three  years ;  because 
the  money  in  circulation  increases,  and,  consequently,  the  people  can  afford  to  pay 
more. 

t  This  is  sixty  paper  dollars  to  one  dollar  of  four  shillings  and  sixpence  ster 
ling  ;  which  is  the  real  value  of  the  money.  But  if  it  is  apprehended  that  this  may 
meet  with  opposition,  let  the  valuation  of  the  bank  notes  be  the  same  as  the  price 
of  European  Bills  of  Exchange.  Other  operations  must  be  regulated  accordingly. 

$  The  reason  of  this  is,  to  preserve  the  idea  of  a  Stock,  and  make  it  seem  that 
the  old  paper  is  still  in  existence.  But  there  is  danger,  notwithstanding  the 
reasons  to  the  contrary,  that  there  may  be  a  run  upon  the  bank,  from  particular 
causes,  which  may  embarrass  it.  It  is  not  probable  the  old  paper  will  be  entirely, 
though  nearly,  called  out  of  circulation :  what  remains,  will  appreciate  :  this  may 


^JT.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  127 

YIII.  The  Bank  to  furnish  Congress  with  an  annual  loan 
of  two  millions  sterling,  if  they  have  occasion  for  it,  at  four  per 
cent,  interest. 

IX.  The  whole,  or  such  part  of  the  stock  as  is  judged 
necessary,  to  be  employed  in  commerce,  in  the  manner,  and  on 
the  terms,  which   shall  be   agreed  upon,  from  time  to  time, 
between  the  Company,  and  a  Board  of  Trade  to  be  appointed  by 
Congress. 

X.  The  Bank  to  issue  occasionally,  by  permission  of  Con 
gress,  such  sums  as  may  be  thought  safe  and  expedient,  in 
private  loans,  on  good  securities,  at  six  per  cent,  interest. 

XI.  The  Government  to  share  half  the  whole  stock  and 
profits  of  the  Bank. 

XII.  The  Bank  to  be  managed  by  the  trustees  of  the  Com 
pany,  under  the  inspection  of  the  Board  of  Trade,*  who  may 


tempt  those  who  have  bank  notes,  to  demand  payment  on  the  terms  of  the  original 
deposit ;  without  considering  that,  by  bringing  too  great  a  quantity  again  into  cir 
culation,  it  will  again  depreciate.  The  Bank  may  be  pushed  to  a  very  disagreeable 
extremity  by  this  means.  I  do  not  know  whether  it  may  not  be  advisable  to  confine 
the  privilege  of  repayment  to  the  lenders  to  the  Bank,  and  make  the  bills  bear 
interest,  payable  every  three  months,  without  making  the  principal  demandable. 
Much  may  be  said  for  and  against.  It  is  well  worth  consideration. 

*  This  board  ought  immediately  to  be  established,  at  all  events.  The  Royal 
Council  of  Commerce,  in  France,  and  the  subordinate  Chambers  in  each  province, 
form  an  excellent  institution,  and  may,  in  many  respects,  serve  as  a  model.  Con 
gress  have  too  long  neglected  to  organize  a  good  scheme  of  administration,  and 
throw  public  business  into  proper  executive  departments.  For  Commerce,  I  prefer 
a  Board ;  but  for  most  other  things,  single  men.  We  want  a  Minister  of  War,  a 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  a  Minister  of  Finance,  and  a  Minister  of  Marine. 
There  is  always  more  decision,  more  dispatch,  more  secrecy,  more  responsibility, 
where  single  men,  than  where  bodies  are  concerned.  By  a  plan  of  this  kind,  we 
should^blend  the  advantages  of  a  Monarchy  and  of  a  Republic,  in  a  happy  and  bene 
ficial  union.  Men  will  only  devote  their  lives  and  attentions  to  the  mastering  a 
profession,  on  which  they  can  build  reputation  and  consequence  which  they  do  not 
share  with  others. 

If  this  plan  should  be  approved,  Congress  ought  immediately  to  appoint  a 
Minister  of  Finance,  under  whatsoever  title  they  think  proper,  and  charge  him 
with  its  execution.  He  ought  to  be  a  man  of  ability,  to  comprehend  it  in  all  its 
consequences ;  and  of  eloquence,  to  make  others  comprehend  and  relish  it.  He 
ought,  beside,  to  have  some  general  knowledge  of  the  science.  This  man  ought 
immediately  to  address  himself  to  some  of  the  most  sensible  moneyed  men ;  and 


128  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  23. 

have  recourse  to  the  Company  books  whenever  they  think  pro 
per,  to  examine  the  state  of  its  affairs.  The  same  is  done  in 
England,  and  in  other  countries  where  Banks  are  established, 
and  is  a  privilege  which  the  Government  has  a  right  to  demand 
for  its  own  security.  It  is  the  more  necessary  in  this  case,  from 
the  commercial  nature  of  the  Bank. 
To  give  an  idea  of  the  advantages 

[Here  a  part  of  the  manuscript  is  missing.] 

which,  having  all  the  operation  of  money,  and  of  a  more  advan 
tageous  kind  than  that  which  the  lenders  have  parted  with,  will 
have  all  the  efficacy  of  a  payment.  It  is  for  this  reason  they 
are  made  to  bear  interest :  and  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that  every 
man  will  prefer  a  species  of  money  which  answers  all  the  pur 
poses  of  a  currency,  and  even,  when  lying  idle,  brings  in  a  profit 
to  the-  possessor.  The  same  consideration  will  prevent  the 
lenders  recalling  the  old  paper,  at  the  quarterly  payments ;  be 
cause  they  hold  a  more  valuable  property  instead  of  it.  The 
interest  is  to  be  paid  in  specie,  as  a  further  temptation,  for  which 
a  small  sum  will  suffice.  The  denomination  of  the  money  is 
altered ;  because  it  will  produce  a  useful  illusion.  Mankind  are 
much  led  by  sounds  and  appearances ;  and  the  currency  having 
changed  its  name,  will  seem  to  have  changed  its  nature. 

The  Bank  will  advance  bills  to  the  amount  of  two  millions 
of  pounds  sterling  to  Congress ;  and,  in  addition  to  its  stock,  will 


endeavor  to  convince  them  of  the  utility  of  the  project.  These  must  engage  others, 
and  so  on,  till  a  sufficient  number  is  engaged. 

Then  Congress  must  establish  the  Bank,  and  set  it  agoing.  I  know  of  no  man 
that  has  better  pretensions  than  yourself;  and  I  shall  be  very  happy  to  hear  that 
Congress  have  said,  "  Thou  art  the  man." 

I  had  like  to  have  omitted  one  remark,  which  is,  that  the  subscription 
money  may  be  guaranteed,  if  necessary,  at  10  to  1,  as  a  greater  inducement. 
This  will  only  be  twenty  millions  of  dollars,  or  five  millions  of  pounds  sterling  ; 
a  cheap  bargain  to  get  rid  of  the  perplexities  we  labor  under,  and  convert  the 
torrent  of  ideal  money  into  a  moderate,  but  sufficient,  stream,  to  supply  the  real 
wants  of  the  State.  Congress,  no  doubt,  would  be  able  to  borrow  enough  abroad 
to  pay  this  debt,  if  it  should  not  find  better  means  within  itself.  But  I  shall  be 
much  mistaken,  if  the  proprietors  will  desire  to  be  repaid,  and  not  prefer  continu 
ing  the  loan  to  Government  on  reasonable  terms. 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  129 

now  have  a  debt  due  it  of  this  sum,  which  is  to  be  considered  as 
so  much  gained. 

[Here  a  part  of  the  manuscript  is  missing.] 

Brought  over,  .     ''";_  J  ;  v  'J  -  v  r     .        .        7,075,000 

To  be  deducted, 

Drawn  out  of  circulation,  by  the  sale  of 

goods  imported,  '.*      .     :  :vv  .^'F    4,000,000 
By  govermental  taxes,  supposed  to  be,  1,000,000—5,000,000 


Kemaining  in  circulation  the  fourth  year,      :  • ;;    £2,075,000 

This  will  be  less  than  the  preceding,  which  is  occasioned  by 
the  million  supposed  to  be  drawn  in  by  taxes. 

The  national  debt,  on  this  plan,  will  stand  thus,  at  the  end  of 
three  years : 

Foreign  loan,  .  #fj  .  ,  &•$  v,  *  &nq  onrf  2,000,000 
Domestic  loan,  at  two  millions  per  annum,  -;-p  6,000,000 
Interest,  at  four  per  cent.,  .  •/^l  .  .:,;;  320,000 


8,320,000 
Half  the  value  of  the  Bank,      .     .^  I ;  > .   ,     .  ,       7,900,000 


Balance  against  the  United  States,    .       ,..T,  ,.r.r,  ,     £420,000 

We  may,  therefore,  by  means  of  this  establishment,  carry  on 
the  war  three  years,  and  only  incur  a  debt  of  four  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  pounds  over  and  above  the  guarantee  of  the 
subscription  money ;  which,  however,  is  not  to  be  paid  till  the 
end  of  ten  years. 

I  have  said,  in  one  place,  that  abstract  calculations,  in  ques 
tions  of  finance,  are  not  to  be  relied  on:  and  as  the  complex 
operations  of  trade  are  involved  in  the  present  plan,  I  am,  myself, 
diffident  of  those  flattering  results  which  it  presents  at  every  step. 
I  am  aware  how  apt  the  imagination  is  to  be  heated  in  projects 
of  this  nature,  and  to  overlook  the  fallacies  which  often  lurk  in 

VOL.  I.  9 


130  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

first  principles.  But  when  I  consider,  on  the  other  hand,  that 
the  scheme  stands  on  the  firm  footing  of  public  and  private  faith ; 
that  it  links  the  interest  of  the  State  in  an  intimate  connection 
with  those  of  the  rich  individuals  belonging  to  it ;  that  it  turns 
the  wealth  and  influence  of  both  into  a  commercial  channel,  for 
mutual  benefit,  which  must  afford  advantages  not  to  be  estima 
ted  ;  that  there  is  a  defect  of  circulating  medium,  which  this 
plan  supplies,  by  a  sort  of  creative  power ;  converting  what  is  so 
produced  into  a  real  and  efficacious  instrument  of  trade  ;  I  say, 
when  I  consider  these  things,  and  many  more  that  might  be 
added,  I  cannot  forbear  feeling  a  degree  of  confidence  in  the  plan ; 
and,  at  least,  hoping  that  it  is  capable  of  being  improved  into 
something  that  will  give  relief  to  our  finances. 

I  do  not  believe,  that  the  advantages  will  be  so  great  in  fact, 
as  they  seem  to  be  in  speculation.  They  will  be  limited  by 
the  means  of  commerce  which  the  States  produce ;  and  these 
may  not  be  so  extensive  in  the  beginning  as  the  plan  supposes. 
Beside  this,  the  profits  of  the  commerce  will  not  be  so  large,  in 
proportion,  after  the  first  or  second  year,  as  during  those  years : 
neither  will  it  be  possible  to  increase  the  paper  credit  in  the  same 
degree.  But  the  Bank  of  England  is  a  striking  example,  how 
far  this  may  be  carried,  when  supported  by  public  authority  and 
private  influence.  On  the  other  hand,  a  variety  of  secondary 
expedients  may  be  invented,  to  enlarge  the  advantages  of  the 
bank.  The  whole  system  of  annuities,  as  practised  in  England, 
may  be  ingrafted  upon  it,  with  such  differences  as  are  proper  to 
accommodate  it  to  our  circumstances.  The  European  loan  may 
also  be  converted  into  a  European  Bank,  the  interests  of  which, 
being  interwoven  with  the  American  Bank,  may  engage  rich 
individuals  there  in  promoting  and  extending  the  plan. 

Yery  beneficial  contracts  may  be  made  between  Government 
and  the  Company,  for  supplying  the  army,  by  which  money  may 
be  saved  to  the  public,  the  army  better  furnished,  and  the  profits 
of  the  bank  extended. 

I  have  confined  the  Bank  to  the  space  of  ten  years ;  because 
this  will  be  long  enough  to  judge  of  its  advantages  and  disadvan 
tages  :  and  the  latter  may  be  rectified  by  giving  it  a  new  form. 


jEi.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  131 

I  do  not  suppose  it  will  ever  be  discontinued ;  because  it  seems 
to  be  founded  on  principles  that  must  always  operate  well,  and 
make  it  the  interest,  both  of  Government  and  the  Company,  to 
uphold  it.  But  I  suppose  the  plan  capable  of  improvement, 
which  experience  will  suggest. 

I  give  one  half  of  the  whole  property  of  the  Bank  to  the 
United  States ;  because  it  is  not  only  just,  but  desirable  to  both 
parties.  The  United  States  contribute  a  great  part  of  the  stock ; 
their  authority  is  essential  to  the  existence  of  the  Bank ;  their 
credit  is  pledged  for  its  support.  The  plan  would  ultimately  fail, 
if  the  terms  were  too  favorable  to  the  Company,  and  too  hard 
upon  Government.  It  might  be  encumbered  with  a  debt  which 
it  could  never  pay,  and  be  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  a  bankrupt 
cy.  The  share  which  the  State  has  in  the  profits,  will  induce  it 
to  grant  more  ample  privileges,  without  which  the  trade  of  the 
Company  might  often  be  under  restrictions  injurious  to  its  suc 
cess. 

It  is  not,  perhaps,  absolutely  necessary  that  the  sum  sub 
scribed  should  be  so  considerable  as  I  have  stated  it,  though  the 
larger  the  better.  It  is  only  necessary  it  should  be  considerable 
enough  to  engage  a  sufficient  number  of  the  principal  moneyed 
men  in  the  scheme.  But  Congress  must  take  care  to  proportion 
the  advantages  they  give  and  receive. 

It  may  be  objected,  that  this  plan  will  be  prejudicial  to  trade, 
by  making  the  Government  a  party  with  a  trading  Company ; 
which  may  be  a  temptation  to  arrogate  exclusive  privileges,  and 
thereby  fetter  that  spirit  of  enterprise  and  competition,  on  which 
the  prosperity  of  commerce  depends.  But  Congress  may  satisfy 
the  jealousies  on  this  head,  by  a  solemn  resolution  not  to  grant 
exclusive  privileges,  which  alone  can  make  the  objection  valid. 
Large  trading  Companies  must  be  beneficial  to  the  commerce  of 
a  nation,  when  they  are  not  invested  with  these,  because  they 
furnish  a  capital  with  which  the  most  extensive  enterprises  may 
be  undertaken.  There  is  no  doubt  the  establishment  proposed 
would  be  very  serviceable  at  this  juncture,  merely  in  a  commer 
cial  view ;  for  private  adventurers  are  not  a  match  for  the  numer 
ous  obstacles  resulting  from  the  present  posture  of  affairs. 


132  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^T.  23. 


The  present  plan  is  the  product  of  some  reading  on  the  sub 
jects  of  commerce  and  finance,  and  of  occasional  reflections  on  our 
particular  situation  :  but  a  want  of  leisure  has  prevented  its  being 
examined  in  so  many  lights,  and  digested  so  materially,  as  its 
importance  requires.  If  the  outlines  are  thought  worthy  of 
attention,  and  any  difficulties  occur  which  demand  explanation  : 
or  if  the  plan  be  approved,  and  the  further  thoughts  of  the  writer 
are  desired  ;  a  letter  directed  to  James  Montague,  Esquire,  lodged 
in  the  post-office  at  Morristown,  will  be  a  safe  channel  of  any 
communications  you  may  think  proper  to  make  ;  and  an  imme 
diate  answer  will  be  given.  Though  the  writer  has  reasons 
which  make  him  unwilling  to  be  known  ;  if  a  personal  confer- 
^ence  with  him  should  be  thought  material,  he  will  endeavor  to 
comply. 

You  will  consider  this  as  a  hasty  production,  and  excuse  the 
incorrectnesses  with  which  it  abounds. 

I  am,  Sir,  very  respectfully, 

Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

AMBOY,  March  17,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  duly  received  your  letter  of  the  fourteenth,  and  shall  not 
fail,  in  conjunction  with  General  St.  Clair,  to  attend  to  the  mili 
tary  object  of  it.  I  am  much  obliged  to  your  Excellency  for  the 
communication  of  your  Southern  advices.  The  enemy  are  still 
in  the  dark  about  their  fleet  and  army  gone  that  way,  as  we 
gather  from  the  commissioners.  They  pretend  to  have  little 
European  news,  though  a  vessel  arrived  two  or  three  days  since 
from  England,  after  ten  weeks  passage.  We  send  you  some  late 
New- York  papers. 

The  commission  has  been  several  days  at  an  end.  The 
enemy,  as  was  supposed,  had  no  idea  of  treating  on  national 
ground.  We  are  now  in  private  conversation,  and  so  far  not 


JET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  133 

without  hopes  that  the  liberation  of  our  prisoners  will  be  effected 
on  admissible  terms.     Two  or  three  days  more  will  probably  put 
an  end  to  the  interview.     General  St.  Glair  and  Colonel  Carring- 
ton,  beg  their  respects  may  be  presented  to  your  Excellency. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Very  respectfully  and  affectionately, 

Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


DU  POKTAIL  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  21  March,  1780. 

MON  CHEK  COLONEL  : 

Quoique  je  compte  partir  pour  le  camp  dans  peu  de  jours,  la 
crainte  d'  etre  encore  retenu  plus  longtemps  que  je  ne  voudrais, 
(comme  je  le  suis  depuis  un  mois),  me  fait  prendre  le  parti  de 
vous  ecrire  quelque  chose  qui  me  semble  d'une  certaine  import 
ance  que  me  concerne.  Hier  j'ais  appris  qu'il  y  a  une  quinzaine 
de  jours  hors  de  la  nouvelle  de  1'  arrive*e  des  Anglais,  une  mem- 
bre  du  Congres  Kepresanta  dans  le  Congres,  qu'il  serait  apropos 
de  m'envoyer  en  Caroline  avec  la  plus  grande  hate.  II  fonda  sa 
demande  sur  les  choses  avantageuses  qu'il  avait  entendu  dire  de 
moi,  etc.,  etc.  II  voulait  que  le  Congres  me  donnat  sur  le 
champ  des  ordres,  et  que  je  partisse  sans  delai.  J'ignore  quel 
est  le  membre  qui  a  fait  cette  proposition,  seulement  je  conjec 
ture  que  c'est  quelque  delegue  des  Etats  du  sud.  On  lui  a  re- 
pondu,  que  c'etait  au  Commandant-en- Chef  qu'il  appartenait  de 
faire  une  telle  chose,  que  le  Congres  ne  pouvait  pas  savoir  s'il 
n' avait  pas  quelque  r|iison  de  me  retenir  a  son  Armee,  quoique 
dans  la  circonstance  presente,  il  parut  effectivement  que  je  serais 
plus  utile  au  sud,  en  un  mot  que  ^attention  avec  la  quelle  le  Com 
mandant-en- Chef  veillait  au  salut  de  I'etatnepermettaitpas  de  douter 
qu'il  n' employ  At  tous  les  moyens  qui  &taient  en  son  pouvoir,  et  que  les 
circonstances  permettaient. 

II  est  tres  agreable,  mon  cher  Colonel,  d'etre  le  sujet  d'une 
aussi  belle  phrase,  mais  je  suis  fach6  que  la  chose  ait  tourne 


134  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  23. 

ainsi ;  je  suis  aussi  tres  fache  de  n'avoir  pas  su  tout  cela 
dans  le  temps  pour  vous  le  mander.  Car  il  etait  encore  temps 
dors  d'aller  dans  le  sud;  maintenant  je  ne  sais  plus  que  desirer. 
Cependant  hier  1'on  nous  debitait  que  des  vaisseaux  de  transport 
servantes  de  vaisseaux  de  guerre  etaient  arrivees  a  New- York 
pour  prendre  des  Eenforts ;  si  cela  etait  si  confirme,  il'y  aurait 
apparence  que  les  Anglais  ne  se  proposaient  pas  de  commencer 
leurs  operations  avant  1'arrivee  de  ces  Eenforts,  alors  ce  serait 
peut  e'tre  le  cas  d'y  aller.  Je  laisse  tout  cela  a  faire  a  votre  pru 
dence,  et  a  votre  amitie",  vous  savez  une  partie  des  raisons  que 
j'ai  toujours  eu  et  que  j'ai  encore  de  ne  point  faire  de  demande  a 
ce  sujet  au  General  Washington,  mais  vous  savez  aussi  combien 
je  desire  d'aller  au  Caroline.  S'il  y'a  quelque  apparence  que  je 
puisse  y  arriver  a  temps,  je  ne  vais  pas  d'inconvenient  a  ceque 
vous  faisiez  usage  aupres  du  General  de  ce  qui  c'est  passe  dans 
le  Congres,  parceque  plusieurs  membres  de  Congres  1'ont  deja 
dit  a  differentes  personnes. 

(Si  vous  voulez  ensuite  que  je  vous  parle  comme  a  mon  ami, 
je  vous  dirai  que  j'ai  eu  lieu  de  voir  que  de  m'envoyer  la  bas, 
aurait  fait  un  fort  bon  effet  ici,  surtout  dans  le  commencement.) 

Supposez  done,  que  notre  General  jugeat  par  des  circon- 
stances  ulterieures  qu'il  peut  encore  etre  temps  de  m'y  envoyer, 
comme  il  ne  faut  pas  perdre  un  moment,  il  serait  bon  que  je 
ne  fusse  pas  oblige  de  retourner  au  camp.  Pour  cela  il  faudrait 
m'envoyer  avec  les  ordres,  toutes  les  lettres  necessaires  pour  le 
General  Lincoln  et  autres.  Vous  savez,  mon  cher  Colonel,  ce 
que  je  desire  a  cet  £gard.  Si  je  vas  la  bas,  il  faut  que  mon 
arrivee  soit  comme  un  de  ces  accidens  au  theatre  qui  reveille  les 
spectateurs,  et  redonne  de  1'activite  et  de  la  chaleur  a  la  piece, 
vous  m'entendez. 

Je  crois  que  dans  ce  cas  le  General  doit  ecrire  au  Congres, 
outre  les  raisons  qu'il  a  de  m'envoyer  pour  le  prier  de  me  faire 
donner  tous  les  moyens  necessaires  pour  faire  diligence. 

Enfin,  prenez  bien  garde  a  ceci,  mon  cher  Colonel,  si  vous 
m'envoyez  des  ordres,  sitot  que  cela  sera  decide,  envoyez  cher- 
cher  Monsieur  de  1'Estaing,  mon  Aid-de-Camp,  et  dites  lui  s'il 
vous  plait  de  faire  partir  sur  le  champ  ma  malle  et  la  sienne  sur 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  135 

un  waggon  du  quartier  maitre,  s'il  y  en  a  qui  partant  sur  le 
champ,  sinon  sur  mon  propre  waggon :  qu'il  n'oublie  pas  surtout 
mes  papiers.  II  peut  ensuite  venir  apres  lui  meme  et  m'apporter 
les  lettres  du  General.  II  faut  qu'il  fasse  diligence ;  je  ne  puis 
partir  sans  differentes  choses  qui  sont  dans  ma  malle ;  qu'il  se 
munisse  lui  meme  de  ce  qu'il  lui  faut.  Mon  adresse  ici  est: 
Mrs.  Sword  in  Logan  Alley,  Second-street. 

Je  ne  partirais  point  d'ici  avant  lundi  prochain  afin  d'attendre 
votre  reponse. 

J'ai  1'honneur  d'etre,  mon  cher  Colonel, 
Avec  le  plus  parfait  attachment, 

Yotre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  servant, 

Du  PORTAIL. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  8,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

*  *  *  *  *  *  You  have  been  mentioned  in  private  conversa 
tion  to  go  as  Secretary  to  the  Embassy  at  the  Court  of  Versailles ; 
there  is  but  one  obstacle  which  prevents  me  from  making  up  my 
mind  on  the  subject ;  that  you  will  know  when  I  have  the  plea 
sure  of  seeing  you.  In  the  mean  time  revolve  the  matter  in 
yours. 

The  pride,  the  folly,  and  perhaps,  too,  the  wickedness  of  some 
on  a  certain  floor,  combine  to  frustrate  every  intention  to  pro 
mote  the  public  weal,  and  relieve  my  amiable  Chief  from  his 
well-grounded  anxiety ;  the  few  that  feel  for  him,  and  are  alarmed 
at  the  critical  state  of  our  public  affairs,  in  every  department, 
within  as  well  as  without,  have  not  been  able  to  carry  a  measure 
which  they  believed  would  have  had  salutary  consequences. 
They  have  now  proposed  that  a  Committee  should  repair  to  head 
quarters,  invested  conjointly  with  the  General,  with  a  kind  of 
dictatorial  power,  in  order  to  afford  satisfaction  to  the  army, 
and  to  arrange  the  great  departments  thereof.  Livingston,  Els- 


136  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  23. 

•worth,  and  Matthews,  are  appointed  to  prepare  Instructions. 
Some  good  may  result,  if  gentlemen  who  love  the  General,  are 
not  jealous  of  the  army,  and  of  a  generous  turn  are  sent;  but 
should  General  Sherman  be  at  the  head  of  the  Triumviri,  the 
General  will  be  tormented  with  a  thousand  little  propositions 
which  Eoger  has  thrown  together,  and  which  he  entitles  a  Sys 
tem.  I  shall  not  be  sent  on  this  business,  "  because,  it  would 
not  be  proper  to  send  a  person  who,  as  he  has  been  in  the  army, 
will  probably  have  a  bias  in  its  favor."  This  reasoning  is  con 
clusive. 

Beware  of  communications  to  this  quarter,  which  you  would 
not  wish  the  world  to  know ;  this  hint  will  prevent  you  from 
writing  but  by  a  safe  hand. 

It  is  amusing  to  observe  the  effect  Sir  Harry  Clinton's  private 
No.  15  has.  The  Southernites  have  their  spirits  much  raised  by 
it.  The  Northerns  look  big,  and  the  enemy's  distress  is  owing 
to  their  virtue  and  exertions.  They  wish  for  the  12,000  Hessians 
to  have  the  pleasure  of  devouring  them.  The  war  is  to  be  at  an 
end  next  winter,  and  as  they  wish  to  conclude  handsomely,  they 
will  insist  that  their  constituents  complete  their  quotas  without 
delay,  and  furnish  aids  of  money,  &c.  En  verite  there  are  only 
two  or  three  of  the  club  who  believe  the  letter  spurious,  but  two 
who  are  decidedly  of  that  opinion. 

My  best  wishes  to  all  at  head  quarters. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  sincerely  yours, 

PH.   SCHUYLER. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  BARON  STEUBEN. 

May  10,  1780. 

DEAR  BARON: 

General  Knox,  in  conversation,  has  observed  to  the  General, 
that  instead  of  sending  to  Philadelphia  for  the  fifteen  hundred 
arms  mentioned  in  your  letter  of  the  sixth,  and  sending  those 
here  to  that  place  to  be  fitted,  it  would  be  a  great  saving  of  ex- 


jET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  13T 

pense,  in  the  article  of  transportation,  to  have  the  bayonets  and 
accoutrements  brought  on  without  the  arms,  and  fitted  to  those 
now  here  ;  which  can  easily  be  done  at  the  Park.  The  question 
is,  if  the  arms  here  have  no  other  defect  than  want  of  bayonets. 
The  General  will  be  glad  to  know  what  you  think  of  General 
Knox's  proposal.  It  seems  to  him  eligible,  unless  there  are  rea 
sons  he  is  not  acquainted  with. 

If  there  are  any  other  articles  you  wish  to  have  sent  for  (the 
General  thinks  you  mentioned  something  of  the  kind  to  him),  he 
will  be  glad  to  know  what  they  are. 

We  have  heard  from  the  Marquis.     He  will  be  here  at  din 
ner.     Will  you  dine  with  us  also  ?     The  General  requests  it. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  dear  Baron, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON,  A.  D.  C. 


HAMILTON  TO  DUANE. 

May  14,  1780. 

MY  DEAE  SIE: 

This  will  be  handed  you  by  the  Marquis,  who  brings  us  very 
important  intelligence.  The  General  communicates  the  substance 
of  it  in  a  private  letter  to  you,  and  proposes  a  measure  which  all 
deem  essential.  For  God's  sake,  my  dear  sir,  engage  Congress 
to  adopt  it,  and  come  to  a  speedy  decision.  We  have  not  a  mo 
ment  to  lose.  Were  we  to  improve  every  instant  of  the  interval, 
we  should  have  too  little  time  for  what  we  have  to  do.  The  ex 
pected  succor  may  arrive  in  the  beginning  of  June,  in  all  proba 
bility  it  will  not  be  later  than  the  middle.  In  the  last  case  we 
have  not  a  month  to  make  our  preparations  in,  and  in  this  short 
period  we  must  collect  men,  form  magazines,  and  do  a  thousand 
things  of  as  much  difficulty  as  importance.  The  propriety  of  the 
measure  proposed  is  so  obvious,  that  an  hour  ought  to  decide  it, 
and  if  any  new  members  are  to  come,  they  ought  to  set  out 
instantly  with  all  expedition  for  head  quarters. 


138  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEr.  23. 

Allow  me,  my  dear  sir,  to  give  you  a  hint.  The  General 
will  often  be  glad  to  consult  the  Committee  on  particular  points, 
but  it  will  be  inexpedient  that  he  should  be  obliged  to  do  it 
oftener  than  he  thinks  proper,  or  any  peculiar  case  may  require. 
Their  powers  should  be  formed  accordingly.  It  is  the  essence  of 
many  military  operations,  that  they  should  be  trusted  to  as  few 
as  possible. 

The  Marquis  has  a  title  to  all  the  love  of  all  America ;  but 
you  know  he  has  a  thousand  little  whims  to  satisfy  ;  one  of  these 
he  will  have  me  to  write  to  some  friend  in  Congress  about.  He 
is  desirous  of  having  the  Captain  of  the  frigate  in  which  he  came 
complimented  ;  and  gives  several  pretty  instances  of  his  punctu 
ality  and  disinterestedness.  He  wishes  Congress  to  pass  some 
resolutions  of  thanks,  and  to  recommend  him  to  their  Minister 
in  France,  to  be  recommended  to  the  French  Court.  The  first  of 
these  is  practicable.  The  last  I  think  might  have  an  officious 
appearance.  The  essential  services  the  Marquis  has  rendered 
America  in  France,  give  him  a  claim  for  all  that  can  be  done 
with  propriety  ;  but  Congress  must  not  commit  themselves. 

Again,  my  dear  sir,  I  must  entreat  you  to  use  the  spur  on 
the  present  occasion.  The  fate  of  America  is  perhaps  suspended 
on  the  issue ;  if  we  are  found  unprepared,  it  must  disgrace  us  in 
the  eyes  of  all  Europe,  besides  defeating  the  good  intentions  of 
our  allies,  and  losing  the  happiest  opportunity  we  ever  have  had 
to  save  ourselves.  Adieu,  my  dear  Sir. 

Believe  me  to  be,  with  the  truest  respect  and  affection, 
Your  most  obed't  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

Hon.  James  Duane,  Philadelphia. 
Honored  by  Marquis  De  Lafayette. 


JET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  139 


HAMILTON  TO  BARON  STEUBEN. 

June  7,  1780. 

DEAE  BARON: 

I  am  commanded  by  the  General  to  inform  you,  that  the  ene 
my  are  out  in  considerable  force  ;  and,  by  the  last  advice,  were 
advancing  this  way.  We  are  going  to  meet  them.  The  General 
is  just  set  out  for  Chatham,  and  will  be  happy  to  meet  you  there. 

Yours,  respectfully, 

A.  HAMILTON,  A.  D.  C. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

June  8,  1780. 

SIR: 

I  have  seen  the  enemy.  Those  in  view  I  calculate  at  about 
three  thousand :  there  may  be,  and  probably  enough  are,  others 
out  of  sight.  They  have  sent  all  their  horse  to  the  other  side, 
except  about  fifty  or  sixty.  Their  baggage,  it  is  agreed  on  all 
hands,  has  also  been  sent  across,  and  their  wounded.  It  is  not 
ascertained  that  any  of  their  infantry  have  passed  to  the  other 
side.  There  are  four  or  five  hundred  on  the  opposite  point ;  but 
it  is  uncertain  whether  they  are  those  who  went  from  this  side, 
or  those  who  were  on  Staten  Island.  I  rather  suppose  the 
former. 

Different  conjectures  may  be  made.  The  present  movement 
may  be  calculated  to  draw  us  down  and  betray  us  into  an  action. 
They  may  have  desisted  from  their  intention  of  passing  till  night, 
for  fear  of  our  falling  upon  their  rear.  I  believe  this  is  the  case : 
for  as  they  have  but  few  boats,  it  would  certainly  be  a  delicate 
manoeuvre  to  cross  in  our  face.  We  are  taking  measures  to 
watch  their  motions  to-night,  as  closely  as  possible.  An  inces 
sant  but  very  light  skirmishing.  Yery  few  boats,  not  more  than 
enough  to  carry  three  or  four  hundred  men  at  a  time.  It  is 
likely  more  will  come  down  this  evening. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


140  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mr.  23. 

HAMILTON  TO   CHEVALIER  DE  TERNAY. 

Au  CAP  HENRY,  le  13  Juin,  1780. 

MONSIEUR  LE  CHEVALIER: 

Je  suis  envoye  par  le  Gre'ne'ral  Washington  au  Cap  Henry 
pour  y  attendre  votre  escadre  et  vous  remettre  ainsi  qu'  a  Mon 
sieur  le  Comte  de  Rochambau,  les  depeches  de  Monsieur  le  Mar 
quis  de  La  Fayette — ces  depeches,  Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  con- 
tiennent  le  plan  d' operations  que  le  General  "Washington  a 
1'honneur  de  vous  proposer,  la  situation  des  ennemies  et  la  notre 
relativement  aux  forces  respectives  des  deux  parties,  aux  points 
occupes,  aux  moyens  de  subsistance  et  cetera ;  tous  les  change- 
mens  qui  pouvraient  survenir  sur  ces  objets  doivent  m'  etre  com 
muniques,  afin  qu'  a  votre  arrivee  vous  puissiez  avoir  sous  les 
yeux  le  plus  de  donne"es  possibles.  Les  memes  details  vous  at- 
tendent  a  Rhode  Island,  et  si  vous  ne  devez  les  rec.evoir  qu' 
apres  etre  arrive,  il  est  presque  indifferent,  Monsieur  le  Chevalier, 
que  votre  escadre  atterisse  a  Rhode  Island  ou  au  Cap  Henry ; 
mais  il  y  a.  des  circonstances  qui,  si  elles  vous  etaient  connues? 
tendraient  peut  etre  a  vous  determiner  plustot  pour  1'un  de  ces 
points  que  pour  1'autre,  ou  meme  pour  un  troisieme  point  que 
vos  instructions  n'ont  pu  prevoir.  C'est  pour  vous  rendre 
compte  de  ces  circonstances  que  j  e  saisis  1'occasion  du  fier  Rod- 
rique;  heureux  si,  dans  une  conjuncture  ou  les  moments  sont 
d'une  si  grande  importance,  cette  lettre  peut  anticiper  de  quelques 
jours  vos  dispositions. 

1°.  Par  le  plan  propose*  a  vous,  Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  et  a 
Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Rochambau,  les  efforts  combine's  de  I'arme'e 
Fran^aise  et  Americaine  doivent  se  porter  sur  New- York,  et  vous 
etes  instamment  prie  de  vous  rendre  immediatement  a  Sandy 
Hook. 

2°.  Suivant  les  informations  qui  m'  ont  ete  recemment  four- 
nies  par  le  Grouverneur  de  la  Yirginie,  la  ville  de  Charlestown 
est  prise ;  les  ennemis  embarquent  une  partie  des  troupes  qui  en 
ont  fait  la  Conquete,  et  d'apres  la  certitude  ou  nous  sommes  que 
la  destination  de  votre  escadre  leur  est  connue,  il  semble  que  cet 


^T.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  141 

embarquement  pourrait  bien  avoir  pour  objet  de  renforcer  la 
garnison  de  New- York. 

3°.  La  somme  de  leurs  forces  navales  sur  ce  continent  se 
borne  a  trois  yaisseaux  de  ligne,  un  de  50  canons,  deux  de  44,  et 
quelques  fregates  a  Charlestown ;  un  vaisseau  de  74  et  quelques 
fregates,  sortis  de  New- York  depuis  trois  semaines  et  dont  nous 
ignorons  la  destination. 

Ainsi,  Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  la  premiere  de  ces  considera 
tions  vous  invite  a  Sandy  Hook ;  la  seconde  reclame  votre  atterrage 
sur  un  point  d'ou  vous  puissiez  etre  en  mesure  d'intercepter  les 
Secours  destines  pour  New- York,  et  la  troisieme  vous  offre  un 
terme  de  comparaison  entre  la  plus  grande  force  qui  puisse  escor- 
ter  ces  secours,  et  cette  avec  laquelle  vous  pouvez  les  attaquer. 
II  est  encore  a  observer  qu'  excepte  les  trois  vaisseaux  de  ligne, 
tous  les  autres  (a  Charlestown)  sont  dans  le  port,  et  que  les  plus 
gros  n'en  peuvent  sortir,  qu  apres  avoir  e"te  ale"ges,  et  avec  la 
concurrence  d'une  haute  marree  et  d'un  vent  propice. 

Telles  sont,  Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  les  choses  dont  ma  mis 
sion  a  pour  objet  de  vous  rendre  compte,  et  comme  il  est  de  toute 
importance  que  ces  informations  vous  parviennent  le  plus  tot 
possible,  j'ai  cru  ne  pas  devoir  ne"gliger  la  probabilite,  qui  s'onre 
de  les  faire  devancer  votre  arrivee. 

En  supposant,  Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  que  le  fier  Eodrique 
vous  rencontre  et  que  vous  jugiez  a  propos  de  vous  rendre  en 
droiture  a  Sandy  Hook,  il  est  un  moyen  de  faire  que  les  depech- 
es  qui  vous  attendent  a  Khode  Island  et  du  Cap  Henry  vous 
parviennent  aussi  promptement  qui  si  vous  aviez  atterri  a  1'un  de 
ces  deux  points :  ce  serait  de  depecher,  vers  1'un  ou  1'autre,  1'un  de 
vos  plus  legers  vaisseaux  qui  recevrait  a  son  bord  1'omcier  charge 
de  ces  de"peches,  etvousiraitrejoindre  vers  Sandy  Hook,  ou  vrais- 
emblablement  il  se  rendrait  aussitot  que  votre  flotte,  ou  du  moins 
beaucoup  plustot  que  les  reponses  de  Ge"ne*ral  "Washington  ou 
de  Monsieur  le  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  aux  lettres  qui  leur  an- 
nonceraient  votre  arrivee. 

Si  le  Cap  Henry  etait  le  point  choisi,  j'oserais  vous  prier, 
Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  afin  d'eviter  tous  delais,  d'ordonner  qu'a 
la  vue,  du  signal  que  vous  savez,  le  vaisseau  y  reponde  par  un 


142  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  23. 

signal  contraire,  je  veux  dire  en  avertissant  la  position  des  pa 
vilions  ;  qu'il  envoie  sa  chaloupe  a  terre  avec  un  officier  muni  des 
mots  de  reconnaissance ;  que  cet  officier  me  donne  la  premiere 
partie  de  ces  mots  et  regoive  de  moi  la  seconde.  Par  la  je  crois, 
Monsieur  le  Chevalier,  que  toute  possibilite  de  surprise  est  sauvee, 
de  part  et  d'autre,  sans  qu'il  j  ait  un  seul  instant  de  perdre  par 
le  Ce"re"monial  de  la  reconnaissance. 

Je  suis,  &c.  &c.  &c. 

A.  HAMILTON. 
A  Monsieur  le  Chevalier  de  Ternay. 


HAMILTON  TO  BARON  STEUBEN. 

WHIPPANY,  June  25,  1780. 

DEAR  BARON: 

The  enemy,  the  day  before  yesterday,  made  a  forward  move 
ment  to  Springfield,  which  they  burnt,  and  retired  to  Elizabeth- 
town  Point.  The  same  evening  they  crossed  over  to  Staten 
Island ;  and  there  are  a  great  many  concurring  circumstances 
which  make  it  probable  we  shall  next  hear  of  them  on  the  North 
Eiver.  As  you  are  at  "West  Point,  the  General  wishes  you  to 
remain  there  until  the  present  appearances  come  to  some  result. 
He  has  confidence  in  your  judgment,  and  wishes  you  to  give 
your  advice  and  assistance  to  the  commanding  officer.  As  you 
have  no  command  in  the  post,  you  can  only  do  this  in  a  private 
friendly  way :  but  I  dare  say  General  Howe  will  be  happy  to 
consult  you.  You  will  consider  this  as  a  private  letter,  in  which 
I  rather  convey  you  the  General's  wishes  than  his  commands. 

All  the  army  is  in  march  toward  you,  and  will  be  at  Pomp- 
ton  this  evening. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Yery  respectfully  and  affectionately, 
Your  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  143 


HAMILTON  TO  BAKON  STEUBEN. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  RAMAPO,  June  30,  1780. 

Agreeably  to  your  request,  my  dear  Baron,  I  communicated 
your  project  to  the  General.  Happily  the  inactivity  of  the  ene 
my  has  given  us  time  to  make  dispositions  which  render  the  call 
ing  out  of  the  militia  unnecessary ;  and  the  whole  has  been  ac 
cordingly  countermanded. 

The  General  requests  that  when  you  have  completed  the  ob 
ject  of  your  errand  in  your  department,  and  put  things  in  train, 
you  will  rejoin  the  army. 

I  wrote  you  a  line  from  Whippany,  of  which  you  made  no 

mention. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  yours, 

A.  H. 


HAMILTON  TO  BARON  STEUBEN. 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  July  23,  1780. 

I  have  received,  my  dear  Baron,  your  two  letters  of  the  six 
teenth  and  eighteenth.  On  the  formation  of  the  Light  Infantry, 
the  General  has  already  written  to  you.  I  presume  it  will  be, 
ultimately,  nearly  as  you  have  proposed. 

Smith  set  out,  some  days  since,  to  join  you.  Bradford,  I  am 
told,  is  undecided  about  entering  into  the  office.  Col.  Scammel 
has  promised  to  bring  him  to  me ;  and  if  he  accepts,  we  will  for 
ward  him.  I  believe  Prescott  will  be  appointed  in  the  Light  In- 
antry.  Entre  nous,  'tis  not  easy  to  find  good  Majors  for  this 
corps  in  the  Massachusetts  Line ;  and  as  it  will  act  a  good  deal 
with  the  French  troops,  we  wish  it  (for  this  additional  reason)  to 
be  well  officered.  Prescott  will  answer  the  purpose :  but  he  is 
not  yet  to  know  that  he  is  in  contemplation.  We  shall  not  long 
continue  in  our  present  position.  The  distinctions  of  depart 
ments  are  an  old  story,  which  now  do  not  exist  except  with  re- 


144  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  23. 

spect  to  South.  Carolina.     You  are  with,  a  detachment  of  the 
main  army. 

I  dare  say  all  you  are  doing  will  be  found  right.  I  shall  join 
my  beau-pere  to  save  you  from  the  cord.  The  arrangement  for 
your  department  was  unfortunately  sent  to  Congress  soon  after 
you  went  from  here ;  with  the  most  pressing  instances  to  deter 
mine  upon  it  without  delay.  We  have  heard  nothing  of  it  since. 
We  have  repeated  our  prayers  and  exhortations.  If  we  get  no 
answer  in  three  or  four  days,  we  must  determine  for  ourselves. 

Major  Francis  is  returned  from  Philadelphia ;  but  I  have  not 
seen  him  since  the  arrival  of  your  letters.  I  will  move  the  in 
quiry  you  wish,  when  I  see  him.  Can  you  do  any  thing  for  him 
in  your  department  ? 

A  severe  stroke  upon  us,  is,  that  our  arms,  expected  from 
France,  are  not  arrived.  I  do  not  know  how  we  shall  be  able  to 
arm  our  recruits. 

Graves  sailed  from  the  Hook  the  nineteenth.  We  had  been 
playing  off  and  on  two  days. 

Adieu,  my  dear  Baron,  and  believe  me  always,  with  the  most 
respectful  attachment, 

Your  humble  servant, 
A.  H. 


BAUMAN  TO  HAMILTON. 

WEST  POINT,  August  13,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  cannot  help  laying  before  you  a  few  of  my  thoughts,  which 
lately  have  engrossed  my  whole  attention,  on  the  review  of  our 
changeable  government  at  West  Point.  However,  I  hope  you 
will  make  no  other  use  of  them  but  such  as  may  be  of  advan 
tage  ;  and  whatever  may  be  improper,  or  improperly  stated,  im 
pute  to  my  inability  only :  and  there  you  will  please  to  let  it 
rest,  and  take  in  good  part  what  I  shall  say,  as  it  proceeds  from 
a  zeal  of  affection  to  you,  and  from  a  regard  to  the  cause  I  am 
engaged  in.  On  this  consideration  you  will  excuse  me,  if  any 


jET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  145 

where  I  should  seem  to  exceed  those  bounds  which  custom  has 
prescribed  to  subalterns,  when  they  treat  of  any  thing,  or  adopt 
modes,  to  their  superiors. 

A  continual  change  of  commanding  officers,  or  command 
ants,  is,  in  my  humble  opinion,  injurious  to  this  post,  and  hurtful 
to  the  military  duty,  so  absolutely  requisite  to  be  performed,  and 
preserved  in  a  garrison.  As  there  is  no  nation  at  war  which 
pursues  the  like  mode  excepting  us ;  I  am  therefore  induced,  not 
only  from  this  consideration,  but  from  weighty  experience  dur 
ing  my  station  at  this  post,  to  offer  an  opinion  of  its  improprie 
ty,  and  bad  consequences.  The  visible  ill  it  creates ;  the  damage 
to  innumerable  things ;  the  irregularity  it  continually  causes ; 
and  lastly,  the  total  loss  of  the  many  thousands  which  have  been, 
and  daily  are,  expended  on  this  national  fabric,  which  inevitably 
must  fall  to  pieces,  unless  an  officer  is  fixed  to  this  post  (and  who 
ought  to  be  a  competent  judge  of  fortifications,  and  a  military 
man),  are  matters  which,  I  think,  demand  consideration. 

A  Town-Major,  and  a  good  Barrack-Master,  are  as  necessary 
here,  as  the  necessaries  of  life  are.  The  former  to  regulate  the 
duty  and  to  keep  up  discipline  in  this  jurisdiction:  the  latter  to 
take  care  of  the  buildings,  which  must  otherwise  be  destroyed. 
The  next  thing  which  falls  to  our  attention,  is  the  public  pro 
vision,  which  has  been,  and  daily  is,  exposed  here  to  be  lost,  to 
be  stolen,  and  to  be  damaged,  for  want  of  sufficient  shelter  and 
proper  repositories.  The  troops  have  suffered,  and  still  suffer, 
from  these  and  other  causes.  They  have  been  cheated  in 
weights,  in  measure,  and  in  their  scanty  allowance  of  fatigue 
rum ;  which  I  can  attest,  by  being  appointed,  after  my  having 
represented  the  matter  to  General  M'Dougall,  to  inspect  into 
some  of  those  abuses.  Notwithstanding  the  many  thousands  of 
boards  which  came  here,  there  are  not  sufficient  for  barracks, 
bunks,  etc.  For  as  fast  as  one  thing  is  built  up,  another  is  torn 
down  again.  There  is  not,  in  all  this  garrison,  a  proper  guard 
house  for  the  conveniency  of  soldiers,  nor  for  the  security  of  the 
criminals.  No  powder  magazine,  nor  a  store  for  the  reception 
and  reserve  of  the  implements  of  war.  In  short,  the  whole 
appears,  at  present,  under  the  care  of  ungovernable  and  undis- 

VOL.  I.  10 


146  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&T.  23. 

ciplined  militia,  like  a  wild  Tartar's  camp,  instead  of  that  shining 
fortification  all  America  thinks  not  only  an  insurmountable 
barrier  against  the  incursion  of  its  enemy,  but  likewise  an  easy 
defence  in  case  of  an  unforeseen  disaster  of  its  army. 

However,  to  return  to  my  subject.  The  importance  of  those 
heads  already  mentioned,  and  their-  connection  with  those  pre 
ceding,  will,  I  hope,  obtain  your  pardon  for  the  digression  into 
which  they  have  led  me ;  and  to  your  discretion  I  shall  leave 
what  I  state. 

In  a  letter  I  wrote  to  General  Knox  some  time  last  winter, 
among  many  things  I  had  to  say  concerning  the  ordnance  and 
myself,  I  made  this  remark,  tawit :  "  That  relieving  of  an  officer 
from  a  garrison,  is  not  like  a  relief  in  the  field :  for  an  officer 
who  knows  himself  to  be  relieved,  will  leave  many  things  un 
done  for  the  next  to  do ;  which  I  have  seen,  heard,  and  experi 
enced.  Beside,  after  once  every  thing  is  to  rights,  the  men  then 
ought  to  desist  from  labor,  and  exercise  the  guns.  But  new 
commanding  officers  have  chiefly  new  systems  of  defence,  which 
add  labor  to  labor,  and  nothing  will  be  formed  systematically." 

I  have  already  stated  these  and  more  things  minutely  to  the 
general  officers  here,  who  all  agreed  in  their  validity  and  pro 
priety.  But  they,  being  all  liable  to  immediate  removal,  there 
cannot  be  any  thing  formed  into  a  permanent  and  regular  system. 
Moreover,  I  have  been  informed,  that  owing  to  the  mismanage 
ment  of  their  predecessors,  they  were  obliged,  after  they  had 
taken  the  command,  to  hunt  for  materials  in  order  to  build  their 
own  systems  ;  and  to  issue  orders  upon  orders,  to  acquaint  them 
selves  with  those  persons  who  have,  as  it  were,  in  keeping,  the 
several  branches  which  flow  into  this  department. 

And  let  me  once  more,  in  confidence,  assure  you,  that  I 
suffer  incessant  pain  from  the  sad  state  this  garrison  is  in.  To 
rectify  defects,  my  dear  sir,  when  roused  to  arms,  can  never  be 
attainable.  Therefore  let  me  beg  you  to  assist  in  adopting  some 
plan  which  may  be  soldierly,  for  the  good  of  the  service :  which, 
however,  can  be  done  in  no  other  manner,  but  such  as  I  have 
hinted  to  you.  For  let  General  Arnold  have  all  the  sagacity 
imaginable,  it  will  take  him  some  time  to  get  himself  well 


MT.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  147 

acquainted  with  the  position  and  defence  of  this  post ;  especially 
as  there  is  not  one  single  Continental  officer  left  here  who  can  in 
any  way  assist  him.  Every  thing  seems  new  here ;  and  the  very 
engineer  is  transferred  from  hence,  on  whom  he,  in  some  mea 
sure,  could  have  depended  for  information,  with  regard  to  the 
weakest  and  strongest  parts  of  this  fortress.  And  I  have  not  yet 
told  you  the  one  hundredth  part  of  what  I  have  to  say  upon 
some  of  these  subjects;  but  I  shall  finish  with  prognosticating, 
that  should  ever  capriciousness  hold  sway  here,  it  may  prove  fatal 
to  this  post. 

I  am,  with  due  respect,  Sir, 

Your  most  humble  servant, 

S.  BAUMAN, 

Major  of  Artillery. 


DE  MARBOIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  21  Aout,  1780. 

Je  viens  de  recevoir  mon  cher  Colonel  votre  lettre  du  17  de 
ce  mois.  Vous  m'y  parlez  de  mes  Freres  comme  si  vous  etiez 
sur  qu'ils  sont  en  effet  prissonniers.  Avez-vous  sur  cet  article 
plus  de  connaissance  que  je  n'en  ai,  on  m'avez  vous  deja  ecrit 
a  ce  sujet  quelque  lettre  qui  ne  me  serait  point  parvenue.  Je 
vais  e"crire  a  M.  de  Ternay  a  ce  sujet,  mais  en  attendence  je 
vous  prie  de  vouloir  bien  me  communiquer  tous  les  e"claircisse- 
ments  que  vous  aurez  pu  vous  procurer,  et  'detre  persuade  que 
rien  ne  me  touche  plus  que  de  leur  procurer  de  soulagement 
s'ils  sont  en  effet  entre  les  mains  de  1'ennemi. 

Si  vous  avez  quelques  nouvelles  dernieres  touchant  1'embar- 
cation  que  M.  le  General  Clinton  prepare,  je  vous  prie  de  vouloir 
bien  m'en  instruire,  cet  article  etant  de  la  plus  grande  impor 
tance  pour  nous.  Je  vous  embrasse  de  tout  mon  coeur. 

DE  MARBOIS. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


148  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  23. 


WILLIAMS  TO  HAMILTON. 

HILLSBOROUGH,  August  30,  1780. 

DEAK  HAMILTON: 

About  the  twenty -third  instant,  I  wrote  my  friend  Harrison 
from  Salisbury,  giving  him  a  very  hasty  particular  account  of 
the  defeat  of  General  Gates's  army  at  Sutton's,  near  Campden, 
the  sixteenth  instant.  We  were  truly  unfortunate,  and  com 
pletely  routed.  The  infamous  cowardice  of  the  militia  of 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  gave  the  enemy  every  advantage 
over  our  few  regular  troops,  whose  firm  opposition  and  gallant 
behavior  have  gained  them  the  applause,  as  well  of  our  suc 
cessful  foes,  as  of  our  runaway  friends.  If  I  mentioned  to  Col. 
Harrison  the  loss  of  two  howitzers,  I  was  mistaken.  We  had 
eight  pieces  of  light  artillery,  with  six  ammunition  wagons, 
which,  with  the  greatest  part  of  our  baggage,  were  lost. 

Our  retreat  was  the  most  mortifying  that  could  have  hap 
pened.  Those  who  escaped  the  dangers  of  the  field,  knew  not 
where  to  find  protection :  the  wounded  found  no  relief  from  the 
inhabitants,  who  were  immediately  in  arms  against  us;  and 
many  of  our  fugitive  officers  and  men  were  disarmed  by  those 
faithless  villains,  who  had  flattered  us  with  promises  of  joining 
us  against  the  enemy.  The  tories  are  now  assembling  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  country ;  and  there  is  actually  a  sort  of 
partisan  war  waged  between  them  and  the  whigs  of  this  country. 

The  greatest  part  of  our  baggage  was  plundered  by  those 
who  first  left  the  field.  The  enemy  took  a  part ;  and  much  of 
what  escaped  them,  has  been  pillaged  by  the  inhabitants  on  the 
retreat.  The  wagon  horses  have  been  stolen,  and  frequently 
taken  from  the  drivers ;  and  some  of  those  desperate  rascals  have 
been  daring  enough  to  fire  upon  parties  of  our  regular  troops 
many  miles  from  the  place  of  action. 

General  Gates  used  the  utmost  expedition  in  getting  from 
the  lost  field  to  this  place.  As  this  step  is  unaccountable  to  me, 
you  must  expect  to  know  the  reason  another  time,  and  from  bet 
ter  authority.  An  unfortunate  General  usually  loses  the  con- 


jEi.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  149 

fidence  of  his  army ;  and  this  is  much  the  case  with  us  at  present. 
However,  I  suppose  every  thing  necessary  will  be  done,  in  justi 
fication  of  the  steps  that  have  been  taken,  and  then  all  will  be 
understood.  Beside  my  ignorance,  there  is  another  reason  for 
my  silence  on  this  subject.  The  General  is  extremely  mortified 
at  the  disappointment  his  hopes  have  met  with ;  and  I  think  it 
ungenerous  to  oppress  dejected  spirits  by  a  premature  censure. 

The  legislature  of  this  State  is  now  sitting  at  this  place,  and 
devising  means  of  defending  the  country.  The  General  has  ex 
hibited  estimates  (he  informs  me)  of  the  supplies  wanting  to  carry 
on  the  campaign,  both  to  the  legislature  of  this  State,  and  to 
Virginia;  and  hopes  they  will  be  furnished.  The  officers  of 
North  Carolina  talk  confidently  of  re-embodying  a  great  number 
of  militia.  General  Stephens  had  collected  about  eight  hundred 
of  the  Virginia  militia  at  this  place  since  the  action.  But  I  am 
sorry  to  add,  at  least  half  that  number  have  deserted.  The 
Maryland  Division,  including  the  Delaware  regiment,  will,  I 
hope,  muster  six  hundred  when  all  are  collected.  Part  are  now 
here:  a  party  are  with  General  Smallwood  at  Ellis's  Ferry, 
Adkin  river;  and  a  small  party  with  Major  Anderson,  who 
General  Smallwood  left  some  time  at  Charlotte,  to  receive  the 
fugitives  as  they  arrived.  But  this  is  the  place  of  general  ren 
dezvous. 

From  the  best  accounts  I  can  get,  Lord  Cornwallis  had  with 
him,  on  the  day  of  battle,  the  seventy -first,  sixty -third,  thirty- 
third,  and  twenty -third  British  regiments ;  a  corps  of  Hessians, 
Tarlton's  legion,  and  some  new  levies,  amounting  to  about  three 
thousand  men.  Our  numbers  were  very  little  greater;  and 
our  force  will  not  be  imagined  so  great,  by  those  who  are  inform 
ed  of  our  long  march  in  a  barren  country,  with  very  little  other 
subsistence  than  a  short  allowance  of  fresh  beef,  green  corn,  apples, 
and  peaches. 

As  soon  as  I  recover  from  a  relaxation  of  spirits,  which  is  all 
my  present  complaint,  I  will  write  you  again,  and  inform  you 
that  we  are  resolved  not  to  despair,  but  bear  our  fortunes  like 
veterans  in  the  South ;  while  you,  like  heroes  in  the  North,  win 
and  wear  the  laurels  of  the  present  campaign. 


150  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  23. 

Present  my  most  respectful  compliments  to  the  General, 
whom  I  love ;  to  all  my  friends  at  head  quarters  and  in  camp. 
Not  a  man  among  you  have  been  generous  enough  to  write  a 

single  sentence  to 

Your  sincere  friend  and  servant, 

0.  H.  WILLIAMS. 

I  mentioned  the  surprise  of  General  Sumpter's  party,  which 
happened  the  sixteenth  instant,  in  my  last. 


HAMILTON  TO  JAMES  DUANE. 

LIBERTY  POLE,  September  3,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Agreeably  to  your  request,  and  my  promise,  I  sit  down  to 
give  you  my  ideas  of  the  defects  of  our  present  system,  and  the 
changes  necessary  to  save  us  from  ruin.  They  may,  perhaps, 
be  the  reveries  of  a  projector,  rather  than  the  sober  views  of  a 
politician.  You  will  judge  of  them,  and  make  what  use  you 
please  of  them. 

The  fundamental  defect  is  a  want  of  power  in  Congress.  It 
is  hardly  worth  while  to  show  in  what  this  consists,  as  it  seems 
to  be  universally  acknowledged ;  or  to  point  out  how  it  has  hap 
pened,  as  the  only  question  is  how  to  remedy  it.  It  may,  how 
ever,  be  said,  that  it  has  originated  from  three  causes ;  an  excess 
of  the  spirit  of  liberty,  which  has  made  the  particular  States  show 
a  jealousy  of  all  power  not  in  their  own  hands ;  and  this  jealousy 
has  led  them  to  exercise  a  right  of  judging  in  the  last  resort  of 
the  measures  recommended  by  Congress,  and  of  acting  according 
to  their  own  opinions  of  their  propriety,  or  necessity ;  a  diffi 
dence,  in  Congress,  of  their  own  powers,  by  which  they  have 
been  timid  and  indecisive  in  their  resolutions :  constantly  making 
concessions  to  the  States,  till  they  have  scarcely  left  themselves 
the  shadow  of  power ;  a  want  of  sufficient  means  at  their  dis 
posal  to  answer  the  public  exigencies,  and  of  vigor  to  draw  forth 
those  means;  which  have  occasioned  them  to  depend  on  the 


jEi.  23.1  CORRESPONDENCE.  151 

States  individually,  to  fulfil  their  engagements  with  the  army ; 
the  consequence  of  which,  has  been  to  ruin  their  influence  and 
credit  with  the  army,  to  establish  its  dependence  on  each  State 
separately,  rather  than  on  them,  that  is,  rather  than  on  the  whole 
collectively. 

It  may  be  pleaded,  that  Congress  had  never  any  definite 
powers  granted  them,  and,  of  course,  could  exercise  none,  could 
do  nothing  more  than  recommend.  The  manner  in  which  Con 
gress  was  appointed,  would  warrant,  and  the  public  good  re 
quired,  that  they  should  have  considered  themselves  as  vested 
with  full  power  to  preserve  the  republic  from  harm.  They  have 
done  many  of  the  highest  acts  of  sovereignty,  which  were  always 
cheerfully  submitted  to  :  The  declaration  of  independence ;  the 
declaration  of  war  :  the  levying  of  an  army ;  creating  a  navy ; 
emitting  money ;  making  alliances  with  foreign  powers ;  appoint 
ing  a  dictator,  etc.,  etc.  All  these  implications  of  a  complete 
sovereignty  were  never  disputed,  and  ought  to  have  been  a  stand 
ard  for  the  whole  conduct  of  administration.  Undefined  powers 
are  discretionary  powers,  limited  only  by  the  object  for  which 
they  were  given ;  in  the  present  case,  the  independence  and 
freedom  of  America.  The  Confederation  made  no  difference ; 
for  as  it  has  not  been  generally  adopted,  it  had  no  operation. 
But  from  what  I  recollect  of  it,  Congress  have  even  descended 
from  the  authority  which  the  spirit  of  that  act  gives  them ;  while 
the  particular  States  have  no  further  attended  to  it,  than  as  it 
suited  their  pretensions  and  convenience.  It  would  take  too 
much  time  to  enter  into  particular  instances,  each  of  which 
separately  might  appear  inconsiderable ;  but  united,  are  of 
serious  import.  I  only  mean  to  remark,  not  to  censure. 

But  the  Confederation  itself  is  defective,  and  requires  to  be 
altered.  It  is  neither  fit  for  war  nor  peace.  The  idea  of  an 
uncontrollable  sovereignty,  in  each  State,  over  its  internal  police, 
will  defeat  the  other  powers  given  to  Congress,  and  make  our 
union  feeble  and  precarious.  There  are  instances  without 
number,  where  Acts,  necessary  for  the  general  good,  and  which 
rise  out  of  the  powers  given  to  Congress,  must  interfere  with  the 
internal  police  of  the  States ;  and  there  are  as  many  instances  in 


152  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  23. 

which  the  particular  States,  by  arrangements  of  internal  police, 
can  effectually,  though  indirectly,  counteract  the  arrangements  of 
Congress.  You  have  already  had  examples  of  this,  for  which  I 
refer  you  to  your  own  memory. 

The  Confederation  gives  the  States,  individually,  too  much 
influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  army.  They  should  have  nothing 
to  do  with  it.  The  entire  formation  and  disposal  of  our  military 
forces,  ought  to  belong  to  Congress.  It  is  an  essential  cement  of 
the  union :  and  it  ought  to  be  the  policy  of  Congress,  to  destroy 
all  ideas  of  State  attachments  in  the  army,  and  make  it  look  up 
wholly  to  them.  For  this  purpose,  ail  appointments,  promotions, 
and  provisions,  whatsoever,  ought  to  be  made  by  them.  It  may 
be  apprehended  that  this  may  be  dangerous  to  liberty.  But 
nothing  appears  more  evident  to  me,  than  that  we  run  much 
greater  risk  of  having  a  weak  and  disunited  federal  government, 
than  one  which  will  be  able  to  usurp  upon  the  rights  of  the  people. 

Already  some  of  the  lines  of  the  army  would  obey  their 
States  in  opposition  to  Congress,  notwithstanding  the  pains  we 
have  taken  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  army.  If  any  thing 
would  hinder  this,  it  would  be  the  personal  influence  of  the  Gen 
eral  ;  a  melancholy  and  mortifying  consideration. 

The  forms  of  our  State  constitutions,  must  always  give  them 
great  weight  in  our  affairs,  and  will  make  it  too  difficult  to  bend 
them  to  the  pursuit  of  a  common  interest ;  too  easy  to  oppose 
whatever  they  do  not  like:  and  to  form  partial  combinations 
subversive  of  the  general  one.  There  is  a  wide  difference  between 
our  situation,  and  that  of  an  empire  under  one  simple  form  of 
government,  distributed  into  counties,  provinces,  or  districts, 
which  have  no  legislatures,  but  merely  magistratical  bodies,  to 
execute  the  laws  of  a  common  sovereign.  Here  the  danger 
is,  that  the  sovereign  will  have  too  much  power,  and  oppress  the 
parts  of  which  it  is  composed.  In  our  case,  that  of  an  empire  com 
posed  of  confederated  States;  each  with  a  government  completely 
organized  within  itself,  having  all  the  means  to  draw  its  subjects 
to  a  close  dependence  on  itself;  the  danger  is  directly  the  reverse- 
It  is,  that  the  common  sovereign  will  not  have  power  sufficient 


^ET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  153 

to  unite  the  different  members  together,  and  direct  the  common 
forces  to  the  interest  and  happiness  of  the  whole. 

The  leagues  among  the  old  Grecian  republics  are  a  proof  of 
this.  They  were  continually  at  war  with  each  other ;  and,  for 
want  of  union,  fell  a  prey  to  their  neighbors.  They  frequently 
held  general  councils ;  but  their  resolutions  were  no  further  ob 
served,  than  as  they  suited  the  interests  and  inclinations  of  all 
the  parties  ;  and,  at  length,  they  sunk  entirely  into  contempt. 

The  Swiss  Cantons  are  another  proof  of  the  doctrine.  They 
have  had  wars  with  each  other,  which  would  have  been  fatal  to 
them,  had  not  the  different  powers,  in  their  neighborhood,  been 
too  jealous  of  one  another,  and  too  equally  matched,  to  suffer  either 
to  take  advantage  of  their  quarrels.  That  they  have  remain 
ed  so  long  united  at  all,  is  to  be  attributed  to  their  weakness,  to 
their  poverty,  and  to  the  causes  just  mentioned.  These  ties  will 
not  exist  in  America;  a  little  time  hence,  some  of  the  States  will 
be  powerful  empires ;  and  we  are  so  remote  from  other  nations, 
that  we  shall  have  all  the  leisure  and  opportunity  we  can  wish, 
to  cut  each  other's  throats. 

The  Germanic  corps  might  also  be  cited  as  an  example  in 
favor  of  the  position. 

The  United  Provinces  may  be  thought  to  be  one  against  it. 
But  the  family  of  the  Stadtholders,  whose  authority  is  inter 
woven  with  the  whole  Government,  has  been  a  strong  link  of 
union  between  them.  Their  physical  necessities,  and  the  habits 
founded  upon  them,  have  contributed  to  it. 

Each  province  is  too  inconsiderable,  by  itself,  to  undertake 
any  thing.  An  analysis  of  their  present  constitutions,  would 
show  that  they  have  many  ties  which  would  not  exist  in  ours  ; 
and  that  they  are  by  no  means  a  proper  model  for  us. 

Our  own  experience  should  satisfy  us.  We  have  felt  the  dif 
ficulty  of  drawing  out  the  resources  of  the  country,  and  inducing 
the  States  to  combine  in  equal  exertions  for  the  common  cause. 

The  ill  success  of  our  last  attempt  is  striking.  Some  have 
done  a  great  deal ;  others  little,  or  scarcely  any  thing.  The  dis 
putes  about  boundaries,  etc.,  testify  how  flattering  a  prospect  we 
have  of  future  tranquillity,  if  we  do  not  frame,  in  time,  a  con- 


154  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

federacy  capable  of  deciding  the  differences,  and  compelling  the 
obedience  of  the  respective  members. 

The  Confederation,  too,  gives  the  power  of  the  purse  too  en 
tirely  to  the  State  Legislatures.  It  should  provide  perpetual 
funds,  in  the  disposal  of  Congress,  by  a  land  tax,  poll  tax,  or  the 
like.  All  imposts  upon  commerce  ought  to  be  laid  by  Congress, 
and  appropriated  to  their  use.  For,  without  certain  revenues,  a 
Government  can  have  no  power.  That  power  which  holds  the 
purse-strings  absolutely,  must  rule.  This  seems  to  be  a  medium 
which,  without  making  Congress  altogether  independent,  will 
tend  to  give  reality  to  its  authority. 

Another  defect  in  our  system,  is  want  of  method  and  energy 
in  the  administration.  This  has  partly  resulted  from  the  other 
defect ;  but  in  a  great  degree  from  prejudice,  and  the  want  of  a 
proper  executive.  Congress  have  kept  the  power  too  much  in 
their  own  hands,  and  have  meddled  too  much  with  details  of 
every  sort.  Congress  is,  properly,  a  deliberative  corps ;  and  it 
forgets  itself  when  it  attempts  to  play  the  executive.  It  is  im 
possible  such  a  body,  numerous  as  it  is,  constantly  fluctuating, 
can  ever  act  with  sufficient  decision,  or  with  system.  Two-thirds 
of  the  members,  one  half  the  time,  cannot  know  what  has  gone 
before  them,  or  what  connection  the  subject  in  hand  has  to  what 
has  been  transacted  on  former  occasions.  The  members  who 
have  been  more  permanent,  will  only  give  information  that  pro . 
motes  the  side  they  espouse  in  the  present  case  ;  and  will  as  often 
mislead  as  enlighten.  The  variety  of  business  must  distract ; 
and  the  proneness  of  every  assembly  to  debate,  must  at  all  times 
delay. 

Lately,  Congress,  convinced  of  these  inconveniences,  have 
gone  into  the  measure  of  appointing  Boards.  But  this  is,  in  my 
opinion,  a  bad  plan. 

A  single  man,  in  each  department  of  the  administration, 
would  be  greatly  preferable.  It  would  give  us  a  chance  of  more 
knowledge,  more  activity,  more  responsibility,  and,  of  course, 
more  zeal  and  attention.  Boards  partake  of  a  part  of  the  incon 
veniences  of  larger  assemblies.  Their  decisions  are  slower,  their 
energy  less,  their  responsibility  more  diffused.  They  will  not 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  155 

have  the  same  abilities  and  knowledge  as  an  administration  by 
single  men.  Men  of  the  first  pretensions  will  not  so  readily  en 
gage  in  them  ;  because  they  will  be  less  conspicuous,  of  less  im 
portance,  have  less  opportunity  of  distinguishing  themselves. 
The  members  of  Boards  will  take  less  pains  to  inform  themselves 
and  arrive  to  eminence,  because  they  have  fewer  motives  to  do 
it.  All  these  reasons  conspire  to  give  a  preference  to  the  plan 
of  vesting  the  great  executive  departments  of  the  State  in  the 
hands  of  individuals.  As  these  men  will  be,  of  course,  at  all 
times  under  the  direction  of  Congress,  we  shall  blend  the  advan 
tages  of  a  Monarchy  and  Kepublic  in  our  constitution. 

A  question  has  been  made,  whether  single  men  could  be 
found  to  undertake  these  offices.  I  think  they  could ;  because 
there  would  be  then  every  thing  to  excite  the  ambition  of  candi 
dates.  But,  in  order  to  this,  Congress,  by  their  manner  of  ap 
pointing  them,  and  the  line  of  duty  marked  out,  must  show  that 
they  are  in  earnest  in  making  these  officers,  officers  of  real  trust 
and  importance. 

I  fear  a  little  vanity  has  stood  in  the  way  of  these  arrange 
ments,  as  though  they  would  lessen  the  importance  of  Congress, 
and  leave  them  nothing  to  do.  But  they  would  have  precisely 
the  same  rights  and  powers  as  heretofore,  happily  disencumbered 
of  the  detail.  They  would  have  to  inspect  the  conduct  of  their 
ministers,  deliberate  upon  their  plans,  originate  others  for  the 
public  good ;  only  observing  this  rule  :  that  they  ought  to  con 
sult  their  ministers,  and  get  all  the  information  and  advice  they 
could  from  them,  before  they  entered  into  any  new  measures,  or 
made  changes  in  the  old. 

A  third  defect  is,  the  fluctuating  constitution  of  our  army. 
This  has  been  a  pregnant  source  of  evil :  all  our  military  misfor 
tunes,  three-fourths  of  our  civil  embarrassments,  are  to  be  ascribed 
to  it.  The  General  has  so  fully  enumerated  the  mischiefs  of  it, 
in  a  letter  of  the  ,  to  Congress,  that  I  could  only  re 

peat  what  he  has  said,  and  will  therefore  refer  you  to  that  letter. 

The  imperfect  and  unequal  provision  made  for  the  army,  is  a 
fourth  defect,  which  you  will  find  delineated  in  the  same  letter. 
"Without  a  speedy  change,  the  army  must  dissolve.  It  is  now  a 


156  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  23. 

mob,  rather  than  an  army ;  without  clothing,  without  pay,  with 
out  provision,  without  morals,  without  discipline.  We  begin  to 
hate  the  country  for  its  neglect  of  us.  The  country  begin  to 
hate  us  for  our  oppressions  of  them.  Congress  have  long  been 
jealous  of* us.  We  have  now  lost  all  confidence  in  them,  and 
give  the  worst  construction  to  all  they  do.  Held  together  by  the 
slenderest  ties,  we  are  ripening  for  a  dissolution. 

The  present  mode  of  supplying  the  army,  by  State  purchases, 
is  not  one  of  the  least  considerable  defects  of  our  system.  It  is 
too  precarious  a  dependence ;  because  the  States  will  never  be 
sufficiently  impressed  with  our  necessities.  Each  will  make  its 
own  ease  a  primary  object ;  the  supply  of  the  army  a  secondary 
one.  The  variety  of  channels  through  which  the  business  is 
transacted,  will  multiply  the  number  of  persons  employed,  and 
the  opportunities  of  embezzling  public  money.  From  the  popu 
lar  spirit  on  which  most  of  the  Governments  turn,  the  State 
agents  will  be  men  of  less  character  and  ability  :  nor  will  there 
be  so  rigid  a  responsibility  among  them,  as  there  might  easily  be 
among  those  in  the  employ  of  the  Continent ;  of  course,  not  so 
much  diligence,  care,  or  economy.  Yery  little  of  the  money 
raised  in  the  several  States,  will  go  into  the  Continental  treasury, 
on  pretence,  that  it  is  all  exhausted  in  providing  the  quotas  of 
supplies  ;  and  the  public  will  be  without  funds  for  the  other  de 
mands  of  Government.  The  expense  will  be  ultimately  much 
greater,  and  the  advantages  much  smaller.  We  actually  feel  the 
insufficiency  of  this  plan ;  and  have  reason  to  dread,  under  it,  a 
ruinous  extremity  of  want. 

These  are  the  principal  defects,  in  the  present  system,  that 
now  occur  to  me.  There  are  many  inferior  ones,  in  the  organi 
zation  of  particular  departments,  and  many  errors  of  administra 
tion,  which  might  be  pointed  out ;  but  the  task  would  be  trouble- 
%ome  and  tedious :  and  if  we  had  once  remedied  those  I  have 
mentioned,  the  others  would  not  be  attended  with  much  dif 
ficulty. 

I  shall  now  propose  the  remedies,  which  appear  to  me  ap 
plicable  to  our  circumstances,  and  necessary  to  extricate  our 
affairs  from  their  present  deplorable  situation. 


JET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  157 

The  first  step  must  be,  to  give  Congress  powers  competent  to 
the  public  exigencies.  This  may  happen  in  two  ways  :  one,  by 
resuming  and  exercising  the  discretionary  powers  I  suppose  to 
have  been  originally  vested  in  them,  for  the  safety  of  the  States ; 
and  resting  their  conduct  on  the  candor  of  their  countrymen, 
and  the  necessity  of  the  conjuncture :  the  other,  by  calling  im 
mediately  a  Convention  of  all  the  States,  with  full  authority  to 
conclude  finally  upon  a  General  Confederation  ;  stating  to  them, 
beforehand,  explicitly,  the  evils  arising  from  a  want  of  power  in 
Congress,  and  the  impossibility  of  supporting  the  contest  on  its 
present  footing ;  that  the  delegates  may  come,  possessed  of  proper 
sentiments,  as  well  as  proper  authority,  to  give  efficacy  to  the 
meeting.  Their  commission  should  include  a  right  of  vesting 
Congress  with  the  whole,  or  a  proportion,  of  the  unoccupied 
lands,  to  be  employed  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  :  re 
serving  the  jurisdiction  to  the  States  by  whom  they  are  granted. 

The  first  plan,  I  expect,  will  be  thought  too  bold  an  expedi 
ent,  by  the  generality  of  Congress;  and,  indeed,  their  practice 
hitherto,  has  so  riveted  the  opinion  of  their  want  of  power,  that 
the  success  of  this  experiment  may  very  well  be  doubted. 

I  see  no  objection  to  the  other  mode,  that  has  any  weight,  in 
competition  with  the  reasons  for  it.  The  Convention  should 
assemble  the  first  of  November  next.  The  sooner  the  better. 
Our  disorders  are  too  violent  to  admit  of  a  common  or  lingering 
remedy.  The  reasons  for  which  I  require  them  to  be  vested 
with,  plenipotentiary  authority,  are,  that  the  business  may  suffer 
no  delay  in  the  execution ;  and  may,  in  reality,  come  to  effect. 
A  Convention  may  agree  upon  a  Confederation :  the  States, 
individually,  hardly  ever  will.  We  must  have  one  at  all  events, 
and  a  vigorous  one,  if  we  mean  to  succeed  in  the  contest,  and  be 
happy  hereafter.  As  I  said  before,  to  engage  the  States  to  com 
ply  with  this  mode,  Congress  ought  to  confess  to  them,  plainly 
and  unanimously,  the  impracticability  of  supporting  our  affairs 
on  the  present  footing,  and  without  a  solid  coercive  union.  I 
ask,  that  the  Convention  should  have  a  power  of  vesting  the 
whole,  or  a  part,  of  the  unoccupied  lands  in  Congress ;  because  it  is 
necessary  that  body  should  have  some  property,  as  a  fund  for  the 


158  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEb.  23. 

arrangements  of  finance ;  and  I  know  of  no  other  kind  that  can 
be  given  them. 

The  Confederation,  in  my  opinion,  should  give  Congress 
complete  sovereignty ;  except  as  to  that  part  of  internal  police, 
which  relates  to  the  rights  of  property  and  life  among  indi 
viduals,  and  to  raising  money  by  internal  taxes.  It  is  necessary 
that  every  thing  belonging  to  this,  should  be  regulated  by  the 
State  legislatures.  Congress  should  have  complete  sovereignty  in 
all  that  relates  to  war,  peace,  trade,  finance ;  and  to  the  manage 
ment  of  foreign  affairs ;  the  right  of  declaring  war ;  of  raising 
armies,  officering,  paying  them,  directing  their  motions  in  every 
respect ;  of  equipping  fleets,  and  doing  the  same  with  them ;  of 
building  fortifications,  arsenals,  magazines,  etc.,  etc. ;  of  making 
peace  on  such  conditions  as  they  think  proper ;  of  regulating 
trade,  determining  with  what  countries  it  shall  be  carried  on ; 
granting  indulgencies ;  laying  prohibitions  on  all  the  articles  of 
export,  or  import;  imposing  duties;  granting  bounties  and 
premiums  for  raising,  exporting,  or  importing,  and  applying  to 
their  own  use,  the  product  of  these  duties ;  only  giving  credit  to 
the  States  on  whom  they  are  raised,  in  the  general  account  of 
revenues  and  expenses ;  instituting  Admiralty  Courts,  etc. ;  of 
coining  money;  establishing  Banks  on  such  terms,  and  with 
such  privileges,  as  they  think  proper ;  appropriating  funds,  and 
doing  whatever  else  relates  to  the  operations  of  finance ;  trans 
acting  every  thing  with  foreign  nations ;  making  alliances,  offen 
sive  and  defensive ;  treaties  of  commerce,  etc.,  etc. 

The  Confederation  should  provide  certain  perpetual  revenues, 
productive,  and  easy  of  collection ;  a  land  tax,  poll  tax,  or  the 
like ;  which,  together  with  the  duties  on  trade,  and  the  unlo- 
cated  lands,  would  give  Congress  a  substantial  existence,  and  a 
stable  foundation  for  their  schemes  of  finance.  What  more 
supplies  were  necessary,  should  be  occasionally  demanded  of  the 
States,  in  the  present  mode  of  quotas. 

The  second  step  I  would  recommend,  is,  that  Congress 
should  instantly  appoint  the  following  great  officers  of  State. 
A  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs,  a  President  of  War,  a  President 
of  Marine,  a  Financier,  a  President  of  Trade.  Instead  of  this 


JET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  159 

last,  a  Board  of  Trade  may  be  preferable,  as  the  regulations  of 
trade  are  slow  and  gradual ;  and  require  prudence  and  experi 
ence  more  than  other  qualities ;  for  which  Boards  are  very  well 
adapted. 

Congress  should  choose  for  these  offices,  men  of  the  first 
abilities,  property,  and  character,  in  the  Continent ;  and  such  as 
have  had  the  best  opportunities  of  being  acquainted  with  the 
several  branches.  General  Schuyler,  whom  you  mentioned, 
would  make  an  excellent  President  of  War ;  General  M'Dougall 
a  very  good  President  of  Marine.  Mr.  Robert  Morris  would 
have  many  things  in  his  favor  for  the  department  of  finance. 
He  could,  by  his  own  personal  influence,  give  great  weight  to  the 
measures  he  should  adopt.  I  dare  say  men,  equally  capable, 
may  be  found  for  the  other  departments. 

I  know  not  if  it  would  not  be  a  good  plan  to  let  the  Finan 
cier  be  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade ;  but  he  should  only 
have  a  casting  voice  in  determining  questions  there.  There 
is  a  connection  between  trade  and  finance,  which  ought  to  make 
the  director  of  one  acquainted  with  the  other  ;  but  the  Financier 
should  not  direct  the  affairs  of  trade,  because,  for  the  sake  of 
acquiring  reputation  by  increasing  the  revenues,  he  might  adopt 
measures  that  would  depress  trade.  In  what  relates  to  finance, 
he  should  be  alone. 

These  officers  should  have  nearly  the  same  powers  and  func 
tions  as  those  in  France  analogous  to  them :  and  each  should  be 
Chief  in  his  department ;  with  subordinate  Boards,  composed  of 
assistants,  clerks,  etc.,  to  execute  his  orders. 

In  my  opinion,  a  plan  of  this  kind  would  be  of  inconceivable 
utility  to  our  affairs :  its  benefits  would  be  very  speedily  felt. 
It  would  give  new  life  and  energy  to  the  operations  of  Govern 
ment.  Business  would  be  conducted  with  dispatch,  method, 
and  system.  A  million  of  abuses,  now  existing,  would  be  cor 
rected;  and  judicious  plans  would  be  formed  and  executed  for 
the  public  good. 

Another  step  of  immediate  necessity,  is,  to  recruit  the  army 
for  the  war,  or  at  least  for  three  years.  This  must  be  done  by  a 
mode  similar  to  that  which  is  practised  in  Sweden.  There  the 


160  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  23. 

inhabitants  are  thrown  into  classes  of  sixteen;  and  when  the 
sovereign  wants  men,  each  of  these  classes  must  furnish  one. 
They  raise  a  fixed  sum  of  money ;  and  if  one  of  the  class  is 
willing  to  become  a  soldier,  he  receives  the  money  and  offers 
himself  a  volunteer.  If  none  is  found  to  do  this,  a  draught  is 
made  ;  and  he  on  whom  the  lot  falls,  receives  the  money,  and  is 
obliged  to  serve. 

The  minds  of  the  people  are  prepared  for  a  thing  of  this 
kind.  The  heavy  bounties  they  have  been  obliged  to  pay  for 
men  to  serve  a  few  months,  must  have  disgusted  them  with  this 
mode,  and  made  them  desirous  of  another,  that  will,  once  for 
all,  answer  the  public  purposes,  and  obviate  a  repetition  of  the 
demand.  It  ought,  by  all  means,  to  be  attempted ;  and  Congress 
should  frame  a  general  plan,  and  press  the  execution  upon  the 
States. 

When  the  Confederation  comes  to  be  framed,  it  ought  to 
provide  for  this  by  a  fundamental  law;  and  hereafter  there 
would  be  no  doubt  of  the  success. 

But  we  cannot  now  wait  for  this.  We  want  to  replace  the  men 
whose  times  of  service  will  expire  the  first  of  January :  for  then, 
without  this,  we  shall  have  no  army  remaining  ;  and  the  enemy 
may  do  what  they  please.  The  General,  in  his  letter  already 
quoted,  has  assigned  the  most  substantial  reasons  for  paying 
immediate  attention  to  this  point. 

Congress  should  endeavor,  both  upon  their  credit  in  Europe, 
and  by  every  possible  exertion  in  this  country,  to  provide  cloth 
ing  for  their  officers ;  and  should  abolish  the  whole  system  of 
State  supplies.  The  making  good  the  depreciation  of  the  cur 
rency,  and  all  other  compensations  to  the  army,  should  be 
immediately  taken  up  by  Congress,  and  not  left  to  the  States. 
If  they  would  have  the  accounts  of  depreciation  liquidated,  and 
governmental  certificates  given  for  what  is  due,  in  specie,  or  an 
equivalent  to  specie,  it  would  give  satisfaction  ;  appointing  peri 
odical  settlements  for  future  depreciation. 

The  placing  the  officers  upon  half-pay  during  life,  would 
be  a  great  stroke  of  policy  ;  and  would  give  Congress  a  stronger 
tie  upon  them  than  any  thing  else  they  can  do.  No  man,  that 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  161 

reflects  a  moment,  but  will  prefer  a  permanent  provision  of  this 
kind  to  any  temporary  compensation.  Nor  is  it  opposed  to  econ 
omy  :  the  difference  between  this,  and  between  what  has  already 
been  done,  will  be  insignificant.  The  benefit  of  it  to  the  widows 
should  be  confined  to  those  whose  husbands  die  during  the  war. 
As  to  the  survivors,  not  more  than  one  half,  on  the  usual  calcu 
lation  of  men's  lives,  will  exceed  the  seven  years  for  which  the 
half-pay  is  already  established.  Beside  this,  whatever  may  be 
the  visionary  speculations  of  some  men  at  this  time,  we  shall 
find  it  indispensable,  after  the  war,  to  keep  on  foot  a  consider 
able  body  of  troops :  and  all  the  officers,  retained  for  this  pur 
pose,  must  be  deducted  out  of  the  half-pay  list.  If  any  one  will 
take  the  pains  to  calculate  the  expense  of  these  principles,  I  am 
persuaded  he  will  find  the  addition  of  expense,  from  the  estab 
lishment  proposed,  by  no  means  a  national  object. 

The  advantages  of  securing  the  attachment  of  the  army  to 
Congress,  and  binding  them  to  the  service  by  substantial  ties, 
are  immense.  We  should  then  have  discipline ;  an  army  in  re 
ality,  as  well  as  in  name.  Congress  would  then  have  a  solid 
basis  of  authority  and  consequence :  for,  to  me,  it  is  an  axiom, 
that  in  our  constitution,  an  army  is  essential  to  the  American 
Union. 

The  providing  of  supplies,  is  the  pivot  of  every  thing  else 
(though  a  well-constituted  army  would,  not  in  a  small  degree, 
conduce  to  this,  by  giving  consistency  and  weight  to  Govern 
ment).  There  are  four  ways,  all  of  which  must  be  united :  A 
foreign  loan ;  heavy  pecuniary  taxes ;  a  tax  in  kind ;  a  Bank 
founded  on  public  and  private  credit. 

As  to  a  foreign  loan,  I  dare  say  Congress  are  doing  every 
thing  in  their  power  to  obtain  it.  The  most  effectual  way  will 
be  to  tell  France,  that,  without  it,  we  must  make  terms  with 
Great  Britain.  This  must  be  done  with  plainness  and  firmness ; 
but  with  respect,  and  without  petulance ;  not  as  a  menace,  but 
as  a  candid  declaration  of  our  circumstances. 

We  need  not  fear  to  be  deserted  by  France.  Her  interest  and 
honor  are  too  deeply  involved  in  our  fate ;  and  she  can  make  no 
possible  compromise.  She  can  assist  us,  if  she  is  convinced  it  is 

VOL.  I.  11 


162  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JRi.  23 

absolutely  necessary ;  either  by  lending  us,  herself,  or  by  becom 
ing  our  surety,  or  by  influencing  Spain.  It  has  been  to  me 
astonishing,  how  any  man  could  have  doubted,  at  any  period  of 
our  affairs,  of  the  necessity  of  a  foreign  loan.  It  was  self-evident, 
that  we  had  not  a  fund  of  wealth  in  this  country  capable  of  af 
fording  revenues  equal  to  the  expenses.  We  must  then  create 
artificial  revenues,  or  borrow.  The  first  was  done  ;  but  it  ought 
to  have  been  foreseen  that  the  expedient  could  not  last,  and  we 
should  have  provided  in  time  for  its  failure. 

Here  was  an  error  of  Congress.  I  have  good  reason  to  be 
lieve,  that  measures  were  not  taken,  in  earnest,  early  enough  to 
procure  a  loan  abroad.  I  give  you  my  honor,  that  from  our  first 
outset,  I  thought  as  I  do  now,  and  wished  for  a  foreign  loan ; 
not  only  because  I  foresaw  it  would  be  essential,  but  because  I 
considered  it  as  a  tie  upon  the  nation  from  which  it  was  derived, 
and  as  a  mean  to  prop  our  cause  in  Europe. 

Concerning  the  necessity  of  heavy  pecuniary  taxes,  I  need 
say  nothing ;  as  it  is  a  point  in  which  every  body  is  agreed.  ISTor 
is  there  any  danger,  that  the  product  of  any  taxes,  raised  in  this 
way,  will  overburthen  the  people,  or  exceed  the  wants  of  the 
public.  Indeed,  if  all  the  paper  in  circulation  were  drawn  annu 
ally  into  the  treasury,  it  would  neither  do  one  nor  the  other. 

As  to  a  tax  in  kind,  the  necessity  of  it  results  from  this  prin 
ciple  :  that  the  money  in  circulation  is  not  a  sufficient  represen 
tative  of  the  productions  of  the  country ;  and,  consequently,  no 
revenues,  raised  from  it  as  a  medium,  can  be  a  competent  repre 
sentative  of  that  part  of  the  products  of  the  country  which  it  is 
bound  to  contribute  to  the  support  of  the  public.  The  public, 
therefore,  to  obtain  its  due,  or  satisfy  its  just  demands,  and  its 
wants,  must  call  for  a  part  of  those  products  themselves.  This 
is  done  in  all  those  countries  which  are  not  commercial :  in  Eus- 
sia,  Prussia,  Denmark,  Sweden,  etc.,  and  is  peculiarly  necessary 
in  our  case. 

Congress,  in  calling  for  specific  supplies,  seem  to  have  had 
this  in  view ;  but  their  intention  has  not  been  answered.  The 
States,  in  general,  have  undertaken  to  furnish  supplies  by  pur 
chase  ;  a  mode,  as  I  have  observed,  attended  with  every  incon- 


^T.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  163 

venience,  and  subverting  the  principle  on  which  the  supplies 
were  demanded ;  the  insufficiency  of  our  circulating  medium  as  a 
representative  for  the  labor  and  commodities  of  the  country.  It 
is  therefore  necessary  that  Congress  should  be  more  explicit; 
should  form  the  outlines  of  a  plan  for  a  tax  in  kind,  and  recom 
mend  it  to  the  States  as  a  measure  of  absolute  necessity. 

The  general  idea  I  have  of  a  plan,  is,  that  a  respectable  man 
should  be  appointed  by  the  State,  in  each  county,  to  collect  the 
taxes  and  form  magazines ;  that  Congress  should  have,  in  each 
State,  an  officer  to  superintend  the  whole ;  and  that  the  State 
collectors  should  be  subordinate  and  responsible  to  them.  This 
Continental  Superintendent  might  be  subject  to  the  general  direc 
tion  of  the  Quarter-Master-General,  or  not,  as  might  be  deemed 
best;  but  if  not  subject  to  him,  he  should  be  obliged  to  make 
monthly  returns  to  the  President  at  War,  who  should  instruct 
him  what  proportion  to  deliver  to  the  Quarter-Master-General. 
It  may  be  necessary,  that  the  Superintendents  should  sometimes 
have  power  to  dispose  of  the  articles  in  their  possession,  on  public 
account ;  for  it  would  happen,  that  the  contributions,  in  places 
remote  from  the  army,  could  not  be  transported  to  the  theatre  of 
operations  without  too  great  expense  ;  in  which  case  it  would  be 
eligible  to  dispose  of  them,  and  purchase,  with  the  money  so 
raised,  in  the  countries  near  the  immediate  scene  of  war. 

I  know  the  objections  which  may  be  raised  to  this  plan  ;  its 
tendency  to  Discourage  industry,  and  the  like.  But  necessity 
calls  for  it.  We  cannot  proceed  without  it :  and  less  evils  must 
give  place  to  greater.  It  is,  besides,  practised  with  success  in 
other  countries,  and  why  not  in  this  ?  It  may  be  said,  the  ex 
amples  cited  are  from  nations  under  despotic  governments ;  and 
that  the  same  would  not  be  practicable  with  us.  But  I  contend, 
where  the  public  good  is  evidently  the  object,  more  may  be 
effected  in  governments  like  ours,  than  in  any  other.  It  has 
been  a  constant  remark,  that  free  countries  have  ever  paid  the 
heaviest  taxes.  The  obedience  of  a  free  people  to  general  laws, 
however  hard  they  bear,  is  ever  more  perfect  than  that  of  slaves 
to  the  arbitrary  will  of  a  prince.  To  this  may  be  added,  that 
Sweden  was  always  a  free  government ;  and  is  so  now,  in  a  great 
degree,  notwithstanding  the  late  revolution. 


164  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

How  far  it  may  be  practicable  to  erect  a  Bank  on  the  joint 
credit  of  the  public  and  of  individuals,  can  only  be  certainly 
determined  by  the  experiment.  But  it  is  of  so  much  importance, 
that  the  experiment  ought  to  be  fully  tried.  When  I  saw  the 
subscriptions  going  on  to  the  Bank  established  for  supplying  the 
army,  I  was  in  hopes  it  was  only  the  embryo  of  a  more  perma 
nent  and  extensive  establishment.  But  I  have  reason  to  believe 
I  shall  be  disappointed.  It  does  not  seem  to  be  at  all  conducted 
on  the  true  principles  of  a  Bank. 

The  Directors  of  it  are  purchasing  with  their  Stock,  instead  of 
Bank  notes,  as  I  expected :  in  consequence  of  which,  it  must  turn 
out  to  be  a  mere  subscription  of  a  particular  sum  of  money  for  a 
particular  purpose. 

Paper  credit  never  was  long  supported  in  any  country,  on  a 
national  scale,  where  it  was  not  founded  on  a  joint  basis  of  public 
and  private  credit.  An  attempt  to  establish  it  on  public  credit 
alone,  in  France,  under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Law,  had  nearly  ruin 
ed  the  kingdom.  We  have  seen  the  effects  of  it  in  America ; 
and  every  successive  experiment,  proves  the  futility  of  the  at 
tempt.  Our  new  money  is  depreciating  almost  as  fast  as  the  old ; 
though  it  has,  in  some  States,  as  real  funds  as  paper  money  ever 
had.  The  reason  is,  that  the  moneyed  men  have  not  an  immedi 
ate  interest  to  uphold  its  credit.  They  may  even,  in  many  ways, 
find  it  their  interest  to  undermine  it.  The  only  certain  manner 
to  obtain  a  permanent  paper  credit,  is  to  engage,  the  moneyed 
interest  immediately  in  it,  by  making  them  contribute  the  whole, 
or  part  of  the  Stock,  and  giving  them  the  whole,  or  part  of  the 
profits. 

The  invention  of  Banks,  on  the  modern  principle,  originated 
in  Yenice.  There  the  public,  and  a  Company  of  moneyed  men, 
are  mutually  concerned.  The  Bank  of  England  unites  public 
authority  and  faith  with  private  credit :  and  hence  we  see,  what 
a  vast  fabric  of  paper  credit  is  raised  on  a  visionary  basis.  Had 
it  not  been  for  this,  England  would  never  have  found  sufficient 
funds  to  carry  on  her  wars:  but,  with  the  help  of  this,  she  has 
done,  and  is  doing,  wonders.  The  Bank  of  Amsterdam  is  on  a 
similar  foundation. 


^ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  165 

And  winy  can  we  not  have  an  American  Bank  ?  Are  our 
moneyed  men  less  enlightened  to  their  own  interest,  or  less  en 
terprising  in  the  pursuit  ?  I  believe  the  fault  is  in  Government, 
which  does  not  exert  itself  to  engage  them  in  such  a  scheme.  It 
is  true,  the  individuals  in  America  are  not  very  rich ;  but  this 
would  not  prevent  their  instituting  a  Bank ;  it  would  only  pre 
vent  its  being  done  with  such  ample  funds  as  in  other  countries. 
Have  they  not  sufficient  confidence  in  the  Government,  and  in 
the  issue  of  the  cause  ?  Let  the  Government  endeavor  to  inspire 
that  confidence,  by  adopting  the  measures  I  have  recommended, 
or  others  equivalent  to  them.  Let  it  exert  itself  to  procure  a 
solid  Confederation ;  to  establish  a  good  plan  of  executive  ad 
ministration  ;  to  form  a  permanent  military  force ;  to  obtain,  at 
all  events,  a  foreign  loan.  If  these  things  were  in  a  train  of  vig 
orous  execution,  it  would  give  a  new  spring  to  our  affairs ;  Gov 
ernment  would  recover  its  respectability,  and  individuals  would 
renounce  their  diffidence. 

.  The  object  I  should  propose  to  myself,  in  the  first  instance, 
from  a  Bank,  would  be  an  auxiliary  mode  of  supplies ;  for  which 
purpose,  contracts  should  be  made,  between  Government  and  the 
Bank,  on  terms  liberal  and  advantageous  to  the  latter.  Every 
thing  should  be  done,  in  the  first  instance,  to  encourage  the 
Bank.  After  it  gets  well  established,  it  will  take  care  of  itself; 
and  Government  may  make  the  best  terms  it  can,  for  itself. 

The  first  step  to  establishing  the  Bank,  will  be  to  engage  a 
number  of  moneyed  men  of  influence  to  relish  the  project,  and 
make  it  a  business.  The  subscribers  to  that  lately  established, 
are  the  fittest  persons  that  can  be  found  ;  and  their  plan  may  be 
interwoven. 

The  outlines  of  my  plan  would  be,  to  open  subscriptions  in 
all  the  StateSjlfor  the  Stock,  which  we  will  suppose  to  be  one 
million  of  pounds.  Eeal  property  of  every  kind,  as  well  as  spe 
cie,  should  be  deemed  good  Stock ;  but  at  least  a  fourth  part  of 
the  subscription  should  be  in  specie,  or  plate.  There  should  be 
one  great  Company,  in  three  divisions :  in  Virginia,  Philadelphia, 
and  at  Boston ;  or  two  at  Philadelphia  and  Boston.  The  Bank 
should  have  a  right  to  issue  Bank  notes,  bearing  two  per  cent. 


166  HAMILTON'S,   WORKS.  [^Ex.  23. 

interest,  for  the  whole  of  their  stock;  but  not  to  exceed  it. 
These  notes  may  be  payable  every  three  months,  or  oftener :  and 
the  faith  of  government  must  be  pledged  for  the  support  of  the 
Bank.  It  must  therefore  have  a  right,  from  time  to  time,  to  in 
spect  its  operations,  and  must  appoint  inspectors  for  the  purpose. 

The  advantages  of  the  Bank  may  consist  in  this :  in  the 
profits  of  the  contracts  made  with  G-overnment,  which  should 
bear  interest  to  be  annually  paid  in  specie ;  in  the  loan  of  money 
at  interest,  say  six  per  cent. ;  in  purchasing  lives  by  annuities,  as 
practised  in  England,  etc.  The  benefit  resulting  to  the  Compa 
ny,  is  evident  from  the  consideration,  that  they  may  employ,  in 
circulation,  a  great  deal  more  money  than  they  have  specie  in 
Stock,  on  the  credit  of  the  real  property  which  they  will  have  in 
other  use.  This  money  will  be  employed,  either  in  fulfilling 
their  contracts  with  the  public,  by  which  also  they  will  gain  a 
profit ;  or  in  loans  at  an  advantageous  interest,  or  in  annuities. 

The  Bank  may  be  allowed  to  purchase  plate  and  bullion,  and 
coin  money  ;  allowing  Government  a  part  of  the  profit.  I  make 
the  Bank  notes  bear  interest,  to  obtain  a  readier  currency,  and 
to  induce  the  holders  to  prefer  them  to  specie,  to  prevent  too 
great  a  run  upon  the  Bank,  at  any  time,  beyond  its  ability  to  pay. 

If  Government  can  obtain  a  foreign  loan,  it  should  lend  to 
the  Bank,  on  easy  terms,  to  extend  its  influence,  and  facilitate  a 
compliance  with  its  engagements.  If  Government  could  engage 
the  States  to  raise  a  sum  of  money  in  specie,  to  be  deposited  in 
Bank  in  the  same  manner,  it  would  be  of  the  greatest  conse 
quence.  If  Government  could  prevail  on  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
people,  to  make  a  contribution  in  plate  for  the  same  purpose,  it 
would  be  a  master-stroke.  Things  of  this  kind  sometimes  suc 
ceed  in  popular  contests ;  and,  if  undertaken  with  address,  I 
should  not  despair  of  its  success :  but  I  should  not  be  sanguine. 

The  Bank  may  be  instituted  for  a  term  of  years  by  way  of 
trial;  and  the  particular  privilege  of  coining  money,  be  for  a 
term  still  shorter.  A  temporary  transfer  of  it  to  a  particular 
Company,  can  have  no  inconvenience,  as  the  Government  are  in 
no  condition  to  improve  this  resource  ;  nor  could  it,  in  our  cir 
cumstances,  be  an  object  to  them;  though,  with  the  industry  of 
a  knot  of  individuals,  it  might  be  a  valuable  one  to  them. 


JET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  167 

A  Bank  of  this  kind,  even  in  its  commencement,  would  an 
swer  the  most  valuable  purposes  to  Government  and  to  the  pro 
prietors  :  in  its  progress,  the  advantages  will  exceed  calculation. 
It  will  promote  commerce,  by  furnishing  a  more  extensive  medi 
um,  which  we  greatly  want,  in  our  circumstances.  I  mean  a 
more  extensive  valuable  medium.  We  have  an  enormous  nomi 
nal  one  at  this  time,  but  it  is  only  a  name. 

In  the  present  unsettled  state  of  things  in  this  country,  we 
can  hardly  draw  inferences  from  what  has  happened  in  others ; 
otherwise  I  should  be  certain  of  the  success  of  this  scheme :  but 
I  think  it  has  enough  in  its  favor  to  be  worthy  of  trial. 

I  have  only  skimmed  the  surface  of  the  different  subjects  I 
have  introduced.  Should  the  plans  recommended  come  into 
contemplation,  in  earnest,  and  you  desire  my  further  thoughts,  I 
will  endeavor  to  give  them  more  form  and  particularity.  I  am 
persuaded  a  solid  Confederation,  a  permanent  army,  a  reasonable 
prospect  of  subsisting  it,  would  give  us  treble  consideration  in 
Europe,  and  produce  a  peace  this  winter. 

If  a  Convention  is  called,  the  minds  of  all  the  States,  and  the 
people,  ought  to  be  prepared  to  receive  its  determinations  by 
sensible  and  popular  writings,  which  should  conform  to  the  views 
of  Congress.  There  are  epochs  in  human  affairs  when  novelty 
even  is  useful.  If  a  general  opinion  prevails  that  the  old  way  is 
bad,  whether  true  or  false,  and  this  obstructs  or  relaxes  the  op 
erations  of  the  public  service,  a  change  is  necessary,  if  it  be  but 
for  the  sake  of  change.  This  is  exactly  the  case  now.  'Tis  a 
universal  sentiment,  that  our  present  system  is  a  bad  one,  and 
that  things  do  not  go  right  on  this  account.  The  measure  of  a 
Convention  would  revive  the  hopes  of  the  people,  and  give  a 
new  direction  to  their  passions,  which  may  be  improved  in  car 
rying  points  of  substantial  utility.  The  eastern  States  have  al 
ready  pointed  out  this  mode  to  Congress :  they  ought  to  take 
the  hint  and  anticipate  the  others. 

And,  in  future,  my  dear  sir,  two  things  let  me  recommend,  as 
fundamental  rules  for  the  conduct  of  Congress:  to  attach  the 
army  to  them  by  every  motive ;  to  maintain  an  air  of  authority 
(not  domineering)  in  all  their  measures  with  the  States.  The 


168  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  23. 

manner  in  which  a  thing  is  done,  has  more  influence  than  is 
commonly  imagined.  Men  are  governed  by  opinion  :  this  opin 
ion  is  as  much  influenced  by  appearances  as  by  realities.  If  a 
Government  appears  to  be  confident  of  its  own  powers,  it  is  the 
surest  way  to  inspire  the  same  confidence  in  others.  If  it  is  dif 
fident,  it  may  be  certain  there  will  be  a  still  greater  diffidence-  in 
others ;  and  that  its  authority  will  not  only  be  distrusted,  contro 
verted,  but  contemned. 

I  wish,  too,  Congress  would  always  consider,  that  a  kindness 
consists  as  much  in  the  manner  as  in  the  thing.  The  best  things 
done  hesitatingly,  and  with  an  ill  grace,  lose  their  effect,  and 
produce  disgust  rather  than  satisfaction  or  gratitude.  In  what 
Congress  have  at  any  time  done  for  the  army,  they  have  com 
monly  been  too  late.  They  have  seemed  to  yield  to  importunity, 
rather  than  to  sentiments  of  justice  or  to  a  regard  to  the  accom 
modation  of  their  troops.  An  attention  to  this  idea,  is  of  more 
importance  than  it  may  be  thought.  I,  who  have  seen  all  the 
workings  and  progress  of  the  present  discontents,  am  convinced, 
that  a  want  of  this  has  not  been  among  the  most  inconsiderable 
causes. 

You  will  perceive,  my  dear  sir,  this  letter  is  hastily  written, 
and  with  a  confidential  freedom :  not  as  to  a  member  of  Con 
gress,  whose  feelings  may  be  sore  at  the  prevailing  clamors ;  but 
as  to  a  friend,  who  is  in  a  situation  to  remedy  public  disorders ; 
who  wishes  for  nothing  so  much  as  truth ;  and  who  is  desirous 
of  information,  even  from  those  less  capable  of  judging  than 
himself.  I  have  not  even  time  to  correct  and  copy ;  and  only 
enough  to  add,  that  I  am,  very  truly  and  affectionately,  dear  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


^ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  169 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

1780. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

Your  favor  of  the  17th.  I  received  on  that  day.  That  of  the 
13th  has  taken  a  tour  to  Albany  and  was  delivered  me  this 
moment. 

Commissioners  will  be  appointed  to  meet  the  Eastern  Con 
vention  ;  I  believe  Judge  Hubbard,  Mr.  Benson,  the  Attorney 
General,  and  myself,  will  go ;  the  two  gentlemen  I  have  men 
tioned  are  as  deeply  impressed  as  men  can  be  with  the  necessity 
of  more  power  in  the  directing  councils,  or  what  would  be  better 

in  our  present  situation, -.     The  lower  house  are  for  it, 

but  the  upper  timid,  although  heartily  disposed  to  every  mea 
sure  which  will  give  vigor. 

I  was  too  much  indisposed  to  undertake  the  journey  to  Hart 
ford,  and  continue  so  much  so  that  I  am  obliged  to  quit  this 
before  the  Legislature  rises. 

I  am  informed  Grates  is  to  have  the  thanks  of  the  Senate  for 
not  despairing  of  the  Commonwealth,  but  that  they  do  not  mean 
to  tread  wholly  in  the  steps  of  the  Komans,  and  confine  him  to 
subordinate  commands ;  he  is  to  have  a  potent  army,  and  to  drive 
Cornwallis  and  his  crew  into  the  sea  with  more  rapidity  than  he 
flew  to  Hillsborough. 

Pray  entreat  the  General  and  the  gentlemen  of  his  family  to 
accept  of  my  best  wishes,  in  which  you  always  partake. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Affectionately  yours,  etc., 

P.  SCHUYLER. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO   MISS  SCHUYLER. 


September  6,  1780. 

Most  people  here  are  groaning  under  a  very  disagreeable 
piece  of  intelligence  just  come  from  the  southward,  that  Gates 
has  had  a  total  defeat  near  Camden,  in  South  Carolina.  Corn- 


1VO  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

wallis  and  he  met  in  the  night  of  the  fifteenth,  by  accident, 
marching  to  the  same  point.  The  advanced  guards  skirmished, 
and  the  two  armies  halted  and  formed  till  morning.  In  the 
morning  a  battle  ensued,  in  which  the  militia,  and  Gates  with 
them,  immediately  ran  away,  and  left  the  Continental  troops  to 
contend  with  the  enemy's  whole  force. 

They  did  it  obstinately,  and  probably  are  most  of  them  cut 
off.  Gates,  however,  who  writes  to  Congress,  seems  to  know 
very  little  what  has  become  of  his  army.  He  showed  that  age 
and  the  long  labors  and  fatigues  of  a  military  life  had  not  in  the 
least  impaired  his  activity,  for  in  three  days  and  a  half  he  reached 
Hillsborough,  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  from  the  scene  of 
action,  leaving  all  his  troops  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  get 
out  of  the  scrape  as  well  as  they  could. 

He  has  confirmed,  in  this  instance,  the  opinion  I  always  had 
of  him.  This  event  will  have  very  serious  consequences  to  the 
southward.  People's  imaginations  have  already  given  up  North 
Carolina  and  Virginia ;  but  I  do  not  believe  either  of  them  will 
fall.  I  am  certain  Virginia  cannot.  This  misfortune  affects  me 
less  than  others,  because  it  is  not  in  my  temper  to  repine  at  evils 
that  are  past,  but  to  endeavor  to  draw  good  out  of  them,  and 
because  I  think  our  safety  depends  on  a  total  change  of  system, 
and  this  change  of  system  will  only  be  produced  by  misfortune. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON   TO  DUANE. 

September  6,  1780. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  letter  accompanying  this  has  lain  by  two  or  three  days 
for  want  of  an  opportunity.  I  have  heard  since  of  Gates's  defeat : 
a  very  good  comment  on  the  necessity  of  changing  our  system. 
His  passion  for  militia,  I  fancy,  will  be  a  little  cured,  and  he  will 
cease  to  think  them  the  best  bulwark  of  American  liberty. 
What  think  you  of  the  conduct  of  this  great  man  ?  I  am  his 


jET.23.]          CORRESPONDENCE. 

enemy  personally,  for  unjust  and  unprovoked  attacks  upon  my 
character ;  therefore  what  I  say  of  him  ought  to  be  received  as 
from  an  enemy,  and  have  no  more  weight  than  as  it  is  consist 
ent  with  fact  and  common  sense.  But  did  ever  any  one  hear  of 
such  a  disposition  or  such  a  flight  ?  His  best  troops  placed  on 
the  side  strongest  by  nature,  his  worst  on  that  weakest  by  nature, 
and  his  attack  made  with  these.  'Tis  impossible  to  give  a  more 
complete  picture  of  military  absurdity.  It  is  equally  against  the 
maxims  of  war  and  common  sense.  We  see  the  consequences. 
His  left  ran  away,  and  left  his  right  uncovered.  His  right  wing 
turned  on  the  left  has  in  all  probability  been  cut  off.  Though, 
in  truth,  the  General  seems  to  have  known  very  little  what 
became  of  his  army. 

Had  he  placed  his  militia  on  his  right,  supported  by  the 
morass,  and  his  Continental  troops  on  his  left,  where  it  seems 
he  was  most  vulnerable,  his  right  would  have  been  more  secure, 
and  his  left  would  have  opposed  the  enemy;  and  instead  of 
going  backward  when  he  ordered  to  attack,  would  have  gone 
forward.  The  reverse  of  what  has  happened  might  have  hap 
pened. 

But  was  there  ever  an  instance  of  a  General  running  away, 
as  Gates  has  done,  from  his  whole  army  ?  And  was  there  ever 
so  precipitous  a  flight  ?  One  hundred  and  eighty  miles  in  three 
days  and  a  half.  It  does  admirable  credit  to  the  activity  of  a 
man  at  his  time  of  life.  But  it  disgraces  the  General  and  the 
soldier.  I  always  believed  him  to  be  very  far  short  of  a  Hector, 
or  a  Ulysses.  All  the  world,  I  think,  will  begin  to  agree 
with  me. 

But  what  will  be  done  by  Congress  ?  "Will  he  be  changed 
or  not  ?  If  he  is  changed,  for  God's  sake  overcome  prejudice, 
and  send  Greene.  You  know  my  opinion  of  him.  I  stake  my 
reputation  on  the  events,  give  him  but  fair  play. 

But,  above  all  things,  let  us  have,  without  delay,  a  vigorous 
government,  and  a  well  constituted  army  for  the  war. 

Adieu,  my  dear  Sir, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


172  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  23. 


COL.   FLEURY  TO  HAMILTON. 

BOSTON,  September  7,  1780. 

If  you  do  write  to  me,  direct  your  letters  to  General  Heath, 
and  under  his  cover.  I  cannot  tell  why  till  I  see  you ;  I  want 
it  much. 

The  enemy  have  left  Martha's  Vineyard.  It  is  reported  they 
sailed  to  the  southward. 

I  beg  you  would  remember  me  to  my  friend  Laurens ;  I  have 
written  to  him,  but  he  keeps  silent. 

I  do  not  like  your  situation  at  Lee's  Fort :  you  throw  the 
glove  to  Clinton ;  he  will  take  it,  and  we  are  not  near  enough  to 
be  your  seconds.  Our  sick  increase ;  not  much ;  but  they  in 
crease. 

Farewell,  your  servant  and  friend, 

F  *  *  Y. 


HAMILTON  TO  LAURENS. 

September,  1780. 

Since  my  return  from  Hartford,  my  dear  Laurens,  my  mind 
has  been  too  little  at  ease  to  permit  me  to  write  to  you  sooner. 
It  has  been  wholly  occupied  by  the  affecting  and  tragic  conse 
quences  of  Arnold's  treason.  My  feelings  were  never  put  to  so 
severe  a  trial.  You  will  no  doubt  have  heard  the  principal  facts 
before  this  reaches  you.  But  there  are  particulars,  to  which  my 
situation  gave  me  access,  that  cannot  have  come  to  your  know 
ledge  from  public  report,  which  I  am  persuaded  you  will  find 
interesting. 

From  several  circumstances,  the  project  seems  to  have  origi 
nated  with  Arnold  himself,  and  to  have  been  long  premeditated. 
The  first  overture  is  traced  back  to  some  time  in  June  last.  It 
was  conveyed  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Eobinson ;  the  substance 
of  which  was,  that  the  ingratitude  he  had  experienced  from  his 


^ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  173 

country,  concurring  with  other  causes,  had  entirely  changed  his 
principles ;  that  he  now  only  sought  to  restore  himself  to  the 
favor  of  his  king,  by  some  signal  proof  of  his  repentance ;  and 
would  be  happy  to  open  a  correspondence  with  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  for  that  purpose.  About  this  period  he  made  a  journey 
to  Connecticut :  on  his  return  from  which  to  Philadelphia, 
he  solicited  the  command  of  West  Point ;  alleging  that  the 
effects  of  his  wounds  had  disqualified  him  for  the  active  duties 
of  the  field.  The  sacrifice  of  this  important  post  was  the  atone 
ment  he  intended  to  make.  General  Washington  hesitated  the 
less  to  gratify  an  officer  who  had  rendered  such  eminent  services, 
as  he  was  convinced  the  post  might  be  safely  intrusted  to  one 
who  had  given  so  many  distinguished  specimens  of  his  bravery. 
In  the  beginning  of  August  he  joined  the  army  and  renewed  his 
application.  The  enemy,  at  this  juncture,  had  embarked  the 
greatest  part  of  their  forces  on  an  expedition  to  Khode  Island ; 
and  our  army  was  in  motion  to  compel  them  to  relinquish  the 
enterprise,  or  to  attack  New- York  in  its  weakened  state.  The 
General  offered  Arnold  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  which  he 
declined,  on  the  pretext  already  mentioned,  but  not  without 
visible  embarrassment.  He  certainly  might  have  executed  the 
duties  of  such  a  temporary  command ;  and  it  was  expected  from 
his  enterprising  temper,  that  he  would  gladly  have  embraced  so 
splendid  an  opportunity.  But  he  did  not  choose  to  be  diverted 
a  moment  from  his  favorite  object ;  probably  from  an  appre 
hension  that  some  different  disposition  might  have  taken  place, 
which  would  have  excluded  him.  The  extreme  solicitude  he 
discovered  to  get  possession  of  the  post,  would  have  led  to  a 
suspicion  of  treachery,  had  it  been  possible,  from  his  past  con 
duct,  to  have  supposed  him  capable  of  it. 

The  correspondence  thus  begun,  was  carried  on  between 
Arnold  and  Major  Andre,  Adjutant-General  to  the  British  army, 
in  behalf  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  under  feigned  signatures,  and  in 
a  mercantile  disguise.  In  an  intercepted  letter  of  Arnold's, 
which  lately  fell  into  our  hands,  he  proposes  an  interview,  "  to 
settle  the  risks  and  profits  of  the  copartnership;"  and,  in  the 
same  style  of  metaphor,  intimates  an  expected  augmentation  of 


174  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  23. 

the  garrison ;  and  speaks  of  it  as  the  means  of  extending  their 
traffic.  It  appears,  by  another  letter,  that  Andre  was  to  have 
met  him  on  the  lines,  under  the  sanction  of  a  flag,  in  the  char 
acter  of  Mr.  John  Anderson.  But  some  cause  or  other,  not 
known,  prevented  this  interview. 

The  twentieth  of  last  month,  Kobinson  and  Andr6  went  up 
the  river  in  the  Yulture  sloop-of-war.  Kobinson  sent  a  flag  to 
Arnold  with  two  letters  ;  one  to  General  Putnam,  inclosed  in 
another  to  himself;  proposing  an  interview  with  Putnam,  or,  in 
his  absence,  with  Arnold,  to  adjust  some  private  concerns.  The 
one  to  General  Putnam,  was  evidently  meant  as  a  cover  to  the 
other,  in  case,  by  accident,  the  letters  should  have  fallen  under 
the  inspection  of  a  third  person. 

General  Washington  crossed  the  river,  on  his  way  to  Hartford, 
the  day  these  dispatches  arrived.  Arnold,  conceiving  he  must 
have  heard  of  the  flag,  thought  it  necessary,  for  the  sake  of 
appearances,  to  submit  the  letters  to  him,  and  ask  his  opinion  of 
the  propriety  of  complying  with  the  request.  The  General, 
with  his  usual  caution,  though  without  the  least  surmise  of  the 
design,  dissuaded  him  from  it,  and  advised  him  to  reply  to 
Eobinson,  that  whatever  related  to  his  private  affairs,  must  be 
of  a  civil  nature,  and  could  only  properly  be  addressed  to  the 
civil  authority.  This  reference  fortunately  deranged  the  plan ; 
and  was  the  first  link  in  the  chain  of  events  that  led  to  the  de 
tection.  The  interview  could  no  longer  take  place  in  the  form 
of  a  flag,  but  was  obliged  to  be  managed  in  a  secret  manner. 

Arnold  employed  one  Smith  to  go  on  board  the  Vulture  the 
night  of  the  twenty-second,  to  bring  Andre  on  shore,  with  a  pass 
for  Mr.  John  Anderson.  Andre  came  ashore  accordingly ;  and 
was  conducted  within  a  picket  of  ours  to  the  house  of  Smith, 
where  Arnold  and  he  remained  together  in  close  conference  all 
that  night  and  the  day  following.  At  daylight  in  the  morning, 
the  commanding  officer  at  King's  Ferry,  without  the  privity  of 
Arnold,  moved  a  couple  of  pieces  of  cannon  to  a  point  opposite 
to  where  the  Yulture  lay,  and  obliged  her  to  take  a  more  remote 
station.  This  event,  or  some  lurking  distrust,  made  the  boatmen 
refuse  to  convey  the  two  passengers  back,  and  disconcerted 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  175 

Arnold  so  much,  that  by  one  of  those  strokes  of  infatuation  which 
often  confound  the  schemes  of  men  conscious  of  guilt,  he  insisted 
on  Andre's  exchanging  his  uniform  for  a  disguise,  and  returning 
in  a  mode  different  from  that  in  which  he  came.  Andre,  who 
had  been  undesignedly  brought  within  our  posts  in  the  first 
instance,  remonstrated  warmly  against  this  new  and  dangerous 
expedient.  But  Arnold  persisting  in  declaring  it  impossible  for 
him  to  return  as  he  came,  he  at  length  reluctantly  yielded  to  his 
direction,  and  consented  to  change  his  dress,  and  take  the  route 
he  recommended.  Smith  furnished  the  disguise,  and  in  the 
evening  passed  King's  Ferry  with  him,  and  proceeded  to  Crom- 
pond,  where  they  stopped  the  remainder  of  the  night,  at  the 
instance  of  a  militia  officer,  to  avoid  being  suspected  by  him. 
The  next  morning  they  resumed  their  journey,  Smith  accom 
panying  Andre  a  little  beyond  Pine's  Bridge,  where  he  left  him. 
He  had  reached  Tarrytown,  when  he  was  taken  up  by  three 
militia  men,  who  rushed  out  of  the  woods  and  seized  his  horse. 

At  this  critical  moment,  his  presence  of  mind  forsook  him. 
Instead  of  producing  his  pass,  which  would  have  extricated  him 
from  our  parties,  and  could  have  done  him  no  harm  with  his 
own,  he  asked  the  militia  men,  if  they  were  of  the  upper  or  lower 
party ;  distinctive  appellations  known  among  the  enemy's  refugee 
corps.  The  militia  men  replied,  they  were  of  the  lower  party ; 
upon  which  he  told  them  he  was  a  British  officer,  and  pressed 
them  not  to  detain  him,  as  he  was  upon  urgent  business.  This 
confession  removed  all  doubts ;  and  it  was  in  vain  he  afterwards 
produced  his  pass.  He  was  instantly  forced  off  to  a  place  of 
greater  security,  where,  after  a  careful  search,  there  were  found, 
concealed  in  the  feet  of  his  stockings,  several  papers  of  import 
ance,  delivered  to  him  by  Arnold !  Among  these,  were  a  plan 
of  the  fortifications  of  West  Point ;  a  memorial  from  the  engineer 
on  the  attack  and  defence  of  the  place ;  returns  of  the  garrison, 
cannon,  and  stores ;  copy  of  the  minutes  of  a  council  of  war 
held  by  General  Washington  a  few  weeks  before.  The  prisoner, 
at  first,  was  inadvertently  ordered  to  Arnold ;  but  on  recollec 
tion,  while  still  on  the  way,  he  was  countermanded,  and  sent  to 
Old  Salem.  The  papers  were  inclosed  in  a  letter  to  General 


176  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  23. 

Washington,  which,  having  taken  a  route  different  from  that  by 
which  he  returned,  made  a  circuit  that  afforded  leisure  for 
another  letter,  through  an  ill-judged  delicacy,  written  to  Arnold 
with  information  of  Anderson's  capture,  to  get  to  him  an  hour 
before  General  "Washington  arrived  at  his  quarters ;  time  enough 
to  elude  the  fate  that  awaited  him.  He  went  down  the  river  in 
his  barge  to  the  Vulture  with  such  precipitate  confusion,  that  he 
did  not  take  with  him  a  single  paper  useful  to  the  enemy.  On 
the  first  notice  of  the  affair,  he  was  pursued,  but  much  too  late 
to  be  overtaken. 

There  was  some  color  for  imagining  it  was  a  part  of  the 
plan  to  betray  the  General  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Arnold 
was  very  anxious  to  ascertain  from  him,  the  precise  day  of  his 
return ;  and  the  enemy's  movements  seem  to  have  corresponded 
to  this  point.  But  if  it  was  really  the  case,  it  was  very  injudi 
cious.  The  success  must  have  depended  on  surprise ;  and  as  the 
officers  at  the  advanced  posts  were  not  in  the  secret,  their  mea 
sures  might  have  given  the  alarm ;  and  General  Washington, 
taking  the  command  of  the  post,  might  have  rendered  the  whole 
scheme  abortive.  Arnold,  it  is  true,  had  so  dispersed  the  garri 
son,  as  to  have  made  a  defence  difficult,  but  not  impracticable ; 
and  the  acquisition  of  West  Point  was  of  such  magnitude  to  the 
enemy,  that  it  would  have  been  unwise  to  connect  it  with  any 
other  object,  however  great,  which  might  make  the  obtaining  of 
it  precarious. 

Arnold,  a  moment  before  the  setting  out,  went  into  Mrs. 
Arnold's  apartment,  and  informed  her  that  some  transactions  had 
just  come  to  light,  which  must  for  ever  banish  him  from  his 
country.  She  fell  into  a  swoon  at  this  declaration :  and  he  left 
her  in  it,  to  consult  his  own  safety,  till  the  servants,  alarmed  by 
her  cries,  came  to  her  relief.  She  remained  frantic  all  day ;  ac 
cusing  every  one  who  approached  her,  with  an  intention  to  mur 
der  her  child  (an  infant  in  her  arms);  and  exhibiting  every 
other  mark  of  the  most  genuine  and  agonizing  distress.  Ex 
hausted  by  the  fatigue  and  tumult  of  her  spirits,  her  phrensy 
subsided  towards  evening,  and  she  sank  into  all  the  sadness  of 
affliction.  It  was  impossible  not  to  have  been  touched  with  her 


.ET.23.]         CORRESPONDENCE. 

situation.  Every  thing  affecting  in  female  tears,  or  in  the  misfor 
tunes  of  beauty ;  every  thing  pathetic  in  the  wounded  tenderness 
of  a  wife,  or  in  the  apprehensive  fondness  of  a  mother ;  and,  till 
I  have  reason  to  change  the  opinion,  I  will  add,  every  thing 
amiable  in  suffering  innocence ;  conspired  to  make  her  an  ob 
ject  of  sympathy  to  all  who  were  present.  She  experienced 
the  most  delicate  attentions,  and  every  friendly  office,  till  her 
departure  for  Philadelphia. 

Andre  was,  without  loss  of  time,  conducted  to  the  head 
quarters  of  the  army,  where  he  was  immediately  brought 
before  a  Board  of  General  Officers,  to  prevent  all  possibility 
of  misrepresentation,  or  cavil  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  The 
Board  reported,  that  he  ought  to  be  considered  as  a  spy,  and, 
according  to  the  laws  of  nations,  to  suffer  death;  which  was 
executed  two  days  after. 

Never,  perhaps,  did  any  man  suffer  death  with  more  justice, 
or  deserve  it  less.     The  first  step  he  took,  after  his  capture, 
was  to  write  a  letter  to  General  Washington,  conceived  in  terms 
of  dignity  without  insolence,  and  apology  without  meanness. 
The  scope  of  it  was  to  vindicate  himself  from  the  imputation 
of  having  assumed  a  mean  character  for  treacherous  or  inter 
ested  purposes ;  asserting  that  he  had  been  involuntarily  an  im 
postor  ;    that  contrary  to  his  intention,  which  was  to  meet  a 
person  for  intelligence  on  neutral  ground,  he  had  been  betrayed 
within  our  posts,  and  forced  into  the  vile  condition  of  an  enemy 
in    disguise;    soliciting  only,    that,    to    whatever  rigor   policy 
might  devote  him,  a  decency  of  treatment  might  be  observed, 
due  to  a  person,  who,  though  unfortunate,  had  been  guilty  of 
nothing  dishonorable.     His  request  was  granted  in  its  full  ex 
tent  ;  for,  in  the  whole  progress  of  the  affair,  he  was  treated  with 
the  most  scrupulous  delicacy.     When  brought  before  the  Board 
of  Officers,  he  met  with    every  mark  of  indulgence,  and  was 
required  to  answer  no  interrogatory  which  could  even  embar 
rass  his  feelings.      On   his    part,  while  he  carefully  concealed 
every  thing  that  might  involve  others,  he  frankly  confessed  all 
the  facts  relating  to  himself;  and,  upon  his  confession,  without 
the   trouble   of  examining   a  witness,  the  Board   made   their 
VOL.  i.  12 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEn.  23. 

Keport.  The  members  of  it  were  not  more  impressed  with  the 
candor  and  firmness,  mixed  with  a  becoming  sensibility,  which 
he  displayed,  than  he  was  penetrated  with  their  liberality  and 
politeness.  He  acknowledged  the  generosity  of  the  behavior 
towards  him  in  every  respect,  but  particularly  in  this,  in  the 
strongest  terms  of  manly  gratitude.  In  a  conversation  with  a 
gentleman  who  visited  him  after  his  trial,  he  said  he  flattered 
himself  he  had  never  been  illiberal ;  but  if  there  were  any 
remains  of  prejudice  in  his  mind,  his  present  experience  must 
obliterate  them. 

In  one  of  the  visits  I  made  to  him  (and  I  saw  him  several 
times  during  his  confinement),  he  begged  me  to  be  the  bearer  of 
a  request  to  the  General,  for  permission  to  send  an  open  letter 
to  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  "I  foresee  my  fate,"  said  he,  "  and  though 
I  pretend  not  to  play  the  hero,  or  to  be  indifferent  about  life  ; 
yet  I  am  reconciled  to  whatever  may  happen,  conscious  that  mis 
fortune,  not  guilt,  has  brought  it  upon  me.  There  is  only  one 
thing  that  disturbs  my  tranquillity.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  has 
been  too  good  to  me ;  he  has  been  lavish  of  his  kindness.  I  am 
bound  to  him  by  too  many  obligations,  and  love  him  too  well,  to 
bear  the  thought,  that  he  should  reproach  himself,  or  that  others 
should  reproach  him,  on  the  supposition  of  my  having  conceived 
myself  obliged,  by  his  instructions,  to  run  the  risk  I  did.  I 
would  not,  for  the  world,  leave  a  sting  in  his  mind  that  should 
imbitter  his  future  days."  He  could  scarce  finish  the  sentence, 
bursting  into  tears  in  spite  of  his  efforts  to  suppress  them ;  and 
with  difficulty  collected  himself  enough  afterwards  to  add:  "I 
wish  to  be  permitted  to  assure  him,  I  did  not  act  under  this 
impression,  but  submitted  to  a  necessity  imposed  upon  me,  as 
contrary  to  my  own  inclination  as  to  his  orders."  His  request 
was  readily  complied  with ;  and  he  wrote  the  letter  annexed, 
with  which  I  dare  say  you  will  be  as  much  pleased  as  I  am,  both 
for  the  diction  and  sentiment. 

When  his  sentence  was  announced  to  him,  he  remarked,  that 
since  it  was  his  lot  to  die,  there  was  still  a  choice  in  the  mode, 
which  would  make  a  material  difference  in  his  feelings  ;  and  he 
would  be  happy,  if  possible,  to  be  indulged  with  a  professional 


^ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  179 

death.  He  made  a  second  application,  by  letter,  in  concise  but 
persuasive  terms.  It  was  thought  this  indulgence,  being  in 
compatible  with  the  customs  of  war,  could  not  be  granted ;  and 
it  was  therefore  determined,  in  both  cases,  to  evade  an  answer, 
to  spare  him  the  sensations  which  a  certain  knowledge  of  the 
intended  mode  would  inflict. 

In  going  to  the  place  of  execution,  he  bowed  familiarly  as 
lie  went  along,  to  all  those  with  whom  he  had  been  acquainted 
in  his  confinement.  A  smile  of  complacency  expressed  the  se 
rene  fortitude  of  his  mind.  Arrived  at  the  fatal  spot,  he  asked, 
with  some  emotion,  "  Must  I  then  die  in  this  manner  ?"  He  was 
told  it  had  been  unavoidable.  "  I  am  reconciled  to  my  fate," 
said  he,  "but  not  to  the  mode."  Soon,  however,  recollecting 
himself,  he  added :  "It  will  be  but  a  momentary  pang :"  and, 
springing  upon  the  cart,  performed  the  last  offices  to  himself, 
with  a  composure  that  excited  the  admiration,  and  melted  the 
hearts  of  the  beholders.  Upon  being  told  the  final  moment  was 
at  hand,  and  asked  if  he  had  any  thing  to  say,  he  answered, 
"Nothing  but  to  request  you  will  witness  to  the  world,  that  I 
die  like  a  brave  man."  Among  the  extraordinary  circumstances 
that  attended  him,  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  he  died  univer 
sally  esteemed  and  universally  regretted. 

There  was  something  singularly  interesting  in  the  character 
and  fortunes  of  Andre.  To  an  excellent  understanding,  well 
improved  by  education  and  travel,  he  united  a  peculiar  elegance 
of  mind  and  manners,  and  the  advantage  of  a  pleasing  person. 
'  Tis  said  he  possessed  a  pretty  taste  for  the  fine  arts,  and  had 
himself  attained  some  proficiency  in  poetry,  music,  and  painting. 
His  knowledge  appeared  without  ostentation,  and  embellished 
by  a  diffidence  that  rarely  accompanies  so  many  talents  and  ac 
complishments  :  which  left  you  to  suppose  more  than  appeared. 
His  sentiments  were  elevated,  and  inspired  esteem :  they  had  a 
softness  that  conciliated  affection.  His  elocution  was  hand 
some  :  his  address  easy,  polite,  and  insinuating.  By  his  merit, 
he  had  acquired  the  unlimited  confidence  of  his  General,  and 
was  making  a  rapid  progress  in  military  rank  and  reputation. 
But  in  the  height  of  his  career,  flushed  with  new  hopes  from  the 


180  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  23. 

execution  of  a  project,  the  most  beneficial  to  his  party  that 
could  be  devised,  he  wa"s  at  once  precipitated  from  the  summit 
of  prosperity,  and  saw  all  the  expectations  of  his  ambition  blast 
ed,  and  himself  ruined. 

The  character  I  have  given  of  -him,  is  drawn  partly  from 
what  I  saw  of  him  myself,  and  partly  from  information.  I  am 
aware  that  a  man  of  real  merit  is  never  seen  in  so  favorable  a 
light  as  through  the  medium  of  adversity  :  the  clouds  that  sur 
round  him,  are  shades  that  set  off  his  good  qualities.  Misfor 
tune  cuts  down  the  little  vanities  that,  in  prosperous  times,  serve 
as  so  many  spots  in  his  virtues ;  and  gives  a  tone  of  humility 
that  makes  his  worth  more  amiable.  His  spectators,  who  enjoy 
a  happier  lot,  are  less  prone  to  detract  from  it,  through  envy,  and 
are  more  disposed,  by  compassion,  to  give  him  the  credit  he  de 
serves,  and  perhaps  even  to  magnify  it. 

I  speak  not  of  Andre's  conduct  in  this  affair  as  a  philosopher, 
but  as  a  man  of  the  world.  The  authorized  maxims  and  prac 
tices  of  war,  are  the  satires  of  human  nature.  They  countenance 
almost  every  species  of  seduction  as  well  as  violence ;  and  the 
General  who  can  make  most  traitors  in  the  army  of  his  adversa- 
sary,  is  frequently  most  applauded.  On  this  scale  we  acquit 
Andre  •  while  we  could  not  but  condemn  him,  if  we  were  to 
examine  his  conduct  by  the  sober  rules  of  philosophy  and  moral 
rectitude.  It  is,  however,  a  blemish  on  his  fame,  that  he  once 
intended  to  prostitute  a  flag :  about  this,  a  man  of  nice  honor 
ought  to  have  had  a  scruple  ;  but  the  temptation  was  great :  let 
his  misfortunes  cast  a  veil  over  his  error. 

Several  letters  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  others,  were  re 
ceived  in  the  course  of  the  affair,  feebly  attempting  to  prove,  that 
Andre"  came  out  under  the  protection  of  a  flag,  with  a  passport 
from  a  general  officer  in  actual  service ;  and  consequently  could 
not  be  justly  detained.  Clinton  sent  a  deputation,  composed  of 
Lieutenant-General  Kobinson,  Mr.  Elliot,  and  Mr.  William  Smith, 
to  represent,  as  he  said,  the  true  state  of  Major  Andre's  case. 
General  Greene  met  Kobinson,  and  had  a  conversation  with  him ; 
in  which  he  reiterated  the  pretence  of  a  flag ;  urged  Andre's  re 
lease  as  a  personal  favor  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton ;  and  offered  any 


;ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  181 

friend  of  ours,  in  their  power,  in  exchange.  Nothing  could  have 
been  more  frivolous  than  the  plea  which  was  used.  The  fact 
was,  that  beside  the  time,  manner,  object  of  the  interview,  change 
of  dress,  and  other  circumstances,  there  was  not  a  single  formal 
ity  customary  with  flags ;  and  the  passport  was  not  to  Major 
Andre,  but  to  Mr.  Anderson.  But  had  there  been,  on  the  con 
trary,  all  the  formalities,  it  would  be  an  abuse  of  language  to  say, 
that  the  sanction  of  a  flag  for  corrupting  an  officer  to  betray  his 
trust,  ought  to  be  respected.  So  unjustifiable  a  purpose,  would 
not  only  destroy  its  validity,  but  make  it  an  aggravation. 

Andre,  himself,  has  answered  the  argument,  by  ridiculing  and 
exploding  the  idea,  in  his  examination  before  the  Board  of  Offi 
cers.  It  was  a  weakness  to  urge  it. 

There  was,  in  truth,  no  way  of  saving  him.  Arnold,  or  he, 
must  have  been  the  victim  :  the  former  was  out  of  our  power. 

It  was  by  some  suspected,  Arnold  had  taken  his  measures  in 
such  a  manner,  that  if  the  interview  had  been  discovered  in  the 
act,  it  might  have  been  in  his  power  to  sacrifice  Andre  to  his 
own  security.  This  surmise  of  double  treachery,  made  them 
imagine  Clinton  might  be  induced  to  give  up  Arnold  for 
Andre" ;  and  a  gentleman  took  occasion  to  suggest  this  expedi 
ent  to  the  latter,  as  a  thing  that  might  be  proposed  by  him.  He 
declined  it.  The  moment  he  had  been  capable  of  so  much  frail 
ty,  I  should  have  ceased  to  esteem  him. 

The  infamy  of  Arnold's  conduct  previous  to  his  desertion,  is 
only  equalled  by  his  baseness  since.  Beside  the  folly  of  writing 
to  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  assuring  him  that  Andre  had  acted  under 
a  passport  from  him,  and  according  to  his  directions  while  com 
manding  officer  at  a  post ;  and  that,  therefore,  he  did  not  doubt, 
he  would  be  immediately  sent  in ;  he  had  the  effrontery  to  write 
to  General  Washington  in  the  same  spirit ;  with  the  addition  of 
a  menace  of  retaliation,  if  the  sentence  should  be  carried  into 
execution.  He  has  since  acted  the  farce  of  sending  in  his  resig 
nation.  This  man  is,  in  every  sense,  despicable.  Added  to  the 
scene  of  knavery  and  prostitution  during  his  command  in  Phil 
adelphia,  which  the  late  seizure  of  his  papers  has  unfolded ;  the 
history  of  his  command  at  West  Point  is  a  history  of  little,  as 


182  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&r.  23. 

well  as  great,  villanies.  He  practised  every  dirty  art  of  pecula 
tion  ;  and  even  stooped  to  connections  with  the  suttlers  of  the 
garrison,  to  defraud  the  public. 

To  his  conduct,  that  of  the  captors  of  Andre  forms  a  striking 
contrast.  He  tempted  them  with  the  offer  of  his  watch,  his 
horse,  and  any  sum  of  money  they  should  name.  They  re 
jected  his  offers  with  indignation :  and  the  gold  that  could 
seduce  a  man  high  in  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  his  country, 
who  had  the  remembrance  of  past  exploits,  the  motives  of  present 
reputation  and  future  glory,  to  prop  his  integrity,  had  no  charms 
for  three  simple  peasants,  leaning  only  on  their  virtue  and  an 
honest  sense  of  their  duty.  While  Arnold  is  handed  down, 
with  execration,  to  future  times,  posterity  will  repeat,  with  reve 
rence,  the  names  of  Van  Wart,  Paulding,  and  Williams. 

I  congratulate  you,  my  friend,  on  our  happy  escape  from  the 
mischiefs  with  which  this  treason  was  big.  It  is  a  new  comment 
on  the  value  of  an  honest  man,  and  if  it  were  possible,  would 
endear  you  to  me  more  than  ever. 

Adieu, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


SCHUYLEK  TO  HAMILTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  Sept.  10,  1780. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  very  apprehensive  the  unhappy  event,  mentioned  in 
your  favor  of  the  fifth  instant,  will  draw  very  serious  conse 
quences  in  its  train.  It  will  certainly  much  embarrass  us,  and 
probably  retard  the  termination  of  the  war.  It  will,  however, 
be  attended  with  one  good ;  the  adherents,  in  Congress,  to  the 
gallant  Commander,  will  not  have  it  any  longer  in  their  power 
to  play  him  off  against  the  General.  Gracious  God !  that  any 
rational  being  should  put  two  men  in  competition,  one  of  which 
has  commanded  an  army,  the  other  only  been  at  the  head  of  one ; 
for  I  aver,  that  when  he  was  to  the  northward,  he  never  made  a 
disposition  of  his  troops.  Indeed  he  was  incapable :  he  never 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  183 

saw  an  enemy,  except  at  a  good  distance,  and  from  places  of 
perfect  security.  Indeed,  indeed,  lie  has  not  lost  a  whit,  in  my 
estimation,  by  this  stroke  of  his. 

The  General  will  have  shown  you  extracts  from  the  Senate 
and  Assembly's  Addresses  to  the  Governor.  A  Committee  of 
both  Houses  is  appointed  to  report  on  the  proceedings  of  the 
Convention :  they  will  certainly  adopt  and  extend  the  views  of 
that  Convention.  Some  here  are  for  appointing  a  Dictator,  with 
a  Vice  Dictator  in  each  State,  invested  with  all  the  powers  con 
ferred  formerly  by  the  Eoman  people  on  theirs.  I  made  great 
interest  to  be  left  out  of  the  delegation,  and  obtained  it,  although 
not  without  much  difficulty.  General  M'Dougal  is  appointed  in 
my  stead :  but  I  believe  I  shall  be  obliged  to  go  to  the  eastern 
Convention.  If  so,  I  shall  not  repair  to  Khode  Island  so  soon 
as  I  intended. 

Colonel  Warner  is  wounded,  and  two  of  his  officers  killed 
near  Fort  Edward. 

Pray  make  my  respects  acceptable  to  the  General,  to  the 
gentlemen  of  the  family,  the  Marquis,  and  those  of  his. 

Adieu. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Very  affectionately  and  sincerely, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

PH.  SCHUYLEE. 

I  forgot  to  inform  the  General  that  the  Governor  had  sent 
him  an  extract  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention  which  I 
had  promised  to  transmit. 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  September  16,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  great  scarcity  of  wheat  before  harvest,  and  the  drought 
since,  has  prevented  the  agent  appointed  to  collect  the  supply 
required  from  this  State,  to  deliver  it  to  the  Issuing  Commissary ; 


184  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Er.  23. 

and  we  are  at  least  ten  thousand  barrels  in  arrears ;  the  wheat 
for  all  which  is  already  assessed,  a  considerable  quantity  of  it 
brought  to  the  mills  to  be  manufactured,  and  the  remainder 
daily  collecting.  Hence,  unless  a  second  drought  should  prevail, 
our  deficiency  can  be  made  good  in  the  course  of  a  month :  and 
this  may  be  relied  on.  But  should  the  army  actually  be  in 
operation,  I  do  not  make  a  doubt  but  that  the  hand  of  Govern 
ment  will  be  laid  on  all  in  the  country ;  and,  in  that  case,  a  con 
stant  supply  can  be  kept  up  so  as  to  complete  to  thirty  thousand 
barrels,  and  perhaps  half  as  much  more,  should  Congress  order 
the  quota  of  Pennsylvania  (if  she  deigns  to  furnish  any)  to  be 
sold,  and  the  money  transmitted  to  this  State.  Exclusive  of  the 
wheat  already  assessed  to  complete  our  quota  of  flour,  the  inhab 
itants  of  Tryon  County,  and  the  western  part  of  Albany,  are 
threshing.  This  the  Legislature  has  ordered  to  be  purchased  for 
a  State  Magazine,  should  we  not  be  able  to  purchase  the  whole. 
The  whole  may,  however,  be  obtained,  and  without  delay,  if  an 
operation  takes  place :  to  procure  flour  casks  is  the  greatest  difn- 
culty.  I  wish  those  at  West  Point  were  ordered  to  be  immedi 
ately  put  in  order  :  those,  and  an  aid  of  bags,  may  be  necessary. 

I  have  communed  with  the  Governor  on  the  subject  of 
M'Henry's  wish.  He  is  very  much  disposed  to  use  his  influence 
on  the  occasion,  but  doubts  if  he  should  be  able  to  obtain  a 
Lieutenancy,  unless  the  Ensigns  that  now  are,  could  all  be  pro 
vided  for.  If  M'Henry  merely  wants  military  rank  for  the  cam 
paign,  and  will  not  accept  of  an  Ensigncy,  the  Governor  can, 
and  will,  give  him  a  Lieutenant-Colonelcy  in  the  State  Levies, 
which  will  always  give  him  rank  in  our  militia,  and,  conse 
quently,  in  the  army,  when  the  militia  is  in  the  field.  But  this 
must  be  determined  before  the  Legislature  rises.  Please,  there 
fore,  to  desire  M'Henry  to  write  me  on  the  subject  without 
delay,  and  to  assure  him  of  the  best  services  in  my  power. 

If  I  knew  when  you  would  be  at  Fishkill,  if  you  pass  that 
way,  I  would  meet  you  there.  Or  if  I  believed  it  would  not  be 
disagreeable  to  the  General,  I  would  go  to  Hartford,  as  I  wish  to 
see  the  other  Sachem. 

A  spirit  favorable  to  the  common  cause,  has  pervaded  almost 


JET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  185 

both  Houses.  They  begin  to  talk  of  a  Dictator  and  Yice  Dicta 
tors,  as  if  it  was  a  thing  that  was  already  determined  on.  To 
the  Convention  to  be  held  at  Hartford,  I  believe  I  shall  be  sent, 
with  instructions  to  propose  that  a  Dictator  should  be  appointed. 

I  have  just  seen  Yan  Schaick's  whim.  There  is  not  one 
Lieutenancy  vacant. 

I  have  had  the  inclosed  several  days  with  me,  for  want  of  a 
conveyance.  Please  to  dispatch  the  bearer  as  expeditiously  back 
as  you  can.  Compliments  to  all. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  affectionately'  yours,  etc., 

PH.  SCHUYLEK. 

Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  GREENE. 

25th  September,  1780.    . 

DEAR  SIR  : 

There  has  just  been  unfolded  at  this  place  a  scene  of  the 
blackest  treason.  Arnold  has  fled  to  the  enemy — Andre,  the 
British  Adjutant  General,  is  in  our  possession  as  a  spy.  His 
capture  unravelled  the  mystery. 

West  Point  was  to  have  been  the  sacrifice.  All  the  dispo 
sitions  have  been  made  for  the  purpose,  and  'tis  possible,  though 
not  probable,  we  may  still  see  the  execution.  The  wind  is  fair. 
I  came  here  in  pursuit  of  Arnold,  but  was  too  late.  I  advise 
your  putting  the  army  under  marching  orders,  and  detaching  a 
brigade  immediately  this  way. 

I  am,  with  great  regard, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

,      ALEX.  HAMILTON, 

Aid-de-Camp. 
To  Major  General  Greene. 


186  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [2Eto.  23. 


HAMILTON  TO  MISS  SCHUYLEE. 

September  25,  1780. 

Arnold,  hearing  of  the  plot  being  detected,  immediately  fled 
to  the  enemy.  I  went  in  pursuit  of  him,  but  was  much  too  late ; 
and  could  hardly  regret  the  disappointment,  when,  on  my  return, 
I  saw  an  amiable  woman,  frantic  with  distress  for  the  loss  of  a 
husband  she  tenderly  loved ;  a  traitor  to  his  country  and  to  his 
fame ;  a  disgrace  to  his  connections :  it  was  the  most  affecting 
scene  I  ever  was  witness  to.  She,  for  a  considerable  time,  en 
tirely  lost  herself.  The  General  went  up  to  see  her,  and  she  up 
braided  him  with  being  in  a  plot  to  murder  her  child.  One  mo 
ment  she  raved,  another  she  melted  into  tears.  Sometimes  she 
pressed  her  infant  to  her  bosom,  and  lamented  its  fate,  occasioned 
by  the  imprudence  of  its  father,  in  a  manner  that  would  have 
pierced  insensibility  itself.  All  the  sweetness  of  beauty,  all  the 
loveliness  of  innocence,  all  the  tenderness  of  a  wife,  and  all  the 
fondness  of  a  mother,  showed  themselves  in  her  appearance  and 
conduct.  We  have  every  reason  to  believe,  that  she  was  entirely 
unacquainted  with  the  plan,  and  that  the  first  knowledge  of  it, 
was  when  Arnold  went  to  tell  her  he  must  banish  himself  from 
his  country  and  from  her  for  ever.  She  instantly  fell  into  a  con 
vulsion,  and  he  left  her  in  that  situation. 

This  morning  she  is  more  composed.  I  paid  her  a  visit,  and 
endeavored  to  soothe  her  by  every  method  in  my  power ;  though 
you  may  imagine  she  is  not  easily  to  be  consoled.  Added  to  her 
other  distresses,  she  is  very  apprehensive  the  resentment  of  her 
country  will  fall  upon  her  (who  is  only  unfortunate)  for  the  guilt 
of  her  husband. 

I  have  tried  to  persuade  her  that  her  fears  are  ill  founded ; 
but  she  will  not  be  convinced.  She  received  us  in  bed,  with 
every  circumstance  that  would  interest  our  sympathy :  and  her 
sufferings  were  so  eloquent,  that  I  wished  myself  her  brother,  to 
have  a  right  to  become  her  defender.  As  it  is,  I  have  entreated 
her  to  enable  me  to  give  her  proofs  of  my  friendship.  Could  I 
forgive  Arnold  for  sacrificing  his  honor,  reputation,  and  duty,  I 


jET.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  187 

could  not  forgive  him  for  acting  a  part  that  must  have  forfeited 
the  esteem  of  so  fine  a  woman.  At  present  she  almost  forgets 
his  crime  in  his  misfortunes ;  and  her  horror  at  the  guilt  of  the 
traitor,  is  lost  in  her  love  of  the  man.  But  a  virtuous  mind  can 
not  long  esteem  a  base  one ;  and  time  will  make  her  despise  if  it 
cannot  make  her  hate. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  MISS  SCHUYLEE. 

TAPPAN,  Oct.  2,  1780. 

Poor  Andre  suffers  to-day.  Every  thing  that  is  amiable  in 
virtue,  in  fortitude,  in  delicate  sentiment,  and  accomplished  man 
ners,  pleads  for  him :  but  hard-hearted  policy  calls  for  a  sacrifice. 

He  must  die .  I  send  you  my  account  of  Arnold's  affair  ; 

and  to  justify  myself  to  your  sentiments,  I  must  inform  you,  that 
I  urged  a  compliance  with  Andrews  request  to  be  shot ;  and  I  do 
not  think  it  would  have  had  an  ill  effect :  but  some  people  are 
only  sensible  to  motives  of  policy,  and  sometimes,  from  a  nar 
row  disposition,  mistake  it. 

When  Andre's  tale  comes  to  be  told,  and  present  resentment 
is  over ;  the  refusing  him  the  privilege  of  choosing  the  manner 
of  his  death  will  be  branded  with  too  much  otstinacy. 

It  was  proposed  to  me  to  suggest  to  him  the  idea  of  an  ex 
change  for  Arnold ;  but  I  knew  I  should  have  forfeited  his  es 
teem  by  doing  it,  and  therefore  declined  it.  As  a  man  of  honor 
he  could  not  but  reject  it ;  and  I  would  not  for  the  world  have 
proposed  to  him  a  thing  which  must  have  placed  me  in  the  un- 
amiable  light  of  supposing  him  capable  of  meanness,  or  of  not 
feeling  myself  the  impropriety  of  the  measure.  I  confess  to  you, 
I  had  the  weakness  to  value  the  esteem  of  a  dying  man,  because 

I  reverenced  his  merit. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


188  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  23. 

SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  October  10,  1780. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  am  still  confined  to  my  room,  but  believe  my  disorder  has 
taken  a  favorable  turn,  and  that  I  shall  soon  be  tolerably  re 
stored. 

Colonel  Yan  Schaick  informs  me  that  he  is  ordered  down 
with  his  regiment.  We  are  so  sadly  off  here  for  directors,  that 
I  most  sincerely  wish  he  had  been  permitted  to  remain  here : 
his  deafness  will  render  him  little  serviceable  with  his  regi 
ment. 

I  am  informed  that  some  people  have  recommended,  or  intend 
to  recommend,  to  the  General,  to  evacuate  Fort  Schuyler.  I 
hope  it  will  not  take  place,  as  the  enemy  would  immediately  oc 
cupy  the  ground,  and  make  it  a  receptacle  for  Indians  and  tories, 
from  whence  to  pour  destruction  on  the  country.  A  certain 
Lieutenant  Laird,  of  the  militia,  who  was  carried  off,  or  went  off 
voluntarily,  with  Sir  John  Johnson,  when  last  in  the  country,  is 
returned,  and  advises  that  about  two  thousand  men  were  col 
lected  at  St.  John's  to  make  separate  attacks  on  the  Grants,  Sara 
toga,  and  the  Mohawk  river.  If  this  be  true,  it  was  probably 
intended  as  a  co-operating  plan,  if  Sir  Harry  had  come  up  the 
river.  An  Express  »is  this  moment  arrived,  announcing  that 
about  five  hundred  men  of  the  enemy  are  arrived  at  the  Canajo- 
harie  Falls.  If  this  should  be  confirmed,  I  shall  venture  to  ad 
vise  Yan  Schaick  to  detain  his  regiment,  and  hope  it  will  meet 
the  General's  approbation.  It  is  said  the  enemy  are  fortifying  at 
Oswego.  I  hope  the  garrison  for  that  place  will  be  speedily 
sent  up. 

When  do  you  intend  to  be  here  ?  Who  will  accompany  you  ? 
Is  it  probable  the  General  will  pay  us  a  visit  in  winter  ?  I  most 
earnestly  wish  it.  Will  you  make  my  excuses  to  the  Marquis 
for  my  not  writing  him :  the  Doctor  will  not  permit  me ;  but 
what  is  worse,  I  really  have  not  strength  as  yet.  Entreat  the 


^ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  189 

General  to  accept  of  my  best  wishes  :  the  family  share  in  them. 
Adieu,  my  dear  sir. 

I  am,  affectionately, 

Yours,  etc.,  etc., 

PH.  SCHUYLEB. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  ISAAC  SEAES. 

BOSTON,  October  12,  1780. 

I  was  much  obliged  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  the  letter  which 
you  did  me  the  favor  to  write  me  since  your  return  to  Boston. 
I  am  sorry  to  find  that  the  same  spirit  of  indifference  to  public 
affairs  prevails.  It  is  necessary  we  should  rouse,  and  begin  to  do 
our  business  in  earnest,  or  we  shall  play  a  losing  game.  It  is 
impossible  the  contest  can  be  much  longer  supported  on  the 
present  footing.  We  must  have  a  Government  with  more  power. 
We  must  have  a  tax  in  kind.  We  must  have  a  foreign  loan. 
We  must  have  a  Bank,  on  the  true  principles  of  a  Bank.  We 
must  have  an  Administration  distinct  from  Congress,  and  in  the 
hands  of  single  men  under  their  orders.  We  must,  above  all 
things,  have  an  army  for  the  war,  and  an  establishment  that  will 
interest  the  officers  in  the  service. 

Congress  are  deliberating  on  our  military  affairs :  but  I  ap 
prehend  their  resolutions  will  be  tinctured  with  the  old  spirit. 
We  seem  to  be  proof  against  experience.  They  will,  however, 
recommend  an  army  for  the  war,  at  least  as  a  primary  object. 
All  those  who  love  their  country,  ought  to  exert  their  influence 
in  the  States  where  they  reside,  to  determine  them  to  take  up 
this  object  with  energy.  The  States  must  sink  under  the  burden 
of  temporary  enlistments ;  and  the  enemy  will  conquer  us  by 
degrees  during  the  intervals  of  our  weakness. 

Clinton  is  now  said  to  be  making  a  considerable  detachment 
to  the  southward.  My  fears  are  high,  my  hopes  low.  We  are 
told  here,  there  is  to  be  a  Congress  of  the  neutral  powers  at  the 
Hague,  for  mediating  of  peace.  God  send  it  may  be  true.  We 


190  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mv.  23. 

want  it :  but  if  the  idea  goes  abroad,  ten  to  one  if  we  do  not 
fancy  the  thing  done,  and  fall  into  a  profound  sleep  till  the  can 
non  of  the  enemy  awaken  us  next  campaign.  This  is  our  na 
tional  character. 

I  am,  with  great  regard,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  DUANE. 

Oct.  18, 1780. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

Since  my  last  to  you,  I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving 
two  letters  from  you.  I  am  sorry  to  find  we  do  not  seem  to 
agree  in  the  proper  remedies  to  our  disorder,  at  least  in  the 
practicability  of  applying  those  which  are  proper.  Convinced, 
as  I  am,  of  the  absolute  insufficiency  of  our  present  system  to 
our  safety,  if  I  do  not  despair  of  the  Eepublic,  it  is  more  the 
effect  of  constitution  than  of  judgment. 

With  the  sentiments  I  entertain  of  Gates,  I  cannot  but  take 
pleasure  in  his  removal;  and  with  the  confidence  I  have  in 
Greene,  I  expect  much  from  his  being  the  successor ;  at  least,  I 
expect  all  his  circumstances  will  permit.  You  seem  to  have 
mistaken  me  on  the  subject  of  this  gentleman.  When  I  spoke 
of  prejudice,  I  did  not  suppose  it  to  exist  with  you,  but  with 
Congress  as  a  body ;  at  least  with  a  great  part  of  them.  The 
part  they  have  taken  in  the  affair,  in  my  opinion,  does  honor  to 
their  impartiality.  I  hope  they  will  support  the  officer  appointed 
with  a  liberal  confidence  ;  his  situation  surrounded  with  difficul 
ties  will  need  support.  Of  your  influence  for  this  purpose  I  am 
too  thoroughly  persuaded  of  your  patriotism,  my  dear  sir,  to 
doubt. 

Be  assured,  my  dear  sir,  the  marks  of  your  regard  give  me  a 
sincere  pleasure,  and  I  shall  be  always  happy  to  cultivafe  it,  and 
to  give  you  proofs  of  my  affectionate  attachment. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  191 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

SARATOGA,  Oct.  19th,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  favor  of  the  12th.  inst.,  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive 
last  night.  Major  Carlton,  as  you  will  have  heard,  has  been 
down  to  the  vicinity  of  this  place,  at  the  head  of  eight  hundred 
British,  about  two  hundred  enlisted  tories,  and  as  many  Indians. 
Fort  Ann  and  Fort  George  fell  into  his  hands ;  he  burnt  Kings 
and  Queensborough  townships,  and  the  north  part  of  this  dis 
trict,  to  within  five  miles  of  my  house.  The  three  months'  men 
have  evacuated  Fort  Edward,  so  that  I  have  nobody  between 
me  and  the  enemy  except  two  poor  families,  and  about  one  hun 
dred  militia  with  me ;  on  the  17th  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
of  the  enemy  burnt  Balstown,  which  lies  about  twenty  miles 
below  me  and  about  twelve  miles  west  of  the  road  leading  to 
Albany;  another  party  is  about  eighteen  miles  east  of  me, 
where  they  have  burnt  about  ten  houses.  The  very  valuable 
settlement  of  Schoharie,  which  lays  west  of  Albany,  was  also 
entirely  consumed  on  the  17th  instant.  Thus  are  we  surrounded 
from  every  quarter,  and  the  inhabitants  flying  down  the  country. 
I  believe  my  turn  will  be  in  a  few  days,  unless  troops  are  sent 
up.  Carlton  is  at  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence,  and 
waits  a  reinforcement,  which  is  momentarily  expected ;  my 
informant  says  he  intends  a  second  tour  to  destroy  the  settle 
ments  on  this  river,  as  far  as  to  where  the  Mohawk  Kiver  falls 
into  it,  which  is  about  twenty -four  miles  below  this.  I  most 
sincerely  wish  that  some  continental  troops  were  hastened  up 
for  the  protection  of  the  county.  I  entreated  Yan  Schaick  to 
remain. 

P.  SCHUYLER. 

Col.  Hamilton,  from 

Gren'l  Schuyler. 


192  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [M?.  23. 


HARRISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

October  27, 1780. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

We  are  only  leaving  Philadelphia.  The  most  flattering 
attentions  have  been  paid  to  Meade  and  myself,  and  such  as 
would  not  permit  us  to  progress  before,  unless  we  had  shown 
ourselves  entirely  disregardless  of  the  great  world.  Besides, 
motives  of  a  public  nature  concurred  to  make  us  stay  thus 
long.  From  all  I  have  seen  and  heard,  there  is  a  good  dispo 
sition  in  Congress  to  do  all  they  can  for  the  army  and  the  public 
interest ;  and  there  are  many  very  sensible  men  among  them.  In 
general,  they  are  most  warmly  attached  to  the  General ;  and  his 
recommendations  will  have  their  weight  while  the  same  spirit  pre 
vails.  It  is  said  there  has  been  infinitely  more  harmony  among 
them  for  some  time  past,  than  has  appeared  since  the  first  years 
of  their  appointment.  I  am  not,  however,  without  some  appre 
hension,  that  if  they  proceed  in  the  case  of  Lee,  etc.,  the  MONSTER 
(PARTY)  may  show  itself  again,  and  that  we  may  have  a  second 
edition  of  the  measures  adopted  in  the  instance  of  Deane.  Our 
friends  Sullivan  and  Carroll  have  been  of  great  service :  and 
gentlemen  who  are,  or  pretend  to  be,  in  the  secrets  of  the  cabi 
net,  say  they  have  contributed  immeasurably,  by  their  independ 
ent  conduct,  to  destroy  the  EASTERN  ALLIANCE.  Bland  is  very 
clever,  and  without  question  wishes  to  push  on  in  the  true  and 
right  road.  Grayson  says  this  is  the  best  Congress  we  have  had 
since  the  first.  Our  dear  Laurens  respects  many  of  the  mem 
bers  :  and  General  Greene's  appointment,  I  believe,  is  entirely 
consonant  to  the  wishes  of  Congress  in  general,  though  we  have 
heard  there  were  members  much  disposed,  if  facts  had  not  been 
so  obstinate,  to  excuse  General  Gates.  The  former  is  here,  and 
I  suppose  will  set  out  in  a  day  or  two.  Meade  and  I  will  serve 
him  all  we  can.  We  have  done  what  we  could  already.  Apro 
pos,  you  delivered  him  my  letter.  Our  finances  are  entirely 
deranged,  and  there  is  little  or  no  money  in  the  treasury.  I  be 
lieve  they  are  a  subject  of  much  consideration  and  puzzlement. 


.ET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  193 

The  supplies  of  the  army  are  also  matters  of  present  attention, 
but  I  don't  know  what  will  be  done.  I  hope  we  shall,  by 
Christmas,  have  some  clothing  from  the  West  Indies,  if  the  moth 
have  not  destroyed  it:  a  quantity,  it  is  said,  has  been  lying 
there.  It  is  much  to  be  wished  that  General  Greene  were  at  the 
South.  The  delegates  from  that  quarter  think  the  situation  of 
Cornwallis  delicate,  and  that  by  management,  and  a  proper  appli 
cation  and  use  of  the  force  there,  the  late  check  given  Furguson 
might  be  improved  into  the  Earl's  total  defeat.  This,  I  fear,  is 
too  much  even  to  hope.  The  sending  the  Baron  is  considered, 
as  far  as  I  have  heard,  perfectly  right,  and  Lee's  corps  give  great 
satisfaction.  I  am  just  about  to  mount  my  horse,  and  therefore 
shall  say  but  little  more.  Laurens  will  write  unto  you  in  a  few 
days,  I  suppose,  and  communicate  any  new  occurrences.  My 
love  to  the  lads  of  the  family.  The  same  to  you.  May  you  be 
long  happy.  My  most  respectful  compliments  to  the  General. 

Most  truly  and  affectionately, 
EOB.  H.  HAKKISON. 

P.  S.     The  Board  have  been  absolutely  too  poor  to  procure 
parchment  for  the  many  promotions  that  have  been  required. 


WASHINGTON  TO   HAMILTON. 

1780. 

DEAE  HAMILTON: 

I  shall  be  obliged  to  you  for  the  answer  to  the  address,  as 
soon  as  it  is  convenient  to  you.  If  we  do  not  ride  to  the  Point 
to  see  the  fleet  pass  out,  I  am  to  have  a  conference  with  Count 
de  Kochambeau,  and  the  engineer,  directly  after  breakfast,  at 
which  I  wish  you  to  be  present. 

I  am  sincerely  and  affectionately  yours, 

GEO.  WASHINGTON. 
Half-past,  A.  M. 

VOL.  i.  13 


194  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-ffii.  23. 

LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

November  22d,  1780. 

Inclosed,  my  dear  Hamilton,  I  send  you  a  letter  for  Mr.  De 
Marbois,  wherein  are  contained  two  exemplaires  of  my  dis 
patches  to  Doctor  Franklin.  In  the  hurry  of  our  arrangement, 
I  forgot  to  mention  them  to  the  General.  Be  pleased  to  give 
him  a  summary  of  their  contents,  to  which  I  have  added  the 
southern  news  of  yesterday.  Tell  him  that,  knowing  from  ex 
perience,  how  negligent  we  were  in  sending  accounts  to  Europe, 
I  take  upon  myself  to  forward  such  as  may  influence  mediating 
powers  in  case  of  a  negotiation. 

I  have  made  a  calculation  about  boats,  and  think  that  if  we 
act  upon  a  large  scale  in  the  Staten  Island  expedition,  we  ought 
to  have  forty  boats — about  a  thousand  (the  hundred  artillery  in 
cluded)  for  the  watering  place  and  Eichmond ;  your  attack 
should  have  two  hundred.  In  this  calculation  I  put  the  staff 
and  other  officers,  &c.,  twelve  hundred  men,  or  thirty  per  boat, 
makes  forty  boats ;  at  least  we  ought  not  to  have  much  less. 

Let  me  know,  my  dear  friend,  if  what  we  were  speaking  of 
last  night,  and  the  night  before  last,  will  be  complied  with.  In 
consequence  of  what  was  said  by  the  General,  I  was  set  at  lib 
erty  to  speak  fully  to  G.,  who  was  charmed  with  the  beauty  and 
propriety  of  the  thing.  I  am  fully,  fully  of  opinion  that  we 
would  be  very  sorry  not  to  go  (at  least  conditionally),  upon  that 
plan,  which  perhaps  will  be  as  easy  as  any  thing  else  :  we  may 
even  say,  il  est  beau  meme  d'en  tomber.  Adieu;  write  me 
upon  what  scale,  that  I  may  prepare  my  troops.  To-morrow 
we  must  carry  your  private  affair.  Show  me  your  letter  before 

you  give  it. 

Yours, 

LA  FAYETTE. 


MT.  23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  195 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

November  22,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Some  time  last  fall,  when  I  spoke  to  your  Excellency  about 
going  to  the  southward,  I  explained  to  you  candidly  my  feelings 
with  respect  to  military  reputation ;  and  how  much  it  was  my 
object  to  act  a  conspicuous  part  in  some  enterprise,  that  might 
perhaps  raise  my  character  as  a  soldier  above  mediocrity.  You 
were  so  good  as  to  say,  you  would  be  glad  to  furnish  me  with 
an  occasion.  When  the  expedition  to  Staten  Island  was  afoot, 
a  favorable  one  seemed  to  offer.  There  was  a  battalion  without 
a  field  officer,  the  command  of  which,  I  thought,  as  it  was  acci 
dental,  might  be  given  to  me  without  inconvenience.  I  made 
an  application  for  it  through  the  Marquis,  who  informed  me  of 
your  refusal  on  two  principles :  one,  that  the  giving  me  a  whole 
battalion  might  be  a  subject  of  dissatisfaction;  the  other,  that  if 
any  accident  should  happen  to  me  in  the  present  state  of  your 
family,  you  would  be  embarrassed  for  the  necessary  assistance. 

The  project  you  now  have  in  contemplation  affords  another 
opportunity.  I  have  a  variety  of  reasons,  that  press  me  to  desire 
ardently  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  improve  it.  I  take  the  lib 
erty  to  observe,  that  the  command  may  now  be  proportioned  to 
my  rank ;  and  that  the  second  objection  ceases  to  operate,  as, 
during  the  period  of  establishing  our  winter  quarters,  there  will 
be  a  suspension  of  material  business :  besides  which,  my  peculiar 
situation  will,  in  any  case,  call  me  away  from  the  army  in  a  few 
days,  and  Mr.  Harrison  may  be  expected  back  early  next  month. 
My  command  may  consist  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hun 
dred  men,  composed  of  fifty  men  of  Major  Gibbes'  corps,  fifty 
from  Colonel  Meigs'  regiment,  and  fifty  or  a  hundred  more  from 
the  light  infantry:  Major  Gibbes  to  be  my  Major.  The  hundred 

men  from  here  may  move  on  Friday  morning  towards  , 

which  will  strengthen  the  appearances  for  Staten  Island,  to  form 
a  junction  on  the  other  side  of  the  Passaic. 


196  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  23. 

I  suggest  this  mode  to  avoid  the  complaints  that  might  arise 
from  composing  my  party  wholly  of  the  Light  Infantry,  which 
might  give  umbrage  to  the  officers  of  that  corps,  who,  on  this 
plan,  can  have  no  just  subject  for  it. 

The  primary  idea  may  be,  if  circumstances  permit,  to  attempt 
with  my  detachment  Bayard's  Hill.  Should  we  arrive  early 
enough  to  undertake  it,  I  should  prefer  it  to  any  thing  else,  both 
for  the  brilliancy  of  the  attempt  in  itself,  and  the  decisive  conse 
quence  of  which  its  success  would  be  productive.  If  we  arrive 
too  late  to  make  this  eligible  (as  there  is  reason  to  apprehend), 
my  corps  may  form  the  van  of  one  of  the  other  attacks,  and 
Bayard's  Hill  will  be  a  pretext  for  my  being  employed  in  the 
affair,  on  a  supposition  of  my  knowing  the  ground,  which  is 
partly  true.  I  flatter  myself,  also,  that  my  military  character 
stands  so  well  in  the  army,  as  to  reconcile  the  officers,  in  general, 
to  the  measure.  All  circumstances  considered,  I  venture  to  say, 
any  exceptions  which  might  be  taken,  would  be  unreasonable. 

I  take  this  method  of  making  the  request,  to  avoid  the  em 
barrassment  of  a  personal  explanation.  I  shall  only  add,  that 
however  much  I  have  the  matter  at  heart,  I  wish  your  Excel 
lency  entirely  to  consult  your  own  inclination,  and  not,  from  a 
disposition  to  oblige  me,  to  do  any  thing  that  may  be  disagree 
able  to  you.  It  will,  nevertheless,  make  me  singularly  happy 
if  your  wishes  correspond  with  mine. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

PARAMUS,  November  28,  1780. 

DEAR  HAMILTON: 

Here  I  arrived  last  night,  and  am  going  to  set  out  for  Phila 
delphia.  Gouvion  goes  straight  to  New  Windsor,  and  by  him  I 
write  to  the  General.  I  speak  of  Hand  and  Smith,  whom  I  re 
commend,  and  add :  "If,  however,  you  were  to  cast  your  eye  on 


jET.23.]         CORRESPONDENCE. 

a  man,  who,  I  think,  would  suit  better  than  any  other  in  the 
world,  Hamilton  is,  I  confess,  the  officer  whom  I  would  like  best 
to  see  in  my  *  *  *  *  *."  Then  I  go  on  with  the  idea,  that,  at 
equal  advantages,  you  deserve  from  him  the  preference;  that 
your  advantages  are  the  greatest ;  I  speak  of  a  co-operation ;  of 
your  being  in  the  family ;  and  conclude,  that  on  every  public 
and  private  account  I  advise  him  to  take  you. 

I  know  the  General's  friendship  and  gratitude  for  you,  my 
dear  Hamilton :  both  are  greater  than  you  perhaps  imagine.  I 
am  sure  he  needs  only  to  be  told  that  something  will  suit  you, 
and  when  he  thinks  he  can  do  it  he  certainly  will.  Before  this 
campaign  I  was  your  friend,  and  very  intimate  friend,  agreeably 
to  the  ideas  of  the  world.  Since  my  second  voyage,  my  senti 
ment  has  increased  to  such  a  point  the  world  knows  nothing 
about.  To  show  loth,  from  want  and  from  scorn  of  expressions, 
I  shall  only  tell  you — Adieu. 

Yours, 

LA  FAYETTE. 


DE   COKNY  TO    HAMILTON. 

NEWPORT,  4th  Dec.,  1780. 

SIK: 

The  ill  state  of  my  health  obliges  me  to  request  permission 
to  return  to  France,  for  as  short  a  time  as  possible.  I  must,  be 
fore  my  departure,  acquit  myself  of  the  double  duty  of  thanking 
you  for  the  favors  with  which  you  have  honored  me,  and  of 
soliciting  your  orders  for  my  country.  The  satisfaction  I  feel  of 
being  chosen  to  accompany  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  and  of 
executing  under  his  orders,  the  dispositions  necessary  to  the 
arrival  of  the  French  army,  which,  as  an  interesting  period  of 
my  life,  will  not  be  superior  to  that  of  returning  to  give  our 
great  and  good  General  Washington  new  proofs  of  my  zeal.  I 
shall  always  be  honored  in  being  reckoned  one  of  your  most 


198  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mr.  23. 

faithful  comrades.     I  wish  that  happiness,  success  and  glory 
follow  you  for  ever. 

I  am,  with  everlasting  attachment, 

Your  most  humble  and  most  obedient  servant, 

ESTRIS  DE  COKNY, 

Lt.  Colonel  of  Cavalry. 

I  pray  you  to  present  my  friendship  and  full  compliments  to 
the  General's  family. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


DU  POETAIL  TO   HAMILTON. 

1780, 

Je  vous  prie,  mon  cher  Colonel,  de  lire  les  papiers  ci-joints, 
ils  vous  mettront  au  fait  de  ce  dont  il  s'agit.  Nous  avons  deja 
parle  ensemble  de  cet  objet,  ainsi  il  est  inutile  d'y  revenir,  il  est 
certain  qui  si  Son  Excellence  ne  vous  favorit  point  dans  ces 
occasions,  il  nous  est  absolument  impossible  pour  nous  memes 
de  nous  tirer  d'embarras.  L'homme  dont  il  est  question,  et  qui  est 
celui  qui  vous  remettra  cette  lettre,  sert  lui-meme  a  prouver  le 
peu  de  ressources  que  nous  avons  dans  ce  genre.  M.  de  Yelle- 
franche  en  avait  ete  si  mecontent  la  campagne  derniere,  qu'il 
Tavait  renvoye,  et  n'en  voulait  plus  entendre  parler.  L'impos- 
sibilite  d'en  trouver  un  autre  le  force  de  le  reprendre  il  tie 
demande  pas  mieux  assurement  que  de  le  changer,  il  fait  tous  ses 
efforts  pour  cela,  il  frappe  a  toutes  les  portes,  mais  inutilement. 

II  est  bien  aise  de  faire  de  belles  loix  pour  corriger  les  abus  ; 
tout  le  monde  voit  les  abus,  tout  le  monde  peut  ce  faire  valoir  en 
declamant  d'autre,  mais  determiner,  presques  les  circonstances 
permettent,  de  corriger  1'abus,  en  supprimant  des  moyens  abusifs- 
defaire  une  chose  en  substituer  d'autres  voila  ceque  les  Beforma- 
teurs  Croyans  ne  font  pas  toujours. 

Yous  expliquerez  cela  a  qui  il  appartient,  probablement  vous 


jET.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  199 

ne  vous  tromperez  pas,  aii  fait  dont  je  vous  prie  de  donner  a 
M.  de  Yillefranclie  un  mot  comme  vous  1'avez  donn£  a  M.  de 
Bochefontaine. 

Je  suis,  mon  clier  Colonel,  dans  une  totale  defaute  de  livres 
anglais;  j'en  ai  reluque  un  sur  la  table  aujourd  'hui,  que  le 
Colonel  Harrison  m'a  dit  que  vous  lisiez,  mais  je  pense  que  vous 
ne  lisez  pas  les  deux  volumes  a  la  fois.  Si  vous  pouviez  m'en 
preter  un,  vous  obligiriez  beaucoup  votre  tres  humble  serviteur. 

DU  PORTAIL. 

Je  vous  prie  de  me  renvoyer  les  papiers  en  cachets. 

Du  PORTAIL. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  9,  1780. 

DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

On  my  arrival  at  Paramus,  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  General, 
which  Colonel  Gouvion  was  to  deliver  to  himself  at  New  Wind 
sor;  so  that  more  expedition  had  been  made  than  you  had 
thought.  But  the  General  having  unfortunately  altered  his 
mind,  and  taken  the  road  to  Morristown,  another  misfortune 
threw  Hand  in  his  way ;  and  remembering  your  advice  on  the 
occasion,  he  hastened  to  make  him  the  proposition,  and  in  con 
sequence  of  it  wrote  his  letter  to  Congress.  From  Paramus  I 
went  myself  to  the  Lots,  and  from  thence  to  Morristown,  where 
I  met  the  General ;  and  knowing  that  my  letter  could  not  reach 
him  under  some  days,  I  became  regardless  of  your  wishes,  and 
made  a  verbal  application  in  my  own  name,  and  about  the  same 
time  that  had  been  settled  between  us.  I  can't  express  to  you, 
my  dear  friend,  how  sorry  and  disappointed  I  felt,  when  I  knew 
from  him,  the  General,  that  (greatly  in  consequence  of  your  ad 
vice)  he  had  settled  the  whole  matter  with  Hand,  and  written  for 
him  to  Congress.  I  confess  I  became  warmer  on  the  occasion 


200  HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


23. 


than  you  would  perhaps  have  wished  me  to  be  ;  and  I  wanted 
the  General  to  allow  my  sending  an  express,  who  would  have 
overtaken  the  letter,  as  it  was  in  the  hands  of  General  St.  Clair  : 
but  the  General  did  not  think  it  to  be  a  convenient  measure  ; 
and,  I  confess,  I  may  have  been  a  little  blinded  on  its  propriety. 
I  took  care  not  to  compromise  you  in  this  affair,  when  the  General 
expressed  a  desire  to  serve  you,  and  in  a  manner  you  would 
have  been  satisfied  with.  Now  for  the  voyage  to  France. 

Congress  seem  resolved  that  an  Envoy  be  sent  in  the  way  you 
•wish,  and  this  was  yesterday  determined  in  the  House.  Next 
Monday  the  gentleman  will  be  elected.  I  have  already  spoken 
to  many  members.  I  know  of  a  number  of  voices  that  will  be 
for  you.  This  day,  and  that  of  to-morrow,  will  be  by  me  em 
ployed  in  paying  visits.  As  soon  as  the  business  is  fixed  upon, 
I  shall  send  you  an  express.  I  think  you  ought  to  hold  your 
self  in  readiness,  and  in  case  you  are  called  for,  come  with  all 
possible  speed  ;  for  you  must  go  immediately,  that  you  may 
have  returned  before  the  beginning  of  operations.  If  you  go,  my 
dear  sir,  I  shall  give  you  all  public  or  private  knowledge  about 
Europe  I  am  possessed  of.  Besides  many  private  letters,  that 
may  introduce  you  to  my  friends,  I  intend  giving  you  the  key  of 
the  cabinet,  as  well  as  of  the  societies  which  influence  them.  In 
a  word,  my  good  friend,  any  thing  in  my  power  shall  be  entirely 
yours. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

ALBANY,  Dec.  9,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Mr.  Eensselaer,  who  has  the  direction  of  the  Armory  here, 
tells  me  that  the  Board  of  War  write  him,  they  are  unable  to 
support  it  any  longer  on  the  present  establishment  for  want  of 
supplies,  and  propose  to  him  to  endeavor  to  have  it  carried  on 
by  contract.  This  he  declares  is  impossible.  The  Armory  must 
either  continue  on  the  present  footing  or  cease.  As  far  as  I  un- 


^Ei.23.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  201 

derstand  the  matter,  there  is  no  objection  to  the  terms  in  them 
selves,  but  a  want  of  means  to  comply  with  them.  If  there  is  a 
want  of  means,  the  thing  must  be  relinquished ;  but  as  it  does 
not  strike  me  that  it  can  be  more  difficult  to  maintain  an  Armory 
here  than  elsewhere ;  and  as  I  apprehend,  in  the  present  state  of 
Arsenals,  we  shall  stand  in  need  of  all  the  repairing  we  can  do ; 
I  take  the  liberty,  at  "Mr.  Kensselaer's  request,  to  mention  the 
matter  to  you.  I  have  seen  the  Armory  myself.  It  appears  to 
be  in  excellent  order,  and  under  a  very  ingenious  and  industri 
ous  man.  I  am  told  it  has  been  conducted  hitherto  with  great 
activity.  Its  situation  is,  in  my  opinion,  advantageous.  As 
there  is  a  considerable  body  of  troops  always  at  West  Point,  and 
the  army  generally  in  its  vicinity,  the  river  is  very  convenient 
for  transportation  to  and  from  the  Armory ;  and,  I  should  think, 
would  be  conducive  to  economy.  This  consideration  strikes  me 
as  of  importance.  General  Knox,  however,  will  be  the  best 
judge  of  the  usefulness  of  this  Armory. 

Mr.  Rensselaer  also  mentions  a  considerable  number  of  hides 
in  the  hands  of  persons  here  who  had  had  orders  from  the 
Clothier-General  not  to  dispose  of  them  but  by  his  order.  He 
says  he  can  no  longer,  but  with  great  difficulty,  procure  leather 
for  the  public  works  on  credit ;  and  has  requested  me  to  men 
tion  this  also  to  your  Excellencey. 

Mrs.  Hamilton  presents  her  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs. 
Washington  and  yourself.  After  the  holidays  we  shall  be  at 
head  quarters. 

I  believe  I  imparted  to  you  General  Schuyler's  wish  that  you 
could  make  it  convenient  to  pay  a  visit  with  Mrs.  Washington 
this  winter.  He  and  Mrs.  Schuyler  have  several  times  repeated 
their  inquiries  and  wishes.  I  have  told  them  I  was  afraid  your 
business  would  not  permit  you :  if  it  should  I  shall  be  happy. 
You  will  enable  me  to  let  them  know  about  what  period  it  will 
suit.  When  the  sleighing  arrives,  it  will  be  an  affair  of  two 
days  up  and  two  days  down. 

I  have,  etc., 

A.  HAMILTON. 


202  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  23. 

WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEW- WINDSOR,  Dec.  27,  1780. 

DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

Your  letter  of  the  19th  came  safe  by  the  Doctor,  who  set  out 
this  morning  for  Philadelphia. 

I  had,  previous  to  the  receipt  of  it,  and  without  knowledge 
that  the  Board  of  War  had  given  any  direction  respecting  the 
Armory  at  Albany,  requested  the  Governor  to  exempt  (if  he 
could  do  so  with  propriety)  the  citizens  who  were  employed  in  it, 
from  military  services  in  case  of  alarm ;  and  had  written  to  Gen 
eral  Clinton  to  direct  the  Quarter-Master  to  afford  every  assist 
ance  in  his  power  to  have  the  work  repaired,  and  the  business, 
as  far  as  depended  upon  him,  accelerated.  I  have  now  given 
order  for  delivery  of  such  hides  as  Mr.  Eensselaer  shall  find 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  use  of  the  Armory. 

Although  a  trip  to  Albany,  on  more  accounts  than  one,  would 
be  perfectly  agreeable  to  my  wishes,  I  am  so  far  from  having  it 
in  my  power,  at  this  time,  to  fix  a  period  for  this  gratification  of 
them,  that  I  have  but  small  hope  of  accomplishing  it  at  all  this 
winter.  There  are  some  matters  in  suspense  which  may  make  a 
journey  to  Ehode  Island  necessary ;  but  as  the  subject  is  not  fit 
for  a  letter,  I  shall  withhold  the  communication  till  I  see  you. 

A  second  embarkation  has  taken  place  at  New-York.  The 
strength  of  the  detachment,  or  its  destination,  are  vaguely  re 
ported  ;  and  no  certainty  under  whose  command  it  goes.  Arnold 
is  said  to  be  of  it ;  from  whence  the  connections  conclude  that 
New-Haven  or  New-London  must  infallibly  be  the  object,  while 
more  rational  conjecturers  send  it  to  the  southward,  from  whence 
no  late  accounts  have  been  received. 

Mrs.  Washington  most  cordially  joins  me  in  compliments  of 
congratulation  to  Mrs.  Hamilton  and  yourself,  on  the  late  happy 
event  of  your  marriage,  and  in  wishes  to  see  you  both  at  head 
quarters.  We  beg  of  you  to  present  our  respectful  compliments 
to  General  Schuyler,  his  lady  and  family,  and  offer  them  strong 


^T.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  203 

assurances  of  the  pleasure  we  should  feel  at  seeing  them  at  New- 
Windsor. 

With  much  truth,  and  great  personal  regard, 

I  am,  dear  Hamilton, 
Your  affectionate  friend  and  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


GREENE  TO  HAMILTON. 

January  10,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  COLONEL  : 

General  Du  Portail  being  on  his  way  to  the  northward,  gives 
me  an  opportunity  to  write  you,  which  I  should  have  done 
before,  had  not  my  letters  to  His  Excellency  contained  as  full 
information  of  the  state  of  things  as  I  was  able  to  give,  from  the 
little  time  I  had  been  in  the  department. 

When  I  was  appointed  to  this  command,  I  expected  to  meet 
with  many  new  and  singular  difficulties;  but  they  infinitely 
exceed  what  I  apprehended.  This  is  really  carrying  on  a  war 
in  an  enemy's  country ;  for  you  cannot  establish  the  most  incon 
siderable  magazine,  or  convey  the  smallest  quantity  of  stores 
from  one  post  to  another,  without  being  obliged  to  detach  guards 
for  their  security.  The  division  among  the  people  is  much 
greater  than  I  imagined ;  and  the  whigs  and  tories  persecute 
each  other  with  little  less  than  savage  fury.  There  is  nothing 
but  murders  and  devastations  in  every  quarter. 

The  loss  of  our  army  at  Charleston,  and  the  defeat  of  Gen 
eral  Gates,  has  been  the  cause  of  keeping  such  shoals  of  militia 
011  foot ;  and  their  service  has  been  accompanied  with  such  de 
struction  and  loss,  as  has  almost  laid  waste  the  whole  country. 
Nothing  has  been  more  destructive  to  the  true  interest  of  this 
country  than  the  mode  adopted  for  its  defence.  Two  misfortunes 
happening  one  after  the  other,  may  have  rendered  it  unavoidable 
the  last  season ;  but  should  it  be  continued,  the  inhabitants  are 
inevitably  ruined,  and  the  resources  of  the  country  rendered  inca 
pable  of  affording  support  to  an  army  competent  to  its  defence. 


204  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  24. 

Government  here  is  infinitely  more  popular  than  to  the  north 
ward  ;  and  there  is  no  such  thing  as  national  character  or  national 
sentiment.  The  inhabitants  are  from  all  quarters  of  the  globe, 
and  as  various  in  their  opinions,  projects,  and  schemes,  as  their 
manners  and  habits  are  from  their  early  education.  Those  in 
office,  from  a  vanity  to  be  thought  powerful,  join  in  the  measure 
of  imposing  upon  the  public  respecting  the  strength  and  resour 
ces  of  these  southern  States  :  and  while  Congress,  and  the  min 
ister  of  France,  are  kept  under  this  fatal  delusion,  I  fear  little 
support  will  be  given  to  this  department.  The  inhabitants  are 
numerous ;  but  they  would  be  rather  formidable  abroad  than  at 
home.  They  are  scattered  over  such  a  vast  extent  of  country, 
that  it  is  difficult  to  collect,  and  still  more  difficult  to  subsist 
them.  There  is  a  great  spirit  of  enterprise  among  the  black 
people  ;  and  those  that  come  out  as  volunteers  are  not  a '  little 
formidable  to  the  enemy.  There  are,  also,  some  particular  corps 
under  Sumpter,  Marion,  and  Clarke,  that  are  bold  and  daring ; 
the  rest  of  the  militia  are  better  calculated  to  destroy  provisions 
than  oppose  the  enemy. 

At  Philadelphia,  and  all  my  journey  through  the  country,  I 
endeavored  to  impress  upon  those  in  power,  the  necessity  of 
sending  clothing,  and  supplies  of  every  kind,  immediately  to 
this  army.  But  poverty  was  urged  as  a  plea,  in  bar  to  every  ap 
plication.  They  all  promised  fair,  but  I  fear  will  do  but  little : 
ability  is  wanting  with  some,  and  inclination  with  others. 

Public  credit  is  so  totally  lost,  that  private  people  will  not 
give  their  aid,  though  they  see  themselves  involved  in  one  com 
mon  ruin.  It  is  my  opinion  that  General  Washington's  influence 
will  do  more  than  all  the  assemblies  upon  the  continent.  I  al 
ways  thought  him  exceeding  popular ;  but  in  many  places  he  is 
little  less  than  adored,  and  universally  admired.  His  influence 
in  this  country  might  possibly  effect  something  great.  How 
ever,  I  found  myself  exceedingly  well  received,  but  more  from 
being  the  friend  of  the  General,  than  from  my  own  merit. 

This  country  wants,  for  its  defence,  a  small  but  well  appoint 
ed  army,  organized  so  as  to  move  with  great  celerity.  It  should 
consist  of  about  five  thousand  infantry,  and  from  eight  hundred 


J3i.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  205 

to  a  thousand  horse.  The  enemy  cannot  maintain  a  larger  force 
in  this  quarter,  neither  can  we.  The  resources  from  the  country 
are  too  small  to  subsist  a  large  body  of  troops  at  any  one  point : 
and  to  draw  supplies  from  a  distance,  through  such  long  tracts 
of  barren  land,  will  be  next  to  impossible,  unless  the  business 
can  be  aided  by  a  water  transportation ;  and,  in  either  case,  it 
will  be  accompanied  with  an  amazing  expense.  Could  we  get  a 
superiority  of  horse,  we  could  soon  render  it  difficult  for  Lord 
Cornwallis  to  hold  his  position  so  far  in  the  country.  Nor  should 
I  be  under  any  apprehensions,  with  a  much  inferior  force  to  his, 
of  taking  post  near  him,  if  I  had  but  such  a  body  of  horse.  But 
the  enemy's  horse  is  so  much  superior  to  ours,  that  we  cannot 
move  a  detachment  towards  them  without  hazarding  its  ruin. 

When  I  came  to  the  army,  I  found  it  in  a  most  wretched 
condition.  The  officers  had  lost  all  confidence  in  the  General, 
and  the  troops  all  their  discipline.  The  troops  had  not  only  lost 
their  discipline,  but  they  were  so  addicted  to  plundering  that 
they  were  a  terror  to  the  country.  The  General  and  I  met  at 
least  upon  very  civil  terms ;  and  he  expressed  the  greatest  hap 
piness  at  my  being  appointed  to  succeed  him. 

General  Smallwood  and  he  were  not  upon  good  terms ;  the 
former  suspected  the  latter  of  having  an  intention  to  supplant 
him,  but  many  think  without  reason.  Others,  again,  are  of 
opinion,  his  suspicions  were  well  founded,  and  that  Smallwood 
was  not  a  little  mortified  at  my  being  appointed  to  this  depart 
ment,  and  got  outrageous  when  he  heard  Baron  Steuben  was 
coming  also.  How  the  matter  was,  I  know  not ;  certain  it  is,  he 
is  gone  home,  having  refused  to  act  under  Baron  Steuben,  and 
declares  he  will  not  serve  at  aH,  unless  Congress  will  give  him  a 
commission,  dated  at  least  two  years  before  his  appointment. 
This,  I  think,  can  never  happen,  notwithstanding  his  private 
merit,  and  the  claim  of  the  State.  The  battle  of  Camden  here 
is  represented  widely  different  from  what  it  is  to  the  northward. 

Colonel  "Williams  thinks  that  none  of  the  general  officers 
were  entitled  to  any  extraordinary  merit.  The  action  was  short, 
and  succeeded  by  a  flight,  wherein  every  body  took  care  of  him 
self,  as  well  officers  as  soldiers.  Not  an  officer,  except  Major 


206  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

Anderson,  and  one  or  two  Captains,  that  brought  off  the  field  of 
battle  a  single  soldier.  The  Colonel  also  says,  that  General 
Gates  would  have  shared  little  more  disgrace  than  is  the  common 
lot  of  the  unfortunate,  notwithstanding  he  was  early  off,  if  he 
had  only  halted  at  the  Waxhaws  or  Charlotte — the  first  about 
sixty,  and  the  last  about  eighty  miles  from  the  field  of  battle. 
What  little  incidents  either  give  or  destroy  reputation !  How 
many  long  hours  a  man  may  labor  with  an  honest  zeal  in  his 
country's  service,  and  be  disgraced  for  the  most  trifling  error 
either  in  conduct  or  opinion !  Hume  very  justly  observes,  no 
man  will  have  reputation  unless  he  is  useful  to  society,  be  his 
merit  or  abilities  what  they  may.  Therefore,  it  is  necessary  for  a 
man  to  be  fortunate,  as  well  as  wise  and  just.  The  greater  part 
of  the  loss  of  the  Maryland  line,  in  the  action  of  Camden,  hap 
pened  after  they  began  to  retreat :  indeed,  this  was  the  case  with 
all  the  troops.  What  gave  Smallwood  such  great  reputation, 
was  his  halt  at  Salisbury,  which  was  nothing  but  accident.  You 
know  there  are  great  parties  prevailing  in  the  Maryland  line ; 
and  perhaps  his  merit  is  not  a  little  diminished  on  that  account. 
I  think  him  a  brave  and  good  officer,  but  too  slow  to  effect  any 
thing  great  in  a  department  like  this,  where  embarrassments  are 
without  number,  and  where  nothing  can  be  effected  without  the 
greatest  promptitude  and  decision.  This  army  is  in  such  a 
wretched  condition  that  I  hardly  know  what  to  do  with  it.  The 
officers  have  got  such  a  habit  of  negligence,  and  the  soldiers  so 
loose  and  disorderly,  that  it  is  next  to  impossible  to  give  it  a 
military  complexion.  Without  clothing,  I  am  sure  I  shall  never 
do  it.  I  call  no  councils  of  war,  and  I  communicate  my  inten 
tions  to  very  few.  The  army  was  posted  at  Charlotte  when  I 
came  up  with  it ;  and  in  a  council  it  had  been  determined  to 
winter  there;  but  the  difficulty  of  procuring  subsistence,  and 
other  reasons,  induced  me  not  only  to  take  a  new  position,  but 
to  make  an  entire  new  disposition.  All  this  I  effected  by  a 
single  order,  having  first  made  the  necessary  inquiry  respecting 
the  new  positions,  by  sending  a  man  to  examine  the  grounds 
and  other  requisites.  If  I  cannot  inspire  the  army  with  confi 
dence  and  respect  by  an  independent  conduct,  I  foresee  it  will 


JET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  207 

be  impossible  to  instil  discipline  and  order  among  the  troops. 
General  Leslie  has  arrived,  and  joined  Lord  Cornwallis,  whose 
force  now  is  more  thaji  three  times  larger  than  ours.  And  we 
are  subsisting  ourselves  by  our  own  industry;  and  I  am  not 
without  hopes  of  forming  something  like  a  magazine.  I  am 
laboring  also  to  get  clothing  from  every  quarter.  Baron  Steuben 
is  in  Virginia,  and  is  indefatigable  in  equipping  and  forwarding 
the  troops  from  that  State.  I  left  General  Guest  in  Maryland  for 
the  same  purpose ;  but  I  have  got  nothing  from  there  yet,  nor 
do  I  expect  much  for  months  to  come.  The  North  Carolina 
State  have  such  a  high  opinion  of  the  militia,  that  I  don't  expect 
they  will  ever  attempt  to  raise  a  single  continental  soldier ;  not 
withstanding  the  most  sensible  among  them  will  acknowledge 
the  folly  of  employing  militia. 

But  I  must  have  tried  your  patience,  and  therefore  will  make 
a  full  stop  concerning  matters  in  this  department,  and  inquire 

how  you  go  on  to  the  northward. 

******* 

I  beg  my  compliments  to  General  Washington's  family,  to 
General  Knox  and  his  family,  and  all  other  of  my  acquaintances. 
I  shall  be  exceedingly  obliged  to  you  if  you  will  communi 
cate  to  me,  with  great  freedom,  every  th^g  worthy  of  note  thaf 
is  said  or  respects  this  department. 

Yours  affectionately, 

1ST.  GREENE. 
To  Col.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


MEADE   TO    HAMILTON. 

January  13,  1781. 

What  shall  I  say,  or  think,  of  my  dear  friend  Hamilton? 
Not  a  single  line  from  him  since  we  parted.  I  will  not,  how 
ever,  charge  you,  my  dear  fellow,  with  not  having  done  your 
duty,  .or,  at  least,  of  a  want  of  inclination  to  do  it :  you  may 


208  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  24. 

have  complied  fully  with  your  promise,  and  your  letters  mis 
carried  :  mine  probably  have  shared  the  same  fate.  This  is  the 
third  since  I  got  home.  The  first  was  writ  shortly  after  General 
Greene's  arrival  at  Eichmond,  and  committed  to  his  care ;  the 
second,  telling  you  I  was  married,  had  not  so  favorable  a  pros 
pect  of  conveyance  ;  and  this  must  take  its  chance. 

Arnold,  you  knew,  was  coming  here.  He  has  really  been 
here,  and,  with  shame  be  it  said,  marched  twenty -five  miles,  and 
back,  without  having  a  single  musket  fired  at  him :  but  let  me 
observe,  in  justice  to  the  people  at  large,  that  there  are  fewer 
disaffected  by  far,  in  this  State,  than  any  other  in  the  Union; 
and  that  the  people  turn  out  with  the  utmost  cheerfulness.  The 
misfortune,  on  the  present  invasion,  was,  that  in  the  confusion 
the  arms  were  sent  every  where,  and  no  timely  plan  laid  to  put 
them  into  the  hands  of  the  men  who  were  assembling.  The 
Baron  has,  no  doubt,  given  the  General  the  particulars  of  the 
whole  affair.  Should  he  not  have  done  it,  I  must  refer  you  for 
them  to  Kivington's  paper :  he  can  hardly  be  himself,  and  say 
any  thing  on  the  subject  that  ought  not  to  be  credited.  The 
damage,  however,  done  by  the  enemy  is  not  considerable,  and 
much  less  than  might  have  been  expected  from  them.  My 
friends  have  suffered.^  I  have  often  felt  much  pain,  my  dear 
Hamilton,  at  scenes  of  the  kind  to  the  northward,  but  never  in 
so  great  a  degree  as  on  this  occasion.  The  nearest  and  dearest 
to  me  were  within  reach  of  the  enemy ;  wife,  mother,  brother, 
sister ;  and  all  have  shared  deeply  in  the  distress ;  and,  indeed, 
many  of  them  were  in  personal  danger,  and  my  best  friend  of 
the  number ;  myself  of  course  somewhat  exposed.  You  possess 
a  heart  that  can  feel  for  me ;  you  have  a  female,  too,  that  you 
love.  After  placing 

her,  with  at  least  twenty  other  females  and  children,  at  a  safe 
distance,  I  immediately  returned,  and  joined  the  Baron  about  the 
time  the  enemy  left  Eichmond,  in  order  to  render  him  all  the 
aid  I  could,  being  intimately  acquainted  with  the  country  for 
many  miles  in  the  vicinity  of  the  enemy :  and  on  their  return 
down  the  river,  I  left  him  to  go  in  pursuit  of  a  residence  for  a 


JET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  209 

favorite  brother  who  was  driven  from  his  home,  and  obliged  to 

attend  to  his  wife  and  a  family  of  little  children. 

*  *  ***** 

This  gives  me  an  opening  to  speak  of  mj  return  to  the  army. 
I  have  been  long  wishing  your  advice  in  full  on  the  occasion. 
You  are  acquainted  with  the  arguments  I  have  used  in  favor  of 
my  stay  here.  I  have  not, 

however,  as  yet,  thrown  off  the  uniform,  but  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  it  must  be  the  case.  If  we  meet  not  again,  my  dear 
Hamilton,  as  brother  aids,  I  still  flatter  myself  that,  in  the  course 
of  time,  we  shall  meet  as  the  sincerest  of  friends.  If  you  have 
not  already  writ  to  me,  my  dear  fellow,  let  me  entreat  you,  when 
you  go  about  it,  to  fill  a  sheet  in  close  hand.  Say  all  about 
yourself  first,  and  next,  what  may  be  most  interesting  and  new 
to  me,  for  I  have  not  heard  a  syllable  from  camp  since  I  left  it. 
I  wrote  to  the  "  Old  Secretary  "  while  he  was  in  Virginia,  but 
could  not  hear  from  him.  Tell  him  that  I  suffered  not  a 
little  on  his  account,  for  I  conceived,  for  a  long  time,  that  his 
cousin's  unlucky  fall  from  his  horse  had  happened  to  him :  such 
an  opinion  had  like  to  have  carried  me  to  Alexandria. 

I  am  under  the  necessity  of  concluding,  but  first  let  me  pre 
sent  my  respects  to  the  General  and  Mrs.  Washington,  my  sin 
cerest  esteem  to  the  lads  of  the  family,  and  every  officer  of  the 

army  whom  you  know  I  regard. 

*  *  *  *  *  *  * 

Your  sincere  friend, 

K.  E.  MEADE. 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  January  25,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Yesterday  I  received  your  favor  of  the  sixteenth  instant. 
It  affords  me  pleasure  to   learn   that  the  Pennsylvania  line  is 
reduced  to  order ;   but  we  in  this  quarter  are  on  the  point  of 
VOL.  i.  14 


210  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JSi.  24. 

experiencing  a  similar  commotion.  Two  regiments  threaten  to 
march  to  head  quarters,  unless  some  money  is  paid  them,  the 
certificates  for  the  depreciation  expedited,  and,  in  future,  better 
supplied  with  provisions.  Yesterday,  about  three  thousand 
bushels  of  wheat,  six  hundred  pounds  worth  of  beef,  and  three 
or  four  thousand  dollars,  were  subscribed.  I  am  in  hopes  we 
shall  procure  what  will  afford  each  man  about  ten  dollars ;  and 
I  have  some  hopes  that  this,  with  a  little  management,  will 

render  them  tolerably  quiet. 

•*  *  *  *  *  -x-  * 

Entreat  the  General  and  his  lady  to  accept  my  best  wishes. 
Do  not  forget  to  remember  me  to  Colonels  Harrison  and 
Tilghman.  Adieu. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Most  affectionately, 

Yours,  etc.,  etc., 

PH:  SCHUYLER. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


DEAR  SIR  : 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  February  5,  1781. 


The  plan  you  mention  for  supplying  the  armies  in  America, 
I  should  be  exceedingly  happy  to  see  attempted  ;  but  I  fear  Con 
gress  will  not  venture  on  it,  although  they  should  be  convinced 
of  its  eligibility.  In  the  course  of  last  year,  I  proposed  it 
repeatedly  to  individual  members,  who  generally  approved,  and 
once  or  twice  took  occasion  to  mention  it  in  Congress  ;  but  in 
the  House  no  one  dared  to  give  his  opinion.  I  am  persuaded,  if 
it  was  adopted,  that  a  saving,  at  present  almost  inconceivable, 
would  be  induced,  and  an  order  and  economy  in  the  public  ex 
penditures,  which,  whilst  it  would  reconcile  the  minds  of  men  to 
bear  the  public  burthens  with  alacrity,  would  effectually  eradicate 


^ET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  211 

the  fears  which  too  generally  prevail,  that  we  shall  sink  under 
the  enormous  weight  of  our  expenses. 

I  am,  my  dear  Sir, 

Very  affectionately, 

Yours,  etc.,  etc., 

PH:  SCHUYLEK. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO   SCHUYLEK. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  NEW  WINDSOR,  February  18,  1781. 

MY  BEAK  SIR  : 

Since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  you  last,  an  unexpected 
change  has  taken  place  in  my  situation.  I  am  no  longer  a  mem 
ber  of  the  General's  family.  This  information  will  surprise  you, 
and  the  manner  of  the  change  will  surprise  you  more.  Two 
days  ago,  the  General  and  I  passed  each  other  on  the  stairs.  He 
told  me  he  wanted  to  speak  to  me.  I  answered  that  I  would 
wait  upon  him  immediately.  I  went  below,  and  delivered  Mr. 
Tilghman  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the  commissary,  containing  an 
order  of  a  pressing  and  interesting  nature. 

Keturning  to  the  General,  I  was  stopped  on  the  way  by 
the  Marquis  de  La  Fayette,  and  we  conversed  together  about  a 
minute  on  a  matter  of  business.  He  can  testify  how  impatient  I 
was  to  get  back,  and  that  I  left  him  in  a  manner  which,  but  for 
our  intimacy,  would  have  been  more  than  abrupt.  Instead  of 
finding  the  General,  as  is  usual,  in  his  room,  I  met  him  at  the 
head  of  the  stairs,  where,  accosting  me  in  an  angry  tone,  "  Col 
onel  Hamilton,"  said  he,  "you  have  kept  me  waiting  at  the  head 
of  the  stairs  these  ten  minutes.  I  must  tell  you,  sir,  you  treat 
me  with  disrespect."  I  replied,  without  petulancy,  but  with 
decision,  "  I  am  not  conscious  of  it,  sir ;  but  since  you  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  tell  me  so,  we  part."  "  Yery  well,  sir," 
said  he,  "if  it  be  your  choice,"  or  something  to  this  effect,  and 
we  separated.  I  sincerely  believe  my  absence,  which  gave  so 
much  umbrage,  did  not  last  two  minutes. 


212  HAMILTON'S     WORKS.  [^Ex.  24. 

In  less  than  an  hour  after,  Tilghman  came  to  me  in  the  Gen 
eral's  name,  assuring  me  of  his  great  confidence  in  my  abilities, 
integrity,  usefulness,  etc. ;  and  of  his  desire,  in  a  candid  conversa 
tion,  to  heal  a  difference  which  could  not  have  happened  but  in 
a  moment  of  passion.  I  requested  Mr.  Tilghman  to  tell  him — 
1st.  That  I  had  taken  my  resolution  in  a  manner  not  to  be  re 
voked.  2d.  That,  as  a  conversation  could  serve  no  other  pur 
pose  than  to  produce  explanations,  mutually  disagreeable,  though 
I  certainly  would  not  refuse  an  interview  if  he  desired  it,  yet  I 
would  be  happy  if  he  would  permit  me  to  decline  it.  3d.  That 
though  determined  to  leave  the  family,  the  same  principles  which 
had  kept  me  so  long  in  it,  would  continue  to  direct  my  conduct 
towards  him  when  out  of  it.  4th.  That,  however,  I  did  not  wish 
to  distress  him,  or  the  public  business,  by  quitting  him  before  he 
could  derive  other  assistance  by  the  return  of  some  of  the  gentle 
men  who  were  absent.  5th.  And  that,  in  the  mean  time,  it 
depended  on  him,  to  let  our  behavior  to  each  other  be  the  same 
as  if  nothing  had  happened.  He  consented  to  decline  the  con 
versation,  and  thanked  me  for  my  offer  of  continuing  my  aid  in 
the  manner  I  had  mentioned. 

I  have  given  you  so  particular  a  detail  of  our  difference,  from 
the  desire  I  have  to  justify  myself  in  your  opinion.  Perhaps  you 
may  think  I  was  precipitate  in  rejecting  the  overture  made  by 
the  General  to  an  accommodation.  I  must  assure  you,  my  dear 
sir,  it  was  not  the  effect  of  resentment :  it  was  the  deliberate  re 
sult  of  maxims  I  had  long  formed  for  the  government  of  my  own 
conduct. 

always  disliked  the  office  of  an  aid-de-camp,  as  having  in  it 
a  kind  of  personal  dependence.  I  refused  to  serve  in  this  capa 
city  with  two  Major-Generals,  at  an  early  period  of  the  war. 
Infected,  however,  with  the  enthusiasm  of  the  times,  an  idea  of 
the  General's  character  overcame  my  scruples,  and  induced  me 
to  accept  his  invitation  to  enter  into  his  family  *  *  *.  It  has 
been  often  with  great  difficulty  that  I  have  prevailed  upon  my 
self  not  to  renounce  it;  but  while,  from  motives  of  public  utility, 
I  was  doing  violence  to  my  feelings,  I  was  always  determined,  if 
there  should  ever  happen  a  breach  between  us,  never  to  consent 


jET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  213 

to  an  accommodation.  I  was  persuaded,  that  when  once  that  nice 
barrier,  which  marked  the  boundaries  of  what  we  owed  to  each 
other,  should  be  thrown  down,  it  might  be  propped  again,  but 
could  never  be  restored. 

The  General  is  a  very  honest  man.  His  competitors  have 
slender  abilities,  and  less  integrity.  His  popularity  has  often 
been  essential  to  the  safety  of  America,  and  is  still  of  great  im 
portance  to  it.  These  considerations  have  influenced  my  past 
conduct  respecting  him,  and  will  influence  my  future.  I  think 
it  is  necessary  he  should  be  supported. 

His  estimation  in  your  mind,  whatever  may  be  its  amount,  I 
am  persuaded  has  been  formed  on  principles,  which  a  circum 
stance  like  this  cannot  materially  effect :  but  if  I  thought  it  could 
diminish  your  frienship  for  him,  I  should  almost  forego  the  mo 
tives  that  urge  me  to  justify  myself  to  you.  I  wish  what  I  have 
said,  to  make  no  other  impression  than  to  satisfy  you  I  have  not 
been  in  the  wrong.  It  is  also  said  in  confidence,  as  a  public 
knowledge  of  the  breach  would,  in  many  ways,  have  an  ill  effect. 
It  will  probably  be  the  policy  of  both  sides  to  conceal  it,  and 
cover  the  separation  with  some  plausible  pretext.  I  am  impor 
tuned  by  such  of  my  friends  as  are  privy  to  the  affair,  to  listen 
to  a  reconciliation ;  but  my  resolution  is  unalterable. 

As  I  cannot  think  of  quitting  the  army  during  the  war,  I 
have  a  project  of  re-entering  into  the  artillery,  by  taking  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  Forrest's  place,  who  is  desirous  of  retiring  on  half- 
pay.  I  have  not,  however,  made  up  my  mind  upon  this  head, 
as  I  should  be  obliged  to  come  in  the  youngest  Lieutenant-Col 
onel  instead  of  the  eldest,  which' I  ought  to  have  been  by  natural 
succession,  had  I  remained  in  the  corps ;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
to  resume  studies  relative  to  the  profession,  which,  to  avoid  in 
feriority,  must  be  laborious. 

If  a  handsome  command  in  the  campaign  in  the  light  infan 
try  should  offer  itself,  I  shall  balance  between  this  and  the  artil 
lery.  My  situation  in  the  latter  would  be  more  solid  and  per 
manent  ;  but  as  I  hope  the  war  will  not  last  long  enough  to 
make  it  progressive,  this  consideration  has  the  less  force.  A 
command  for  the  campaign,  would  leave  me  the  winter  to  pros- 


214  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  24. 

ecute  studies  relative  to  my  future  career  in  life  *  *  *.  I  have 
written  to  you  on  this  subject  with  all  the  freedom  and  confi 
dence  to  which  you  have  a  right,  and  with  an  assurance  of  the 
interest  you  take  in  all  that  concerns  me. 

Yery  sincerely  and  affectionately, 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
General  Schuyler. 


LAURENS  TO   HAMILTON. 

1781. 

I  am  indebted  to  you,  my  dear  Hamilton,  for  two  letters  ;  the 
first  from  Albany,  as  masterly  a  piece  of  cynicism  as  ever  was 
penned ;  the  other  from  Philadelphia,  dated  the  second  March  : 
in  both,  you  mention  a  design  of  retiring,  which  makes  me  ex 
ceedingly  unhappy.  I  would  not  wish  to  have  you,  for  a  mo 
ment,  withdrawn  from  the  public  service :  at  the  same  time,  iny 
friendship  for  you,  and  knowledge  of  your  value  to  the  United 
States,  make  me  most  ardently  desire,  that  you  should  fill  only 
the  first  offices  of  the  Kepublic.  I  was  flattered  with  an  account 
of  your  being  elected  a  delegate  from  New- York,  and  am  much 
mortified  not  to  hear  it  confirmed  by  yourself.  I  must  confess 
to  you,  that,  at  the  present  stage  of  the  war,  I  should  prefer  your 
going  into  Congress,  and  from  thence  becoming  a  minister  pleni 
potentiary  for  peace,  to  your  remaining  in  the  army,  where 
the  dull  system  of  seniority,  and  the  tableau,  would  prevent  you 
from  having  the  important  commands  to  which  you  are  entitled  : 
but  at  any  rate  I  will  not  have  you  renounce  your  rank  in  the 
army,  unless  you  entered  the  career  above  mentioned.  Your 
private  affairs  cannot  require  such  immediate  and  close  attention. 
You  speak  like  a  paterfamilias  surrounded  with  a  numerous  pro 
geny. 

I  had,  in  fact,  resumed  the  black  project,  as  you  were  inform- 


^T.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  215 

ed,  and  urged  the  matter  very  strenuously,  both  to  our  privy 
council  and  legislative  body ;  but  I  was  out- voted,  having  only 
reason  on  my  side,  and  being  opposed  by  a  triple-headed  mon 
ster,  that  shed  the  baneful  influence  of  avarice,  prejudice,  and 
pusillanimity,  in  all  our  assemblies.  It  was  some  consolation  to 
me,  however,  to  find  that  philosophy  and  truth  had  made  some 
little  progress  since  my  last  effort,  as  I  obtained  twice  as  many 
suffrages  as  before. 


DUKE  DE  LAUZUN  TO  HAMILTON. 

A  LEBANON,  le  26  Fevrier,  1781. 

Permettez  moi,  Monsieur,  de  vous  adresser  une  lettre  pour  le 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  ne  sachant  ou  il  est.  Je  ne  veux  point 
importuner  son  Excellence  dans  un  moment  ou.  tant  d'affaires 
1'accablent.  M.  de  Closen,  Aid-de-Camp  de  M.  le  Comte  de 
Eochambeau,  lui  porte  des  de*peches  importantes ;  M.  le  Marquis 
de  Laval  parait  destine  a  commander  un  detachement  de  Grena 
diers,  et  chasseurs  de  1'Armee  Frangaise.  Je  vous  supplie  de 
vouloir  bien  rappeler  au  General,  que  de  quelque  maniere  qu'il 
me  juge  util,  je  me  trouverai  heureux  d'etre  employe,  et  qu'il 
veuille  bien  temoigner  a  M.  de  Eochambeau  que  ce  choix  ne  lui 
sera  pas  de"sagreable. 

Eecevez  les  excuses  de  mon  Importunite,  et  les  assurances  de 
tous  les  sentiments  d'estime  et  de  consideration,  avec  les  quels 
j'ai  1'honneur  d'etre,  Monsieur,  votre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeis- 
sant  serviteur. 

DE  LAUZUN. 


HARRISON  TO  HAMILTON". 

NEW  WINDSOR,  March  26,  1781. 

I  came  here,  my  dear  Hamilton,  on  Friday  night,  to  bid 
adieu  to  the  General,  to  you,  and  to  my  other  friends,  as  a  mili- 


216  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

tary  man,  and  regret  much  that  I  have  not  had  the  happiness  of 
seeing  you.  To-morrow  I  am  obliged  to  depart ;  and  it  is  pos 
sible  our  separation  may  be  for  ever.  But  be  this  as  it  may,  it 
can  only  be  with  respect  to  our  persons  ;  for  as  to  affection,  mine 
for  you  will  continue  to  my  latest  breath.  This  event  will  pro 
bably  surprise  you ;  but  from  your  knowledge  of  me,  I  rely  you 
will  conclude,  at  the  instant,  that  no  light  considerations  would 
have  taken  me  from  the  army ;  and  I  think  I  might  safely  have 
rested  the  matter  here.  However,  as  the  friendship  between  us 
gives  you  a  claim  to  something  more,  and  as  I  am  not  indifferent 
about  character,  and  shall  be  anxious  to  have  the  esteem  of  all 
who  are  good,  and  virtuously  great,  I  shall  detail  to  you,  my 
friend,  the  more  substantial  reasons  which  have  led  to  my  pre 
sent  conduct.  I  go  from  the  army,  then,  because  I  have  found, 
on  examination,  that  my  little  fortune,  earned  by  an  honest  and 
hard  industry,  was  becoming  embarrassed — to  attend  to  the  edu 
cation  of  my  children — to  provide,  if  possible,  for  the  payment 
of  a  considerable  sum  of  sterling  money  and  interest,  with  which 
I  stand  charged,  on  account  of  the  land  I  lately  received  from 
my  honored  father,  for  equality  of  partition  between  myself  and 
two  brothers — to  save  a  house  which  he  had  begun,  and  which, 
without  instant  attention,  would  be  ruined,  or  at  least  greatly 
injured — to  provide,  if  possible,  for  the  payment  of  goods,  which 
far  exceed  any  profits  I  can  make  from  my  estate — and  because 
the  State  of  Maryland,  in  a  flattering  manner,  have  been  pleased 
to  appoint  me  to  a  place,  very  respectable  in  its  nature,  corres 
ponding  with  my  former,  and  very  interesting  to  my  whole 
future  life  and  support.  They  have  appointed  me  to  the  Chair 
of  their  Supreme  Court.  These,  my  friend,  are  the  motives  to 
my  present  resolution.  My  own  feelings  are  satisfied  on  the 
occasion,  though  I  cannot  but  regret  parting  with  the  most 
valuable  acquaintances  I  have ;  and  I  hope  they  will  justify  me 
most  fully  to  you,  my  Hamilton,  especially  when  you  consider, 
besides,  the  time  I  have  been  in  service,  and  the  compensation  I 
have  received.  I  wish,  seriously,  I  had  been  sooner  apprised  of 
the  good  intentions  of  the  State  towards  me,  for  reasons  which 
will  occur  to  you.  They  were  but  very  lately  known,  and  I  was 


jET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  217 

no  sooner  possessed  of  them,  than  I  communicated  the  matter 
(that  I  should  leave  the  army)  to  the  General — having  found,  on 
inquiry,  it  was  only  in  my  power  to  accept  the  offer  of  the  Chair, 
or  decline  it  for  ever,  as  the  filling  it  had  become  a  measure  of 
immediate  necessity ;  and  there  were  other  gentlemen,  both  of 
ability  and  merit,  who  had  been  mentioned  for  it,  and  who 
would  probably  have  willingly  accepted  it.  You  are  now  to 
pardon  me  for  this  long  relation,  so  very  personal.  You  must 
do  it,  as  what  I  owed  to  your  friendship  produced  it,  and  as  it  is 
my  hope  and  wish  to  stand  fair  in  your  opinion  and  esteem. 

I  proceed  to  tell  you  that  I  live  in  Charles  County,  Mary 
land,  where  I  should  be  peculiarly  happy  to  see  you :  but  as  I 
can  have  but  little  hopes  of  being  gratified  in  this,  let  me  have 
the  next  pleasure  to  it,  the  favor  of  a  letter  now  and  then ;  in 
which,  write  of  matters  personally  interesting  to  yourself,  as 
they  will  be  so  to  me.  Present  me  most  respectfully  to  your 
lady,  to  General  and  Mrs.  Schuyler.  My  best  wishes  attend 
you  all.  Adieu. 

Yours  in  haste,  most  affectionately, 

KOBT.  H.  HARRISON. 

Colonel  Hamilton. 


LA   FAYETTE   TO   HAMILTON. 

ELK,  April  10,  1781. 

Where  is,  for  the  present,  my  dear  Hamilton  ?  This  question 
is  not  a  mere  affair  of  curiosity.  It  is  not  even  wholly  owing  to 
the  tender  sentiments  of  my  friendship.  But  motives  both  of  a 
public  and  private  nature  conspire  in  making  me  wish  that  your 
woe  be  not  accomplished.  Perhaps  you  are  at  head  quarters — 
perhaps  at  Albany ;  at  all  events,  I'll  tell  you  my  history.  Had 
the  French  fleet  come  in,  Arnold  was  ours.  The  more  certain  it 
was,  the  greater  my  disappointment  has  been ;  at  last  it  has  be 
come  necessary  for  them  to  return  to  Khode  Island.  I  think 


218  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^ET.  24. 

they  have  exerted  themselve  for  the  common  good,  and  this  has 
been  a  comfort  in  our  misfortune. 

Haying  luckily  arrived  at  Elk  by  water,  which  at  first  I  had 
no  right  to  expect,  I  have  received  the  General's  letters.  If  you 
are  at  head  quarters,  you  will  have  seen  my  correspondence  with 
the  General ;  if  not,  I  tell  you  that  I  am  ordered  to  the  southern 
army,  and  the  General  thinks  that  the  army  under  his  imme 
diate  command  will  remain  inactive.  After  a  march  of  forty 
days,  we  will  arrive  at  a  time  when  the  heat  of  the  season  will 
put  an  end  to  operations.  This  detachment  is  so  circumstanced 
as  to  make  it  very  inconvenient  for  officers  and  men  to  proceed. 
Before  we  arrive,  we  shall  perhaps  be  reduced  to  five  or  six 
hundred  men.  There  will  be  no  light  infantry  formed — no 
attack  against  New-York — none  of  those  things  which  had  flat 
tered  my  mind.  If  a  corps  is  sent  to  the  southward  by  land,  it 
ought  to  have  been  the  Jersey  line,  because  if  we  weaken  our 
selves,  New- York  will  be  out  of  the  question. 

Monsieur  Destouches  will,  I  think,  propose  to  the  General  to 
send  to  Philadelphia  1'Eveille  and  all  the  frigates ;  these,  with 
the  frigates  now  at  Philadelphia,  would  carry  fifteen  hundred 
men  to  whatever  part  of  the  continent  the  General  would  think 
proper.  We  could  then  go  to  Morristown,  there  to  form  a  new 
corps  of  light  infantry  upon  the  principles  at  first  intended,  and 
embarking  in  the  first  days  of  May,  we  could  be  at  Wilmington, 
Georgetown,  or  any  where  else,  sooner  than  we  can  now  be  by 
land.  I  would  have  the  battalions  composed  of  six  companies ; 
Colonels  employed — Webb,  Sprout,  Huntington,  Olney,  Hill, 
Barber,  Gimat,  Laurens  ;  Majors  Willet,  Fish,  Gibbes,  Inspector 
Smith,  and  another;  Brigadier  Generals  Huntington  and  Sca- 
mell,  and  a  good  corps  of  artillerists  under  ******.  My 
good  friend,  you  would  be  more  important  at  head  quarters ;  but 
if  you  don't  stay  there,  you  know  what  you  have  promised  to 
me.  Adieu.  Write  often  and  long  letters.  It  is  probable  I 
will  be  in  the  southern  wilderness  until  the  end  of  the  war,  far 
from  head  quarters,  from  the  French  army,  from  my  correspond 
ence  with  France ;  but  the  whole  good  I  could  have  operated, 


^ET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  219 

in  this  last  instance,  must  have  taken  place  by  this  time.     My 
best  respects  and  affectionate  compliments  wait  on  Mrs.  Hamilton. 

Most  friendly  yours, 

LA  FAYETTE. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

April  15,  1781.     SUSQ.UEHANNA. 

DEAE  HAMILTON: 

You  are  so  sensible  a  fellow,  that  you  certainly  can  explain 
to  me  what  is  the  matter  that  New-York  is  given  up  ;  that  our 
letters  to  France  go  for  nothing;  that  while  the  French  are 
coming,  I  am  going.  This  last  matter  gives  great  uneasiness  to 
the  Minister  of  France.  All  this  is  not  comprehensible  to  me, 
who,  having  been  long  from  head  quarters,  have  lost  the  course 
of  intelligence. 

Have  you  left  the  family,  my  dear  sir  ?  I  suppose  so ;  but 
from  love  to  the  General,  for  whom  you  know  my  affection,  I 
ardently  wish  it  was  not  the  case ;  many,  many  reasons  conspire 
to  this  desire  of  mine.  But  if  you  do  leave  it,  and  if  I  go  to 
exile,  come  and  partake  it  with  me. 

Yours, 

L.  F. 


COL.   TILGHMAN  TO  HAMILTON. 

HEAD  QUARTERS,  27th  April,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON: 

Between  me  and  thee  there  is  a  gulf,  or  I  should  not  have 
been  thus  long  without  seeing  you.  My  faith  is  strong,  but  not 
strong  enough  to  attempt  walking  upon  the  waters.  You  must 
not  suppose  from  my  dealing  so  much  in  Scripture  phrases,  that 
I  am  either  drunk  with  religion  or  with  wine,  though  had  I  been 


220  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  24. 

inclined  to  the  latter,  I  might  have  found  a  jolly  companion  in 
my  Lord,  who  came  here  yesterday. 

We  have  not  a  word  of  news.  Whenever  any  arrives  worth 
communicating,  and  good,  you  shall  have  it  instantly — if  bad,  I 
will  not  promise  so  much  dispatch. 

I  must  go  over  and  see  you  soon,  for  I  am  not  yet  weaned 
from  you,  nor  do  I  desire  to  be.  I  will  not  present  so  cold 
words  as  compliments  to  Mrs.  Hamilton.  She  has  an  equal 
share  of  the  best  wishes  of 

Your  most  affectionate, 

TlLGHMAN. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

DE  PEYSTER'S  POINT,  April  27,  1781. 

SIR: 

I  imagine  your  Excellency  has  been  informed,  that  in  conse 
quence  of  the  resolution  of  Congress  for  granting  commissions 
to  Aid-de-Camps  appointed  under  the  former  establishment,  I 
have  obtained  one  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  bearing  rank  since  the  1st  of  March,  1777. 

It  is  become  necessary  to  me  to  apply  to  your  Excellency,  to 
know  in  what  manner  you  foresee  you  will  be  able  to  employ  me 
in  the  ensuing  campaign.  I  am  ready  to  enter  into  activity 
whenever  you  think  proper,  though  I  am  not  anxious  to  do  it  till 
the  army  takes  the  field,  as  before  that  period  I  perceive  no 
object. 

Unconnected  as  I  am  with  any  regiment,  I  can  have  no  other 
command  than  in  a  light  corps ;  and  I  flatter  myself  my  preten 
sions  to  this  are  good. 

Your  Excellency  knows,  I  have  been  in  actual  service  since 
the  beginning  of  '76.  I  began  in  the  line,  and  had  I  continued 
there,  I  ought,  in  justice,  to  have  been  more  advanced  in  rank 
than  I  now  am.  I  believe  my  conduct,  in  the  different  capacities 
in  which  I  have  acted,  has  appeared  to  the  officers  of  the  army, 


JET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  221 

in  general,  such  as  to  merit  their  confidence  and  esteem ;  and  I 
cannot  suppose  them  to  be  so  ungenerous  as  not  to  see  me  with 
pleasure  put  into  a  situation  still  to  exercise  the  disposition  I 
have  always  had  of  being  useful,  to  the  United  States.  I  men 
tion  these  things,  only  to  show  that  I  do  not  apprehend  the  same 
difficulties  can  exist  in  my  case  (which  is  peculiar),  that  have 
opposed  the  appointments  to  commands  of  some  other  officers, 
not  belonging  to  what  is  called  the  line.  Though  the  light 
infantry  is  chiefly  formed,  yet  being  detached  to  the  southward, 
I  take  it  for  granted  there  will  be  a  vanguard  by  detachment 
formed  for  this  army. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Yery  respectfully, 
Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  General  Washington. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEW  WINDSOR,  April  27,  1781. 

DEAE  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  this  date  has  not  a  little  embarrassed  me.  You 
must  remember  the  ferment  in  the  Pennsylvania  line  last  cam 
paign,  occasioned  by  the  appointment  of  Major  M'Pherson  ;  and 
you  know  the  uneasiness  which  at  this  moment  exists  among 
the  eastern  officers,  on  account  of  the  commands  conferred  upon 
Colonel  Gimat  and  Major  Galvan,  although  it  was  the  result  of 
absolute  necessity. 

Should  circumstances  admit  of  the  formation  of  another  ad 
vanced  corps,  of  which  I  see  very  little  prospect,  from  present 
appearances,  it  can  be  but  small,  and  must  be  composed  almost 
entirely  of  eastern  troops :  and  to  add  to  the  discontents  of  the 
officers  of  those  lines,  by  the  further  appointment  of  an  officer  of 
your  rank  to  the  command  of  it,  or  in  it,  would,  I  am  certain, 


222  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JE-r.  24. 

involve  me  in  a  difficulty  of  a  very  disagreeable  and  delicate 
nature ;  and  might,  perhaps,  lead  to  consequences  more  serious 
than  it  is  easy  to  imagine.  While  I  adhere  firmly  to  the  right 
of  making  such  appointments  as  you  request,  I  am  at  the  same 
time  obliged  to  reflect,  that  it  will  not  do  to  push  that  right  too 
far ;  more  especially  in  a  service  like  ours,  and  at  a  time  so 
critical  as  the  present. 

I  am  convinced  that  no  officer  can,  with  justice,  dispute  your 
merit  and  abilities.  The  opposition  heretofore  made,  has  not 
been  for  the  want  of  those  qualifications  in  the  gentlemen  who 
are,  and  have  been,  the  objects  of  discontent.  The  officers  of  the 
line  contend,  without  having  reference  to  particular  persons,  that 
it  is  a  hardship  and  reflection  upon  them,  to  introduce  brevet 
officers  into  commands  (of  some  permanency),  in  which  there  are 
more  opportunities  of  distinguishing  themselves  than  in  the  line 
of  the  army  at  large,  and  with  the  men  they  have  had  the  trouble 
to  discipline  and  to  prepare  for  the  field. 

My  principal  concern  arises  from  an  apprehension,  that  you 
will  impute  my  refusal  of  your  request  to  other  motives  than 
those  I  have  expressed ;  but  I  beg  you  to  be  assured,  I  am  only 
influenced  by  the  reasons  which  I  have  mentioned. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hamilton. 


MY  DEAR  SIR: 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

SARATOGA,  April  29,  1781. 


The  troops  here  are  destitute  of  meat,  and  I  fear  will  abandon 
the  post ;  the  inhabitants  in  consternation,  and  preparing  to  fly, 
since  they  have  heard  of  the  arrival  of  some  of  the  enemy's  ship 
ping  at  Crown  Point.  Flour  we  can  procure  for  the  present,  I 


JET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  223 

having,  on  my  own  account,  purchased  one  hundred  barrels 
about  twelve  miles  from  this.  If  beef  is  sent  up  so  as  to  enable 
the  troops  to  remain,  an  engineer  will  be  absolutely  necessary  to 

construct  two  or  three  small  fortifications. 

*  #  *  •&  *  *  * 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Most  affectionately  and  sincerely, 
Yours,  etc.,  etc., 

PH.   SCHUYLEK. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO   KOBEET   MORRIS. 

April  30,  1781. 

SIR: 

I  was  among  the  first  who  were  convinced  that  an  administra 
tion,  by  single  men,  was  essential  to  the  proper  management  of 
the  affairs  of  this  country.  I  am  persuaded,  now,  it  is  the  only 
resource  we  have,  to  extricate  ourselves  from  the  distresses 
which  threaten  the  subversion  of  our  cause.  It  is  palpable,  that 
the  people  have  lost  all  confidence  in  our  public  councils ;  and  it 
is  a  fact,  of  which  I  dare  say  you  are  as  well  apprised  as  myself, 
that  our  friends  in  Europe  are  in  the  same  disposition.  I  have 
been  in  a  situation  that  has  enabled  me  to  obtain  a  better  idea 
of  this  than  most  others  ;  and  I  venture  to  assert,  that  the  Court 
of  France  will  never  give  half  the  succors  to  this  country,  while 
Congress  hold  the  reins  of  administration  in  their  own  hands, 
which  they  would  grant,  if  these  were  intrusted  to  individuals  of 
established  reputation,  and  conspicuous  for  probity,  abilities,  and 
fortune. 

With  respect  to  ourselves,  there  is  so  universal  and  rooted  a 
diffidence  of  the  government,  that,  if  we  could  be  assured  the 
future  measures  of  Congress  would  be  dictated  by  the  most  per 
fect  wisdom  and  public  spirit,  there  would  be  still  a  necessity  for 
a  change  in  the  forms  of  our  administration,  to  give  a  new  spring 
and  current  to  the  passions  and  hopes  of  the  people. 


224  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

To  me  it  appears  evident,  that  an  executive  ministry,  com 
posed  of  men  with  the  qualifications  I  have  described,  would 
speedily  restore  the  credit  of  government  abroad  and  at  home — 
would  induce  our  allies  to  greater  exertions  in  our  behalf — would 
inspire  confidence  in  moneyed  men  in  Europe,  as  well  as  in  Amer 
ica,  to  lend  us  those  sums  of  which  it  may  be  demonstrated  we 
stand  in  need,  from  the  disproportion  of  our  national  wealth  to 
the  expenses  of  the  war. 

I  hope,  sir,  you  will  not  consider  it  as  a  compliment,  when  I 
assure  you  that  I  heard,  with  the  greatest  satisfaction,  of  your 
nomination  to  the  department  of  finance.  In  a  letter  of  mine, 
last  summer,  to  Mr.  Duane,  urging,  among  other  things,  the  plan 
of  an  executive  ministry,  I  mentioned  you  as  the  person  who 
ought  to  fill  that  department.  I  know  of  no  other  in  America, 
who  unites  so  many  advantages ;  and  of  course  every  impedi 
ment  to  your  acceptance,  is  to  me  a  subject  of  chagrin.  I  flatter 
myself  Congress  will  not  preclude  the  public  from  your  services 
by  an  obstinate  refusal  of  reasonable  conditions ;  and,  as  one 
deeply  interested  in  the  event,  I  am  happy  in  believing  you  will 
not  easily  be  discouraged  from  undertaking  an  office,  by  which 
you  may  render  America,  and  the  world,  no  less  a  service  than 
the  establishment  of  American  independence  !  "Pis  by  introduc 
ing  order  into  our  finances — by  restoring  public  credit — not  by 
gaining  battles,  that  we  are  finally  to  gain  our  object.  'Tis  by 
putting  ourselves  in  a  condition  to  continue  the  war — not  by 
temporary,  violent,  and  unnatural  efforts  to  bring  it  to  a  decisive 
issue,  that  we  shall,  in  reality,  bring  it  to  a  speedy  and  successful 
one.  In  the  frankness  of  truth  I  believe,  sir,  you  are  the  man 
best  capable  of  performing  this  great  work.  t 

In  expectation  that  all  difficulties  will  be  removed,  and  that 
you  will  ultimately  act  on  terms  you  approve,  I  take  the  liberty 
to  submit  to  you  some  ideas,  relative  to  the  objects  of  your  de 
partment.  I  pretend  not  to  be  an  able  financier :  it  is  a  part 
of  administration  which  has  been  least  in  my  way,  and,  of 
course,  has  least  occupied  my  inquiries  and  reflections.  Neither 
have  I  had  leisure  or  materials  to  make  accurate  calculations.  I 
have  been  obliged  to  depend  on  memory  for  important  facts,  for 


JST.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  225 

want  of  the  authorities  from  which  they  are  drawn.  "With  all 
these  disadvantages,  my  plan  must  necessarily  be  crude  and  de 
fective  ;  but  if  it  may  be  a  basis  for  something  more  perfect,  or 
if  it  contains  any  hints  that  may  be  of  use  to  you,  the  trouble  I 
have  taken  myself,  or  may  give  you,  will  not  be  misapplied.  At 
any  rate,  the  confidence  I  have  in  your  judgment,  assures  me 
that  you  will  receive,  with  pleasure,  communications  of  this  sort : 
if  they  contain  any  thing  useful,  they  will  promote  your  views 
and  the  public  benefit ;  if  not,  the  only  evil  is  the  trouble  of 
reading  them ;  and  the  best  informed  will  frequently  derive  lights, 
even  from  reveries  of  projectors  and  quacks.  There  is  scarcely 
any  plan  so  bad  as  not  to  have  something  good  in  it.  I  trust 
mine  to  your  candor  without  further  apology  ;  you  will  at  least 
do  justice  to  my  intention. 

The  first  step  towards  determining  what  ought  to  be  done  in 
the  finances  of  this  country,  is  to  estimate,  in  the  best  manner 
we  can,  its  capacity  for  revenue ;  and  the  proportion  between 
what  it  is  able  to  afford,  and  what  it  stands  in  need  of,  for  the 
expenses  of  its  civil  and  military  establishments.  There  occur 
to  me  two  ways  of  doing  this :  1st.  By  examining  what  pro 
portion  the  revenues  of  other  countries  have  borne  to  their  stock 
of  wealth,  and  applying  the  rule  to  ourselves,  with  proper  allow 
ance  for  the  difference  of  circumstances.  2d.  By  comparing  the 
result  of  this  rule  with  the  product  of  taxes  in  those  States  which 
have  been  the  most  in  earnest  in  taxation.  The  reason  for  hav 
ing  recourse  to  the  first  method  is,  that  our  own  experience  of 
our  faculties  in  this  respect,  has  not  been  sufficiently  clear,  or 
uniform,  to  admit  of  a  certain  conclusion :  so  that  it  will  be  more 
satisfactory  to  judge  of  them  by  a  general  principle,  drawn  by 
the  example  of  other  nations,  compared  with  what  we  have  ef 
fected  ourselves,  than  to  rely  entirely  upon  the  latter. 

The  nations  with  whose  wealth  and  revenues  we  are  best  ac 
quainted,  are  France,  Great  Britain,  and  the  United  Provinces. 
The  real  wealth  of  a  nation,  consisting  in  its  labor  and  commodi 
ties,  is  to  be  estimated  by  the  sign  of  that  wealth — its  circulating 
cash.  There  may  be  times  when,  from  particular  accidents,  the 
quantity  of  this  may  exceed  or  fall  short  of  a  just  representative ; 

VOL.  i.  15 


226  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  24. 

but  it  will  turn  again  to  a  proper  level,  and,  in  the  general  course 
of  things,  maintain  itself  in  that  state. 

The  circulation  of  France  is  almost  wholly  carried  on  in  the 
precious  metals  ;  and  its  current  cash  is  estimated  at  from  fifteen 
to  sixteen  hundred  millions  of  livres.  The  net  revenue  of  the 
kingdom,  the  sum  which  actually  passes  into  the  public  coffers, 
is  somewhere  between  three  hundred  and  sixty  and  four  hundred 
millions,  about  one  fourth  of  the  whole  of  its  currency.  An  es 
timate  of  the  wealth  of  this  nation  is  liable  to  less  fallacy  than 
of  that  of  the  other  two,  as  it  makes  little  use  of  paper  credit, 
which  may  be  artificially  increased,  and  even  supported,  a  long 
time  beyond  its  natural  bounds. 

It  is  supposed  that  the  gross  sum  extracted  from  the  people 
by  the  collectors  of  the  revenue,  may  be  one-third  more  than  that 
which  goes  into  the  treasury :  but  as  their  exactions  are  exces 
sive,  and  fall  too  heavy  on  particular  orders,  who  are  by  that 
means  reduced  to  indigence  and  misery,  it  is  to  be  inferred,  that, 
with  moderate  and  reasonable  expenses  of  collection,  the  present 
revenue  is  as  great  as  the  kingdom  can  well  afford,  from  its 
present  quantity  of  wealth. 

The  circulating  cash  of  Great  Britain,  in  paper  and  specie, 
may  be  stated  at  about  forty  millions  of  pounds  sterling.  Mr. 
Hume  supposes  it  to  have  been,  at  the  time  he  wrote  his  Essay 
on  the  Balance  of  Trade,  about  thirty  millions.  Other  writers 
have  carried  it  to  fifty,  and  it  is  probably  in  a  medium  that  we 
shall  find  the  truth.  I  do  not  include  in  this,  the  whole  amount 
of  Bank  notes,  Exchequer  bills,  India  bonds,  etc.  etc. ;  but  only 
such  part  as  is  really  employed  in  common  circulation,  and  per 
forms  the  offices  of  current  cash.  In  '75,  by  Dr.  Price's  state 
ment,  the  net  revenue  of  Great  Britain  was  ten  millions — that 
is,  about  one-fourth  of  its  current  cash,  as  in  France. 

I  have  never  met  with  any  calculation  that  might  be  depend 
ed  upon,  of  the  current  cash  of  the  Seven  Provinces.  Almost 
the  whole  of  their  coin,  as  well  as  large  quantities  of  plate  and 
bullion,  are  shut  up  in  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam.  The  real  wealth 
of  the  Bank  is  believed  to  be  about  fifteen  millions  sterling ; 
though,  upon  the  strength  of  this  fund,  it  has  a  credit  almost  un- 


jEi.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  22T 

limited,  that  answers  all  the  purposes  of  cash  in  trade.  As 
the  Dutch,  by  their  prudent  maxims,  have  commonly  the  rate  of 
exchange  throughout  Europe  in  their  favor,  and  a  considerable 
balance  of  trade,  the  use  of  paper  credit  (which,  in  part,  also  de 
pends  upon  the  particular  nature  of  their  Banks)  has  not  the 
same  tendency  with  them,  as  in  England,  to  banish  the  precious 
metals.  We  may  therefore  suppose  these  to  be  here,  as  in 
France,  the  true  sign  of  the  wealth  of  the  nation.  If  to  the  fif 
teen  millions  in  Bank,  we  add  two  millions  of  specie  for  the 
retail  circulation  and  various  transactions  of  business,  we 
shall,  I  imagine,  have  nearly  the  true  stock  of  wealth  of  the 
United  Provinces.  Their  revenues  amount  to  something  more 
than  four  millions,  and  bear  the  some  proportion  to  the  stock 
from  which  they  are  drawn,  as  those  of  France  and  England,  I 
confess,  however,  the  data,  in  their  case,  are  not  sufficiently  as 
certained  to  permit  us  to  rely  equally  on  the  result.  From 
these  three  examples  we  may  venture  to  deduce  this  general  rule, 
— that  the  proportion  of  revenue  which  a  nation  is  capable  of 
affording,  is  about  one-fourth  of  its  circulating  cash,  so  far  as 
this  is  a  just  representative  of  its  labor  and  commodities. 

This  is  only  applicable  to  commercial  countries,  because,  in 
those  which  are  not  so,  the  circulating  cash  is  not  an  adequate 
sign.  A  great  part  of  domestic  commerce  is  carried  on  by  bar 
ter  ;  and  the  State  must  receive  a  part  of  its  dues  in  the  labor 
and  commodities  themselves.  The  proportion,  however,  of  the 
revenues  of  such  a  State  to  the  aggreate  of  its  labor  and  commo 
dities,  ought  to  be  the  same  as  in  the  case  of  trading  nations  to 
their  circulating  cash ;  with  this  difference,  that  the  difficulty  of 
collection  and  transportation,  th^  waste  and  embezzlement  in 
separable  from  this  mode  of  revenue,  would  make  the  real  ad 
vantage  and  ultimate  gain  to  the  State,  infinitely  less  than  when 
the  public  dues  are  paid  in  cash. 

When  I  say  that  one-fourth  part  of  its  stock  of  wealth  is 
the  revenue  which  a  nation  is  capable  of  affording  to  the  gov 
ernment,  I  must  be  understood  in  a  qualified,  not  in  an  abso 
lute  sense.  It  would  be  presumptuous  to  fix  a  precise  boundary 
to  the  ingenuity  of  financiers,  or  to  the  patience  of  the  people  : 


228  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [2ET/24. 

but  this  we  may  safely  say,  that  taxation  is  already  carried,  in 
the  nations  we  have  been  speaking  of,  to  an  extent  which  does 
not  admit  of  a  very  considerable  increase  without  a  proportionable 
increase  of  industry.  This  suffices  for  a  standard  to  us ;  and  we 
may  proceed  to  the  application. 

From  a  comparison  of  the  several  estimates  I  have  seen,  of 
the  quantity  of  current  cash  in  this  country  previous  to  the  war 
(specie  and  paper),  I  have  settled  my  opinion  of  the  amount  at 
thirty  millions  of  dollars,  of  which  about  eight  might  have  been 
in  specie :  one-fourth  of  this,  by  analogy,  was  at  that  time  the 
proper  revenue  of  these  States ;  that  is,  seven  and  a  half  mil 
lions  of  dollars. 

As  taxation,  however,  has,  by  slow  gradations,  been  carried 
to  an  extreme  in  those  countries  which  I  have  chosen  as  ex 
amples,  that  would  not  be,  but  in  a  course  of  time,  practicable 
in  this,  where  the  people  have  been  so  little  accustomed  to  taxes, 
it  may  be  doubted  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  raise  the 
same  proportion  of  revenue  here.  The  object  of  the  war,  I 
imagine,  would  supply  the  want  of  habit,  and  reconcile  the 
minds  of  the  people  to  paying  to  the  utmost  of  their  abilities, 
provided  the  taxes  were  judiciously  imposed,  and  the  revenues 
wisely  administered.  Besides  this,  there  is  a  circumstance  in 
our  favor,  which  puts  it  in  the  power  of  government  to  raise 
an  equal  proportion  of  revenue  without  burthening  the  lower 
classes  of  the  people  in  the  same  degree  as  in  Europe.  This 
circumstance  is  the  much  greater  equality  of  fortunes,  by  which 
means  men,  in  this  country,  may  be  made  to  contribute  to  the 
public  exigencies  in  a  much  juster  proportion  to  their  property ; 
and  this  is  in  fact  the  case.  In  France  the  rich  have  gained  so 
entire  an  ascendant,  that  there  is  a  constant  sacrifice  of  the  ease 
and  happiness  of  the  people  to  their  avarice  and  luxury :  their 
burthens  are  in  no  proportion  to  those  of  the  middle  order,  and 
still  less  to  those  of  the  poor.  In  England  and  Holland  the 
case,  though  not  altogether,  is  in  a  great  measure  the  same. 
There  are  also  men  of  very  large  moneyed  capitals,  which  were 
either  formerly  exempt  from  taxes  by  being  in  the  public  funds, 
or,  having  no  visible  representative  for  taxation  to  operate  upon, 


jET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  229 

enjoy  virtually  the  same  advantages.  But  if,  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  the  ability  of  these  States  for  revenue  may  be 
rated  at  seven  and  a  half  millions  of  dollars,  when  the  amount 
of  its  circulating  cash  was  thirty  millions,  now  that  it  is  reduced 
more  than  one-half  in  real  value,  to  what  revenue  are  they  to  be 
supposed  equal  at  this  time?  I  should  judge  about  one-fifth 
less,  and  not  more. 

The  diminution  of  our  circulating  cash  is  principally  arti 
ficial.  It  is  true,  our  foreign  commerce  has  declined  by  the  war, 
but  our  domestic  commerce  has  increased.  I  know  of  no  good 
reason  to  believe,  that  the  quantity  of  labor  and  commodities 
have  been  materially  diminished.  Our  exports  have  lessened, 
but  our  internal  consumption  has  augmented.  The  men  em 
ployed  in  the  army,  and  in  the  departments  connected  with  it, 
consume  and  waste  three  times  as  much  as  the  same  number  of 
men  in  civil  life.  A  number  of  husbandmen  have  been  taken 
from  their  ploughs  into  military  service ;  but  the  progress  of  our 
natural  population  has,  in  part,  supplied  their  place;  and  the 
demands  of  the  war  have  increased  individual  industry.  The 
great  influx  of  money,  at  first  operated  upon  the  avarice  of  the 
people,  and,  for  a  long  time,  served  also  as  a  stimulus  to  industry, 
which  taxation  has  since  kept  up  on  the  principle  of  necessity. 
Notwithstanding  the  demands  and  competitions  of  two  armies  for 
supplies,  we  see  that  corn,  which  is  the  staple  of  these  middle 
States,  is  cheaper  than  for  some  years  before  the  war ;  a  strong 
argument  of  plenty. 

We  may  infer  from  all  this,  that  we  stand  in  need  now  of 
nearly  the  same  quantity  of  medium  for  our  circulation  as  before 
the  war.  The  depreciation  of  the  money  below  the  standard,  is 
to  be  attributed  to  a  want  of  confidence  rather  than  to  a  decay 
of  resources.  We  find  the  people,  in  some  of  the  States,  dis 
tressed  to  pay  their  taxes,  for  want  of  money,  with  ample  means 
otherwise ;  which  is  a  proof,  that  our  current  cash  is  not  a 
competent  representative  of  the  labor  and  commodities  of  the 
country.  Another  proof  of  the  same  nature  is,  that  particular 
States  who  have  found  no  small  difficulty  in  collecting  their 
pecuniary  taxes,  have  been  successful  in  raising  contributions  to 
a  large  amount  in  kind. 


230  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEto.  24. 

This  country  never  having  been  a  country  of  manufactures, 
the  productions  of  the  soil  ever  were,,  as  they  still  are,  the  prin 
cipal  source  of  revenue.  The  inhabitants  have  abridged  their 
wants  of  foreign  articles,  from  the  scarcity  of  them,  and  have,  in 
part,  supplied  their  place  by  home  manufactures  ;  which,  being 
chiefly  conducted  by  the  women,  take  nothing  from  the  labor 
appropriated  to  agriculture,  while  it  enables  the  farmer  to  spare 
a  larger  portion  of  his  income  to  the  public. 

Whatever  diminution  our  means  of  revenue  may  have  suf 
fered,  must  be  accounted  for  on  the  decay  of  foreign  trade,  and 
on  the  loss  of  territory.  The  imposts  on  trade  in  Great  Britain 
amounted  to  about  a  fourth  of  its  total  revenue.  The  propor 
tion  must  be  less  in  America.  But  suppose  it  to  be  the  same ; 
suppose  our  external  commerce  to  be  reduced  one-half,  which  I 
believe  is  an  ample  allowance,  then,  one-eighth  should  be  de 
ducted  from  our  revenue  on  this  account ;  which  would  bring  it 
down  to  six  millions,  five  hundred  and  sixty -two  thousand,  five 
hundred  dollars.  Allow  for  the  loss  of  Georgia  and  South  Caro 
lina  one-eighth  of  this  sum :  this  would  reduce  the  income  of 
the  remaining  States  to  five  millions,  seven  hundred  and  forty- 
two  thousand,  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight,  and  four-eighths, 
dollars.  But  as  the  allowance,  in  both  cases,  is  large,  the  dimi 
nution  I  have  already  supposed,  of  one-fifth  of  the  whole,  appears 
to  be  nearest  the  truth ;  which  leaves  these  States  with  a  net 
revenue  of  six  millions  of  dollars. 

We  will  now  examine  how  far  this  rule  agrees  with  experi 
ence,  and  with  what  has  already  been  effected  in  these  States. 
Massachusetts  may  serve  as  a  criterion.  This  is  one  of  the 
States  where  taxation  has  been  carried  furthest.  Taxes  were  so 
heavy  last  year,  that  I  am  informed  there  were  real  marks  of 
distress  among  some  classes  of  the  people.  The  Legislature,  in 
their  late  Address,  tell  us  that  they  amounted  to  six  hundred 
thousand  pounds  lawful :  and  they  appear  to  have  thought  the 
pressure  of  them  too  great,  by  reducing  them  at  a  time  when 
they  are  obliged  to  have  recourse  to  a  large  loan,  to  answer  the 
exigencies  of  the  current  year. 

The  taxes  they  specify  which  seem  to  belong  to  those  of  the 


^ET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  .231 

present  year,  with  the  addition  of  the  bounties  for  raising  men, 
and  the  beef  supply,  may  be  estimated  at  near  five  hundred 
thousand  pounds. 

This  State  is  in  a  different  situation  from  any  other.  Its 
position  has  made  it  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  intercept  its 
trade ;  while  that  of  all  the  others  has  been  greatly  injured  or 
totally  obstructed.  It  has  become,  in  consequence,  the  mart  of 
the  States  northward  of  Pennsylvania;  and  its  commerce  has 
enlarged  itself  much  beyond  its  former  limits.  A  great  part  of 
the  money  expended  for  the  support  of  the  war,  has  been  dis 
bursed  there.  Congress,  in  their  requisitions  for  money,  have 
rated  the  quota  of  Massachusetts  at  -  of  the  whole ;  but  I 

believe  its  ability,  at  this  time,  is  in  the  proportion  of  one-fifth. 
I  found  this  estimation  on  an  impartial  comparison  of  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  several  States. 

Admitting  the  proportion  to  be  just,  and  taking  the  taxes  of 
the  present  year  as  a  standard,  the  gross  amount  of  our  collective 
revenues  would  be  two  millions,  five  hundred  thousand  pounds 
lawful ;  or  eight  millions,  three  hundred  and  thirty-three  thou 
sand,  three  hundred  and  thirty-three,  and  one-third,  dollars. 
The  expense  of  collection,  in  England,  is  about  the  ninth  of  the 
gross  amount ;  arid  considering  that  our  revenue  is  to  be  raised 
in  eleven  different  governments,  each  having  a  complete  set  of 
collectors  of  its  own,  the  expense  of  collection,  with  us,  will  in 
all  probability  be  not  much  less  than  it  is  in  England.  Suppos 
ing  it  to  be  the  same,  and  that  the  taxes  were  to  prove  as  pro 
ductive  as  their  nominal  amount,  our  net  revenue  would  then 
be  seven  millions,  four  hundred  and  seven  thousand,  four  hun 
dred  and  eight,  and  one-half,  dollars;  which  considerably  ex 
ceeds  what  it  ought  to  be  by  my  first  calculation. 

But  there  are  considerations  which  may  induce  us  to  make 
large  deductions  from  this  sum.  When  the  Legislature  tells  us, 
that  the  taxes  of  last  year  amounted  to  six  hundred  thousand 
pounds,  it  also  tells  us  that  there  was  a  part  of  them  still  to  be 
levied;  which,  among  other  things,  had  occasioned  them  to 
postpone  the  next  tax  to  a  future  session.  Whatever  is  due  on 
the  last  year,  may  be  considered,  in  effect,  as  an  anticipation  on 


232  HAMILTON'S     WORKS.  [JEx.  24. 

the  taxes  of  the  present;  for  it  takes  off  so  much  from  the 
ability  of  the  people  to  pay  them.  The  chances  are,  that  the 
additional  impositions  projected  for  the  current  year  will  not  be 
raised  in  their  full  extent.  Taxes  are  seldom  or  never  so  pro 
ductive  as  their  estimated  value ;  and  in  a  case  like  this,  must 
be  expected  to  be  more  than  commonly  deficient. 

It  is  to  be  observed,  also,  that  the  last  year  was  a  year  of 
peculiar  exertion.  There  was  a  general  expectation  of  some 
attempt,  in  conjunction  with  our  allies,  decisive  of  the  war.  This 
made  the  people  strain  their  efforts  beyond  their  natural  abili 
ties:  and  yet  they  did  not  comply  with  the  demands  of  the 
Legislature. 

The  money  for  the  bounties  this  year,  which  I  have  calcu 
lated  at  sixty  thousand  pounds,*  may,  in  like  manner,  be 
regarded  as  an  extraordinary  and  special  contribution,  which  the 
people  may  be  willing  to  submit  to,  over  and  above  what  they 
could  probably  afford  to  pay,  to  get  rid  of  the  insupportable 
inconvenience  of  temporary  enlistments. 

Eeasonable  deductions  on  these  accounts  being  made,  will 
bring  the  two  calculations  to  a  pretty  exact  agreement,  and 
make  them  confirm  each  other.  But  were  not  this  the  case,  I 
should  be  inclined,  in  preference,  to  trust  the  first,  as  being 
founded  on  a  basis  better  known  and  better  ascertained  by  ex 
perience.  I  believe,  however,  we  may  safely  conclude,  from 
both,  that  between  six  and  seven  millions  of  dollars  is  the  proper 
revenue  of  these  States,  after  the  dismemberment  of  South  Caro 
lina  and  Georgia. 

Having  formed  an  estimate  of  our  ability  for  revenue,  the 
next  thing  to  be  ascertained  is,  the  annual  expense  of  our  civil 
and  military  establishments.  "With  tolerable  economy,  I  should 
suppose  two  millions  and  a  half  of  dollars  would  amply  suffice 
for  the  first,  including  the  particular  administration  of  each  State. 
For  the  second,  judiciously  managed,  eight  millions  of  dollars 
would  be  adequate,  calculating  for  an  army  of  twenty  thousand 

*  It  is  to  be  feared,  too,  that  this  sum  is  rated  too  high.  Hitherto  we  have 
not  four  hundred  men  from  that  State,  nor  very  promising  accounts  of  those 
which  may  be  expected. 


jEi.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  233 

men,  which  are  as  many  as  we  shall  stand  in  need  of,  or  be  able* 
to  raise.  Eleven  millions  of  dollars  will  be  then  the  amount  of 
the  annnal  expenses  of  these  States.  I  speak  on  a  supposition 
that  a  system  were  embraced,  well  adapted  to  rescuing  our  affairs 
from  the  chaos  in  which  they  are  now  involved ;  and  which, 
while  it  continues,  must  baffle  all  calculation. 

The  difference  between  our  revenues  and  expenses,  on  the 
preceding  scale,  will  be  from  four  to  four  and  a  half  millions  of 
dollars ;  which  deficiency  must  of  course  be  supplied  by  credit, 
foreign  or  domestic,  or  both. 

With  regard  to  credit  abroad,  I  think  we  have  little  chance 
of  obtaining  a  sufficiency,  nearly  to  answer  our  purpose.  France, 
by  all  the  reforms  she  can  make  in  her  interior  economy,  by  all 
the  means  she  can  procure  in  loans  and  lotteries,  in  addition  to 
her  revenue,  can  do  little  more  than  satisfy  her  own  wants.  The 
death  of  the  Empress  Queen,  and  the  notorious  hostility  of  the 


*  The  proportion  of  the  European  armies,  in  general,  to  the  national  population, 
is  calculated  at  one  to  a  hundred.  By  this  rule,  supposing  our  population  to  be  two 
and  a  half  millions,  our  armies  ought  to  consist  of  twenty-five  thousand  men;  but 
the  proportion  will  naturally  be  less  in  this  country.  Our  population  is  more  dif 
fused  :  there  is  a  greater  facility  of  procuring  subsistence,  fewer  poor  (and  conse 
quently  fewer  of  that  class  of  men  whose  habits,  tempers,  and  circumstances  lead 
them  to  embrace  the  military  life)  than  ift  any  other  country  in  the  world.  Hence 
it  is,  I  say,  twenty  thousand  men  are  as  many  as  we  shall  be  able  to  raise.  Experi 
ence  justifies  this  opinion.  In  the  first  paroxysms  of  enthusiasm  our  armies  were 
larger.  I  believe,  at  particular  periods,  we  have  had  more  than  thirty  thousand 
men  in  the  field :  but  our  force  has  every  year  diminished,  and  has  been  for  two 
years  past  below  the  standard  I  have  assigned.  Immense  efforts  have  been  made 
to  procure  men,  but  they  have  not  been  able  to  produce  more.  This  shows  that 
our  military  system  is  still  susceptible  of  great  reforms  in  favor  of  economy ;  but 
we  dare  not  make  them,  because  we  cannot  pay  the  army.  I  also  said,  twenty 
thousand  men  would  be  as  many  as  we  should  stand  in  need  of.  The  enemy  have 
now  less  than  this  number  within  the  States;  and  cannot,  in  the  future  pro 
gress  of  the  war,  have  more. 

An  equal  force,  with  the  occasional  aid  of  the  militia,  will  confine  them  within 
one  or  two  capital  points ;  and  this  will  be  their  defeat.  But  we  have  a  further 
resource  in  the  troops  of  our  allies.  We  must  not  dream  of  decisive  enterprises, 
unless  our  allies  will  assist  us  with  twelve  or  fifteen  thousand  land  troops,  and  an 
undisputed  maritime  superiority.  Then,  with  the  aid  of  the  militia,  drawn  out  for 
a  few  months,  we  may  undertake  and  succeed.  Our  true  policy,  in  the  meantime, 
is,  to  endeavor  to  form  a  solid  compact  force,  proportioned  to  our  necessities. 


234  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  |>ET.  24. 

Emperor,  will  add  to  the  number  of  these.  She  will,  in  all  pro 
bability,  be  obliged  to  pay  greater  attention  to  her  army, 
which  has  been  neglected,  for  several  years  past,  to  apply  all 
the  resources  of  the  kingdom  to  the  improvement  of  the  navy. 
Though  Eussia  and  Prussia,  by  the  last  advices,  seemed  disposed 
to  control  the  ill-humor  of  the  Emperor,  France  will  hardly 
think  it  prudent  to  leave  herself  in  a  defenceless  condition,  rely 
ing  on  the  precarious  friendship  and  momentary  interests  of 
other  powers.  The  increase  of  her  army  will  necessarily  increase 
her  expenses,  as  she  cannot,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  re 
trench  any  thing  from  the  navy ;  and  of  course  she  will  have 
less  money  to  spare  to  allies.  It  has  been  observed,  that  France 
has  hitherto  imposed  none  of  the  additional  taxes  usual  in  time 
of  war  ;  by  doing  which,  it  is  imagined  she  would  have  it  in  her 
power,  not  only  to  supply  her  own  wants  better,  but  to  contri 
bute  largely  to  ours.  To  this  it  has  been  answered,  with  great 
appearance  of  reason,  that  the  credit  of  the  financier  very  much 
depends  on  his  having  such  a  resource  in  reserve,  which,  being 
considered  as  a  mean  he  may  command,  when  necessary,  to  fulfil 
his  engagements,  disposes  moneyed  men  to  lend  to  him  with  the 
greater  freedom  and  confidence.  The  breaking  in  upon  that 
resource,  therefore  (it  is  said),  would  injure  credit,  and  obstruct 
loans  in  a  degree  that  could  not  be  compensated  by  the  direct 
value  of  the  revenue  it  would  furnish. 

Upon  the  whole,  however,  from  a  variety  of  siftings  and 
inquiries,  I  should  be  mistaken  if  France  did  not  lend  this 
country  eight  or  ten  millions  of  livres  annually,  during  the  war ; 
provided  its  finances  were  once  put  upon  a  reasonable  footing : 
but  this  is  not  above  a  third  of  our  wants. 

I  find  no  reason  to  flatter  ourselves  that  we  have  much 
to  expect  either  from  the  ability  or  inclination  of  Spain.  Her 
government  is  far  from  being  so  rich  as  is  vulgarly  imagined. 
The  mines  of  South  America,  of  late  years,  have  been  less  liberal 
of  their  profits;  and,  for  fear  of  accidents,  but  a  small  part  of 
their  product,  since  the  war,  has  been  imported  into  Europe. 
The  extreme  indolence  of  the  Spaniards,  and  their  neglect  of 
agriculture,  manufactures,  and  trade,  make  them  tributary  to 


jET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  235 

their  more  industrious  neighbors,  who  drain  them  of  their  pre 
cious  metals  as  fast  as  they  arrive. 

But  if  they  were  heartily  disposed  to  do  it,  they  might  still 
afford  us  some  assistance.  Their  conduct,  hitherto,  has  manifested 
no  such  disposition :  it  has  been  as  cold  and  reserved  as  it  could 
well  be.  The  bills  drawn  upon  them  have  not  been  rejected, 
but  they  have  not  been  paid.  Their  permitting  the  residence  of 
a  British  emissary  among  them,  and  the  countenance  they  give 
him,  unprecedented  in  a  state  of  war,  afford  just  room  for  a 
distrust  of  their  intentions,  though  it  may  be  nothing  more  than 
a  stroke  of  policy,  to  play  him  off  against  our  negotiations,  and 
make  us  bid  higher  for  their  friendship.  Their  method  of  pro 
secuting  the  war  is  passive,  to  a  degree  that  can  scarcely  be  re 
solved  even  into  Spanish  supineness ;  but  seems  to  have  a  more 
corrupt  original.  A  bigoted  prince,  governed  by  a  greedy  con 
fessor,  is  a  character  on  which  little  dependence  can  be  placed. 

'Tis  not  on  Spain,  then,  that  we  are  to  build  our  hopes  of  any 
considerable  succors  in  money. 

The  Dutch  government  has  of  long  standing  mortgaged  all  its 
revenues.  Taxation  has  been  carried  to  a  length  that  admits 
of  little  extension.  'Tis  from  its  credit  with  its  own  citizens, 
that  it  must  derive  the  means  of  making  war.  It  has  every 
thing  to  do.  Its  fleet  is  to  be  in  a  manner  created  anew  ;  and 
its  land  forces  to  be  recruited,  having  been,  for  some  time  past, 
suffered  to  decline  very  much.  It  will,  therefore,  stand  in  need 
of  all  its  credit  for  its  own  uses.  Of  course  we  have  nothing  to 
expect  from  the  government  of  that  country. 

The  individuals  will  not  have  confidence  enough  in  our  pub 
lic  councils,  to  embark  any  considerable  part  of  their  fortunes 
with  us,  on  the  ordinary  principles  of  a  loan.  Stronger  induce 
ments,  the  prospect  of  commercial  advantages,  securities  differ 
ent  from  the  mere  faith  of  the  United  States,  must  be  held  out, 
to  tempt  them  to  engage  far  with  us.  The  plan  I  am  going  to 
propose,  endeavors  to  conciliate  these  objects. 

As  to  internal  loans,  on  which,  after  all,  we  must  chiefly 
depend,  there  are  two  things  that  operate  against  them,  to  any 
large  amount ;  the  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of  men,  with  suf- 


236  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

ficient  moneyed  capitals  to  lend  the  sums  required,  and  the 
want  of  confidence  in  those  who  are  able  to  lend,  to  make  them 
willing  to  part  with  their  money.  It  may  be  added,  that  they 
can  employ  it  to  greater  advantage  in  traffic,  than  by  merely 
lending  it  on  interest. 

To  surmount  these  obstacles,  and  give  individuals  ability  and 
inclination  to  lend,  in  any  proportion  to  the  wants  of  government, 
a  plan  must  be  devised,  which,  by  incorporating  their  means  to 
gether,  and  uniting  them  with  those  of  the  public,  will,  on  the 
foundation  of  that  incorporation  and  union,  erect  a  mass  of  credit 
that  will  supply  the  defect  of  moneyed  capital,  and  answer  all 
the  purposes  of  cash ;  a  plan  which  will  offer  adventurers  imme 
diate  advantages,  analogous  to  those  they  receive  by  employing 
their  money  in  trade,  and,  eventually,  greater  advantages;  a 
plan  which  will  give  them  the  greatest  security  the  nature  of  the  case 
will  admit  for  what  they  lend ;  and  which  will  not  only  advance 
their  own  interest,  and  secure  the  independence  of  their  country, 
but,  in  its  progress,  have  the  most  beneficial  influence  upon  its 
future  commerce,  and  be  a  source  of  national  strength  and  wealth. 

I  mean  the  institution  of  a  NATIONAL  BANK.  This  I 
regard,  in  some  shape  or  other,  as  an  expedient  essential  to  our 
safety  and  success ;  unless,  by  a  happy  turn  of  European  affairs, 
the  war  should  speedily  terminate  in  a  manner  upon  which  it 
would  be  unwise  to  reckon.  There  is  no  other  that  can  give  to 
government  that  extensive  and  systematic  credit,  which  the  de 
fect  of  our  revenues  makes  indispensably  necessary  to  its  ope 
rations. 

The  longer  it  is  delayed,  the  more  difficult  it  becomes.  Our 
affairs  grow  every  day  more  relaxed  and  more  involved ;  public 
credit  hastens  to  a  more  irretrievable  catastrophe  ;  the  means  for 
executing  the  plan  are  exhausted  in  partial  and  temporary  efforts. 
The  loan  now  making  in  Massachusetts  would  have  gone  a  great 
way  in  establishing  the  funds  on  which  the  Bank  must  stand. 

I  am  aware  of  all  the  objections  that  have  been  made  to  public 
Banks ;  and  that  they  are  not  without  enlightened  and  respecta 
ble  opponents.  But  all  that  has  been  said  against  them,  only 
tends  to  prove  that,  like  all  other  good  things,  they  are  subject 


^Jr.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  237 

to  abuse,  and,  when  abused,  become  pernicious.  The  precious 
metals,  by  similar  arguments,  may  be  proven  to  be  injurious.  It 
is  certain  that  the  mines  of  South  America  have  had  great  influ 
ence  in  banishing  industry  from  Spain,  and  sinking  it  in  real 
wealth  and  importance.  Great  power,  commerce,  and  riches, 
or,  in  other  words,  great  national  prosperity,  may,  in  like  manner, 
be  denominated  evils ;  for  they  lead  to  insolence,  an  inordinate 
ambition,  a  vicious  luxury,  licentiousness  of  morals,  and  all  those 
vices  which  corrupt  government,  enslave  the  people,  and  precip 
itate  the  ruin  of  a  nation.  But  no  wise  statesman  will  reject  the 
good,  from  an  apprehension  of  the  ill.  The  truth  is,  in  human 
affairs  there  is  no  good,  pure  and  unmixed :  every  advantage 
has  two  sides  :  and  wisdom  consists  in  availing  ourselves  of  the 
good,  and  guarding  as  much  as  possible  against  the  bad. 

The  tendency  of  a  National  Bank  is  to  increase  public  and 
private  credit.  The  former  gives  power  to  the  State,  for  the  pro 
tection  of  its  rights  and  interests :  and  the  latter  facilitates  and 
extends  the  operations  of  commerce  among  individuals.  Indus 
try  is  increased,  commodities  are  multiplied,  agriculture  and 
manufactures  flourish :  and  herein  consists  the  true  wealth  and 
prosperity  of  a  State. 

Most  commercial  nations  have  found  it  necessary  to  institute 
Banks :  and  they  have  proved  to  be  the  happiest  engines  that 
ever  were  invented  for  advancing  trade.  Venice,  Genoa,  Ham 
burgh,  Holland,  and  England,  are  examples  of  their  utility. 
They  owe  their  riches,  commerce,  and  the  figure  they  have  made 
at  different  periods,  in  a  great  degree  to  this  source.  Great  Bri 
tain  is  indebted  for  the  immense  efforts  she  has  been  able  to  make, 
in  so  many  illustrious  and  successful  wars,  essentially  to  that 
vast  fabric  of  credit  raised  on  this  foundation.  'Tis  by  this  alone 
she  now  menaces  our  independence. 

She  has,  indeed,  abused  the  advantage,  and  now  stands  on  a 
precipice.  Her  example  should  both  persuade  and  warn  us.  'Tis 
in  republics  where  Banks  are  most  easily  established  and  sup 
ported,  and  where  they  are  least  liable  to  abuse.  Our  situation 
will  not  expose  us  to  frequent  wars ;  and  the  public  will  have  no 
temptation  to  overstrain  its  credit. 


238  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  24. 

In  my  opinion,  we  ought  not  to  hesitate,  because  we  have  no 
other  resource.  The  long  and  expensive  wars  of  King  William, 
had  drained  England  of  its  specie :  its  commerce  began  to  droop 
for  want  of  a  proper  medium :  its  taxes  were  unproductive,  and 
its  revenues  declined.  The  administration  wisely  had  recourse 
to  the  institution  of  a  Bank  ;  and  it  relieved  the  national  diffi 
culties.  We  are  in  the  same,  and  still  greater,  want  of  a  suffi 
cient  medium.  We  have  little  specie :  the  paper  we  have  is  of 
small  value,  and  rapidly  descending  to  less :  we  are  immersed  in 
a  war  for  our  existence  as  a  nation,  for  our  liberty  and  happiness 
as  a  people :  we  have  no  revenues  nor  no  credit.  A  Bank,  if 
practicable,  is  the  only  thing  that  can  give  us  either  the  one 
or  the  other. 

Besides  these  great  and  cardinal  motives  to  such  an  institu 
tion,  and  the  advantages  we  should  enjoy  from  it,  in  common 
with  other  nations,  our  situation,  relatively  to  Europe  and  to  the 
West  Indies,  would  give  us  some  peculiar  advantages. 

Nothing  is  more  common  than  for  men  to  pass  from  the  abuse  of 
a  good  thing,  to  the  disuse  of  it.     Some  persons,  disgusted  by 
the  depreciation  of  the  money,  are  chimerical  enough  to  imagine 
it  would  be  beneficial  to  abolish  all  paper  credit,  annihilate  the 
whole  of  what  is  now  in  circulation,  and  depend  altogether  upon 
our  specie,  both  for  commerce  and  finance.     The  scheme  is  alto 
gether  visionary,  and  in  the  attempt  would  be  fatal.     We  have 
not  a  competent  stock  of  specie  in  this  country,  either  to  answer 
the  purposes  of  circulation  in  trade,  or  to   serve  as  a  basis  for 
revenue.     The  whole  amount  of  what  we  have,  I  am  persuaded, 
does  not  exceed  six  millions  of  dollars,  one-fifth  of  the  circulating 
medium  before  the  war.     To  suppose  this  would  be  sufficient  for 
the  operations  of  commerce,  would  be  to  suppose  that  our  domes 
tic  and  foreign  commerce  were  both  reduced  four-fifths :  a  suppo 
sition  that  carries  absurdity  in  the  face  of  it.     It  follows  that  if 
our  paper  money  were  destroyed,  a  great  part  of  the  transactions 
of  traffic  must  be  carried  on  by  barter ;  a  mode  inconvenient, 
partial,  confined,  destructive  both   of  commerce  and  industry. 
With  the  addition  of  the  paper  we  now  have,  this  evil  exists  in 
too  great  a  degree. 


^ET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  239 

With  respect  to  revenue,  could  the  whole  of  our  specie  be 
drawn  into  the  public  treasury  annually,  we  have  seen  that  it 
would  be  little  more  than  one  half  of  our  annual  expense.  But 
this  would  be  impracticable ;  it  has  never  been  effected  in  any 
country.  Where  the  -numerary  of  a  country  is  a  sufficient  rep 
resentative,  there  is  only  a  certain  proportion  of  it  that  can  be 
drawn  out  of  daily  circulation ;  because,  without  the  necessary 
quantity  of  cash,  a  stagnation  of  business  would  ensue.  How 
small,  then,  would  be  the  proportion  of  the  six  millions  (in  it 
self  so  unequal  a  representative)  which  the  public  would  be  able 
to  extract  in  revenue.  It  must  either  have  little  or  no  revenue, 
or  it  must  receive  its  dues  in  kind ;  on  the  inefficacy  and  incon 
veniences  of  which  mode,  I  have  already  remarked.  The  neces 
sity  for  it,  in  part,  unhappily  now  has  place,  for  the  cause  assign 
ed,  a  deficiency  of  current  cash :  but  were  we  to  establish  it  as 
our  principal  dependence,  it  would  be  impossible  to  contrive  a 
mode  less  productive  to  the  public,  more  contrary  to  the  habits 
and  inclinations  of  the  people,  or  more  baneful  to  industry. 

But  waiving  the  objections  on  this  head,  there  would  still  re 
main  a  balance  of  four  millions  of  dollars  more  than  these  States 
can  furnish  in  revenue,  which  must  be  provided  for  the  yearly 
expense  of  the  war.  How  is  this  to  be  procured  without  a  paper 
credit,  to  supply  the  deficiency  of  specie,  and  enable  the  money 
ed  men  to  lend?  This  question,  I  apprehend,  will  be  of  no  easy 
solution. 

In  the  present  system  of  things,  the  health  of  a  State, 
particularly  a  commercial  one,  depends  on  a  due  quantity  and 
regular  circulation  of  cash,  as  much  as  the  health  of  an  animal 
body  depends  upon  the  due  quantity  and  regular  circulation  of 
the  blood.  There  are  indisputable  indications  that  we  have  not 
a  sufficient  medium ;  and  what  we  have  is  in  continual  fluctu 
ation.  The  only  cure  to  our  public  disorders,  is  to  fix  the  value 
of  the  currency  we  now  have,  and  increase  it  to  a  proper 
standard,  in  a  species  that  will  have  the  requisite  stability. 

The  error  of  those  who  would  explode  paper  money  alto 
gether,  originates  in  not  making  proper  distinctions.  Our  paper 
was,  in  its  nature,  liable  to  depreciation,  because  it  had  no  funds 


240  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

for  its  support,  and  was  not  upheld  by  private  credit.  The  emis 
sions  under  the  resolution  of  March,  '80,  have  partly  the  former 
advantage,  but  are  destitute  of  the  latter,  which  is  equally  essen 
tial.  No  paper  credit  can  be  substantial,  or  durable,  which  has 
not  funds,  and  which  does  not  unite,  immediately,  the  interest 
and  influence  of  the  moneyed  men,  in  its  establishment  and  pre 
servation.  A  credit  begun  on  this  basis,  will,  in  process  of  time, 
greatly  exceed  its  funds :  but  this  requires  time,  and  a  well  set 
tled  opinion  in  its  favor.  '  Tis  in  a  National  Bank,  alone,  that 
we  can  find  the  ingredients  to  constitute  a  wholesome,  solid,  and 
beneficial  paper  credit. 

I  am  aware  that,  in  the  present  temper  of  men's  minds,  it 
will  be  no  easy  task  to  inspire  a  relish  for  a  project  of  this  kind  : 
but  much  will  depend  on  the  address  and  personal  credit  of  the 
proposer.  In  your  hands  I  should  not  despair :  and  I  should 
have  the  greater  hopes  for  what  I  am  informed  appeared  to  be 
the  disposition,  at  the  promulgation  of  the  plan  for  a  loan  in 
Massachusetts.  The  men  of  property  in  America,  are  enlight 
ened  about  their  own  interest,  and  would  easily  be  brought  to 
see  the  advantages  of  a  good  plan.  They  ought  not  to  be  dis 
couraged  at  what  has  happened  heretofore,  when  they  behold 
the  administration  of  our  finances  put  into  a  better  channel.  The 
violations  of  public  engagements,  hitherto,  have  proceeded  more 
from  a  necessity  produced  by  ignorance  and  mismanagement, 
than  from  levity  or  a  disregard  to  the  obligations  of  good  faith. 

Should  the  success,  in  the  first  instance,  not  be  as  complete 
as  the  extent  of  the  plan  requires,  this  should  not  hinder  its 
being  undertaken.  It  is  of  the  nature  of  a  Bank,  wisely  insti 
tuted,  and  wisely  administered,  to  extend  itself,  and,  from  small 
beginnings,  grow  to  a  magnitude  that  could  not  have  been  fore 
seen. 

The  plan  I  propose,  requires  a  stock  of  three  millions  of 
pounds,  lawful  money  ;  but  if  one-half  the  sum  could  be  obtain 
ed,  I  should  entertain  no  doubt  of  its  full  success.  It  now  re 
mains  to  submit  my  plan,  which  I  rather  offer  as  an  outline, 
than  as  a  finished  plan.  It  contains,  however,  the  general  prin 
ciples.  To  each  article,  in  an  opposite  column,  I  shall  affix  an 
explanatory  remark. 


.  24.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


241 


ART.  1.  A  Bank  to  be  erected 
with  a  stock  of  three  millions  of 
pounds,  lawful  money,  at  the  rate 
of  six  shillings  to  a  dollar,  divided 
into  thirty  thousand  shares.  This 
stock  to  be  exempted  from  all 
public  taxes  and  impositions  what 
soever. 


REMARK  1.  By  the  second  Ar 
ticle,  a  part  of  the  stock  is  to  be 
in  landed  security :  by  this,  the 
whole  is  to  be  exempted  from  taxes. 
Here  will  be  a  considerable  saving 
to  the  proprietor,  which  is  to  be 
estimated  among  the  clear  profits 
of  the  Bank.  This  will  indeed  be 
a  small  reduction  of  the  public 
revenue ;  but  the  loss  will  be  of 
little  consequence,  compared  with 
the  advantages  to  be  derived  from 
the  Bank. 

REMARK  2.  By  admitting  land 
ed  security  as  a  part  of  the  Bank 
stock,  while  we  establish  solid 
funds  for  the  money  emitted,  we 
at  the  same  time  supply  the  defect 
of  specie,  and  we  give  a  strong  in 
ducement  to  moneyed  men  to  ad 
vance  their  money;  because,  not 
only  the  money  actually  deposited 
is  to  be  employed  for  their  benefit, 
but,  on  the  credit  of  their  landed 
security,  by  the  seventh  Article, 
may  be  raised  an  equal  amount  in 
cash,  to  be  also  employed  for  their 
benefit :  by  which  artifice  they 
have  the  use  of  their  land  (ex 
empted,  too,  from  taxes),  and  the 
use  of  the  value  of  it  in  a  repre 
sentative  cash.  In  this  consists  a 
capital  advantage  of  the  Bank  to 
the  proprietors.  A,  for  instance, 
9  advances  six  hundred  pounds  in 

specie,  and  as  much  more  in  landed 
security.  By  the  establishment  he 
may  draw  bank  notes  for  the  whole 

*  The  possibility  of  making  up  so  large  a  proportion  of  specie  will  depend  on 
foreign  assistance.  It  could  hardly  be  hoped  to  effect  it  within  ourselves,  if,  as  I 
suppose,  there  are  not  more  than  six  millions  of  dollars  in  these  States.  It  is  true, 
plate  is  admitted ;  but  it  is  uncertain  how  far  this  may  prove  a  resource.  It  were 
to  be  wished  the  proportion  of  specie  might  be  as  large  as  possible :  but,  perhaps, 
for  fear  of  a  failure,  it  may  be  advisable  to  alter  the  above  proportions,  so  as  to 
have,  upon  the  whole,  about  one-third  in  specie,  and  two-thirds  in  European  funds 
and  landed  security. 
VOL.  I.  16 


ART.  II.  A  subscription  to  be 
opened  for  the  amount  of  the  stock. 
A  subscriber  of  from  one  share  to 
five,  to  advance  the  whole  in  specie. 
A  subscriber  of  six  shares  to  fif 
teen,  to  advance  one-half  in  specie, 
the  other  half  in  good  landed  se 
curity.  A  subscriber  of  sixteen 
shares,  and  upwards,  to  advance 
two-sixths  in  specie,  one-sixth  in 
bills  or  securities  on  good  Euro 
pean  'funds,  and  three-sixths  in 
good  landed  security.  In  either 
case  of  specie,  plate  or  bullion,  at 
a  given  value,  proportioned  to  its 
quality,  may  be  substituted ;  and 
in  either  case  of  landed  security, 
specie,  good  bills,  or  securities  on 
European  funds,  to  be  admissible 
in  their  stead.* 


242 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


[JET.  24. 


ART.  III.  The  Bank  to  be 
erected  into  a  legal  corporation ; 
to  have  all  the  powers  and  immu 
nities  requisite  to  its  security,  to 
the  recovery  of  its  debts,  and  to 
the  disposal  of  its  property. 

ART.  IY.  The  stock  of  the 
Bank  not  to  be  liable  to  any  at 
tachment  or  seizure  whatsoever ; 
but,  on  refusal  of  payment,  the 
holders  of  bank  notes,  or  bonds, 
may  enter  suit  against  any  mem 
ber,  or  members,  of  the  corpora 
tion  ;  and,  as  far  as  their  respective 
shares  in  the  Bank  extend,  recover 
the  debt,  with  cost  and  damages, 
out  of  their  private  property. 

ART.  V.  The  United  States,  or 
any  particular  States,  or  foreign 
ers,  may  become  subscribers  to  the 
Bank,  and  participate  its  profits, 
for  any  sums  not  exceeding  the 
whole  half  the  stock. 


of  his  stock,  that  is,  for  twelve  hun 
dred  pounds,  when  he  only  ad 
vances  half  the  sum  in  money. 
These  bank  notes  operating  as 
cash,  his  land  (continuing,  as  we 
observed  above,  in  his  own  use, 
with  the  privilege  besides  of  an 
exemption  from  taxes)  is  converted 
into  cash ;  which  he  may  employ 
in  loans,  in  profitable  contracts,  in 
beneficial  purchases,  in  discount 
ing  bills  of  exchange,  and  in  the 
other  methods  permitted  in  the 
subsequent  Articles.  Besides  all 
this,  when  the  bank  notes  have 
once  acquired  a  fixed  credit,  he  is 
not  obliged  to  keep  his  six  hun 
dred  pounds,  deposited  in  specie, 
idle :  he  may  lend,  or  otherwise  im 
prove,  a  part  of  that  also.  These 
advantages  will  not  exist  in  their 
full  extent  at  first,  but  they  will 
soon  succeed  each  other. 

REMARK  3.     This  Article  needs 
no  illustration. 


REMARK  4.  The  first  part  of 
this  regulation  is  necessary  to  en 
gage  foreigners  to  trust  their  pro 
perty  in  the  Bank ;  the  latter  part 
to  give  an  .idea  of  security  to  the 
holders  of  bank  notes. 


REMARK  5.  This  will  link  the 
interests  of  the  public  more  inti 
mately  with  the  Bank,  and  be  an 
easy  method  of  acquiring  revenue. 
It  will  also  facilitate  the  making 
up  its  stock  by  the  loans  which 


.  24.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


243 


ART.  VI.  The  United  States, 
collectively  and  particularly,  to  be 
come  responsible  for  all  the  trans 
actions  of  the  Bank,  conjointly  with 
the  private  proprietors. 


ART.  VII.  The  Bank  to  issue 
notes  payable  at  sight,  in  pounds, 
shillings,  and  pence,  lawful :  all  of 
twenty  shillings,  and  under,  to  bear 
no  interest :  all  above,  to  bear  an 
interest  not  exceeding  four  per 
cent.  The  notes  to  be  of  so  many 
denominations  as  may  be  judged 
convenient  for  circulation,  and  of 
two  kinds  ;  one  payable  only  in 
America,  the  other  payable  either  in 
America  or  in  any  part  of  Europe 


Congress  may  obtain  abroad ;  with 
out  which  it  would  be  more  diffi 
cult  to  raise  so  large  a  sum.  It  is 
essential  the  stock  should  be  large, 
because,  in  proportion  to  it,  will 
be  the  credit  of  the  Bank,  and  of 
course  its  ability  to  lend  and  en 
large  its  paper  emissions.  The 
admission  of  foreigners  will  also 
assist  the  completing  the  stock ; 
and  it  is  probable  many  may  be 
induced  to  enter  into  the  plan, 
especially  after  it  has  made  some 
progress  among  ourselves,  and  ob 
tained  a  degree  of  consistency. 

The  sum  is  limited  to  one  half 
the  stock,  because  it  is  of  primary 
importance  the  moneyed  men 
among  ourselves  should  be  deeply 
interested  in  the  plan. 

REMARK  6.  This  mode  of  pledg 
ing  the  public  faith,  makes  it  as 
difficult  to  be  infringed  as  could 
possibly  be  devised.  In  our  situ 
ation  it  is  expedient  to  offer  every 
appearance  of  security.  Foreign 
ers  are  more  firmly  persuaded  of 
the  establishment  of  our  indepen 
dence  than  of  the  continuance  of 
our  union ;  and  will  therefore  have 
more  confidence  in  the  States  bound 
separately  than  collectively.  Indi 
viduals  among  ourselves  will  be  in 
fluenced  by  similar  considerations. 

REMARK  7.  The  reason  of  hav 
ing  them  payable  at  sight,  is  to  in 
spire  the  greater  confidence  and 
give  them  a  readier  currency  :  nor 
do  I  apprehend  there  would  be 
any  danger  from  it.  In  the  be 
ginning  some  may  be  carried  to 
the  Bank  for  payment,  but  find 
ing  they  are  punctually  discharged, 
the  applications  will  cease.  The 
notes  are  payable  in  pounds,  shil 
lings,  and  pence,  rather  than  in 


244 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


[JET.  24. 


where  the  Bank  may  have  funds. 
The  aggregate  of  these  notes  never 
to  exceed  the  Bank  stock. 


dollars,  to  produce  an  illusion  in 
the  minds  of  the  people  favorable 
to  the  new  paper  ;  or  rather  to 
prevent  their  transferring  to  that 
their  prejudices  against  the  old. 
Paper  credit  depends  much  on 
opinion,  and  opinion  is  often  guid 
ed  by  outside  appearances.  A  cir 
cumstance  trivial  as  this  may  seem, 
might  have  no  small  influence  on 
the  popular  imagination.  And  if 
20s.,  and  under,  are  without  inter 
est,  because  such  small  sums  will 
be  diffused  in  the  lesser  transac 
tions  of  daily  circulation,  there  will 
be  less  probability  of  their  being 
carried  to  the  Bank  for  payment. 

The  interest  on  the  larger  notes 
is  calculated  to  give  them  a  pre 
ference  to  specie,  and  prevent  a 
run  upon  the  Bank.  The  notes, 
however,  must  be  introduced  by 
degrees,  so  as  not  to  inundate  the 
public  at  once.  Those  bearing  no 
interest  ought  not  to  be  multiplied 
too  much  at  first  5  but  as  the  in 
terest  is  an  abridgment  of  the 
profits  of  the  Bank,  after  the  notes 
have  gained  an  unequivocal  credit, 
it  will  be  advantageous  to  issue  a 
large  proportion  of  the  smaller 
ones.  At  first,  the  interest  had 
best  be  at  four  per  cent.,  to  operate 
the  more  effectually  as  a  motive : 
afterwards,  on  the  new  notes,  it 
may  be  gradually  diminished  :  but 
it  will  always  be  expedient  to  let 
them  bear  an  interest  not  less  than 
two  per  cent. 

The  making  some  of  the  notes 
payable  in  Europe  as  well  as  in 
America,  is  necessary  to  enable  the 
Bank  to  avail  itself  of  its  funds 
there :  it  will  also  serve  to  raise 
the  demand  for  Bank  notes,  by 
rendering  them  useful  in  foreign 
commerce,  the  promoting  which  is 
a  further  inducement. 


.  24.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


245 


The  limiting  the  aggregate  of 
the  notes  to  the  amount  of  the 
stock,  is  necessary  to  obviate  a  sus 
picion  of  their  being  multiplied 
beyond  the  means  of  redemption. 

ART.  VIII.  The  Bank  to  lend  REMARK  8.  In  the  beginning  it 
money  to  the  public,  or  to  indivi-  will  be  for  the  advantage  of  the 
duals,  at  an  interest  not  exceeding  Bank  to  require  high  interest,  be- 
eight  per  cent.  cause  money  is  in  great  demand, 

and  the  Bank  itself  will  want  the 
principal  part  of  its  cash  for  the 
loans  stipulated  in  Article  XIII, 
and  for  peforming  the  contracts 
authorized  by  Article  XII :  so  that 
the  profits  will  not,  for  some  time, 
turn  materially  on  the  principle  of 
loans,  except  that  to  the  public. 
But  when  the  contracts  cease,  the 
Bank  will  find  its  advantage  in 
lending,  at  a  moderate  interest,  to 
secure  a  preference  from  borrowers, 
which  will,  at  the  same  time,  pro 
mote  commerce ;  and  by  a  kind  of 
mutual  reaction,  the  Bank  will 


assist    commerce,    and 
will  assist  the  Bank. 


commerce 


ART.  IX.  The  Bank  to  have 
liberty  of  borrowing,  on  the  best 
terms  it  can,  to  the  amount  of  one 
half  of  its  stock. 


ART.  X.  The  Bank  to  have 
liberty  of  purchasing  estates  by 
principal,  or  by  annuities ;  'the 
power  of  coming  to  the  amount 
of  half  its  stock,  the  quantity  of 
alloy,  etc.,  being  determined  by 
Congress ;  also  the  power  of  dis 
counting  bills  of  exchange. 


REMARK  9.  This  is  a  precau 
tion  against  a  sudden  run.  It  may 
borrow  in  proportion  to  what  it 
pays.  It  has  another  advantage : 
at  particular  conjunctures  the  Bank 
may  borrow  at  a  low  interest,  and 
lend,  at  others,  at  a  higher. 

REMARK  10.  This  privilege  of 
purchasing  estates  will  be  a  very 
valuable  one.  By  watching  favor 
able  opportunities,  with  so  large  a 
capital,  vast  property  may  be  ac 
quired  in  this  way.  There  will  be 
a  fine  opening  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  war.  Many  persons  disaffect 
ed  to  our  independence,  who  have 
rendered  themselves  odious  with 
out  becoming  obnoxious  to  the 
laws,  will  be  disposed  to  sell  their 


246 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


estates  here,  either  for  their  whole 
value,  or  for  annuities  in  Europe. 
The  power  of  coining*  is  necessary, 
as  plate,  or  bullion,  is  admitted  in 
stead  of  specie  ;  and  it  may  be,  on 
particular  occasions,  expedient  to 
coin  them ;  this  will  be  a  small 
resource  to  the  Bank.  The  power 
of  discounting  bills  of  exchange 
will  be  a  considerable  one.  Its 
advantages  will  consist  in  purchas 
ing,  or  taking  up  for  the  honor  of 
the  drawer,  when  the  security  is 
good,  bills  of  exchange  at  so  much 
per  cent,  discount.  A  large  profit 
might  be  now  made  in  this  way  on 
the  bills  drawn  on  France ;  and 
hereafter,  in  times  of  peace,  when 
commerce  comes  to  flourish,  this 
practice  will  promote  the  transac 
tions  of  the  several  States  with 
each  other,  and  with  Europe,  and 
will  be  very  profitable  to  the  Bank. 

REMARK  11.  This  is  in  imita 
tion  of  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam. 
If  individuals  once  get  into  the 
practice  of  depositing  their  money 
in  Bank,  it  will  give  credit  to  the 
Bank,  and  assist  trade.  In  time, 
a  premium  may  be  required  at  re 
payment  as  in  Holland.  A  small 
profit  may  be  immediately  gained 
on  plate,  as  the  States  begin  to 
tax  this  article 5  and  many  persons 
will  dispense  at  this  time  with  the 
use  of  their  plate,  if  they  can  de 
posit  it  in  a  place  of  safety,  and 
pay  less  for  keeping  it  than  the 
tax.  Whatever  serves  to  increase 
the  apparent  wealth  of  the  Bank, 
w.ill  enhance  its  credit !  It  may 
even  be  useful  to  let  the  owners  of 
the  plate  have  credit  in  Bank  for 
the  value  of  the  plate,  estimated  on 

*  It  may,  perhaps,  not  be  impossible  to  make  some  profitable  speculations  on 
the  bullion  which  the  Spaniards  are  afraid  to  transport  from  South  America  to 
Europe. 


ART.  XI.  The  Bank  to  receive 
from  individuals,  deposits  of  any 
sums  of  money,  to  be  repaid  when 
called  for,  or  passed,  by  order,  to 
the  credit  of  others ;  or  deposits 
of  plate,  paying  a  certain  annual 
rate  for  safe  keeping.  Whatever 
is  deposited  in  the  Bank,  to  be 
exempt  from  taxes. 


.  24.] 


CORRESPONDENCE 


247 


ART.  XII.  The  Bank  to  have 
a  right  to  contract  with  the  French 
government  for  the  supply  of  its 
fleets  and  armies  in  America,  and 
to  contract  with  Congress  for  the 
supply  of  their  armies. 


ART.  XIII.  The  Bank  to  lend 
Congress  one  million,  two  hundred 
thousand  pounds,  lawful,  at  eight 
per  cent,  interest;  for  the  payment 
of  which,  with  its  interest,  a  certain 
unalienable  fund  of  one  hundred 
and  ten  thousand,  four  hundred 
pounds  per  annum,  to  be  establish 
ed  for  twenty  years.  The  States, 
generally  and  severally,  to  pledge 
themselves  for  this  sum,  and  for 
the  due  appropriation  of  the  fund. 


a  scale  that  would  make  it  for  the 
advantage  of  the  Bank  to  purchase. 

REMARK  12.  It  will  be  of  great 
importance  to  the  success  of  the 
subscriptions,  that  a  previous  as 
surance  of  these  contracts  should 
take  place :  the  profits  of  them 
would  be  no  trifling  inducement 
to  adventurers ;  it  would  have  the 
air  of  employing  the  money  sub 
scribed  in  trade.  As  soon,  there 
fore,  as  the  plan  should  be  resolved 
upon,  negotiations  should  be  begun 
for  the  purpose.  It  is  so  clearly 
the  interest  of  the  French  govern 
ment  to  enter  into  these  contracts, 
that  they  must  be  blind  not  to  do 
it,  especially  when  it  is  proposed 
under  the  aspect  of  a  method  of 
re-establishing  our  finances.  The 
present  loss  on  their  bills  is  enor 
mous.  The  Bank  may  engage  to 
receive  them  at  a  moderate  dis 
count,  and  to  supply  on  better 
terms  than  they  now  make.  Their 
business  is  at  this  time  trusted  to  a 
variety  of  hands,  some  of  which  are 
neither  very  skilful  nor  very  honest : 
competitions,  frauds,  and  addition 
al  expense,  are  the  consequences. 

Congress  could  not  hesitate  on 
their  parts,  as  the  amount  of  the 
contracts  would  be  a  part  of  the 
loan  required  in  Article  XIII. 

REMARK  13.  This  loan  will  en 
able  Congress  to  get  through  the 
expenses  of  the  year.  There  may 
be  a  small  deficiency,  but  this  will 
be  easily  supplied.  The  credit  of 
the  Bank  once  established,  it  may 
increase  its  stock,  and  lend  an 
equal  sum  every  year  during  the 
war.  This  loan  may  be  advanced, 
partly  in  a  contract  for  provisions, 
clothing,  etc.,  and  partly  in  cash, 
at  periodical  payments,  to  avoid  a 


248 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


[JET.  24. 


Congress  to  have  a  right,  at  any 
intermediate  period,  to  pay  off  the 
debt,  with  the  interest  to  the  time 
of  payment.  The  same  rule  to 
govern  in  all  future  loans. 

ART.  XIV.  The  Bank  to  be 
come  responsible  for  the  redemp 
tion  of  all  the  paper  now  emitted ; 
the  old,  at  forty  for  one  in  thirty 
years,  the  new  at  par,  with  gold 
and  silver,  according  to  the  terms 
promised  by  Congress  in  their  re 
solution  of  March,  '80.  One-third 
of  the  first  to  be  redeemed  at  the 
end  of  every  ten  years ;  and  the 
whole  of  the  last  to  be  redeemed 
at  the  expiration  of  the  six  years 
specified  by  Congress,  with  the  in 
terest  of  five  per  cent.  The  United 
States,  in  compensation  for  this  re 
sponsibility,  to  establish  certain 
funds  for  an  annuity,  payable  to 
the  Bank,  equal  to  the  discharge 
of  the  whole  amount  of  the  paper 
currency  in  thirty  years,  with  an 
interest  of  two  per  cent,  per  annum. 


too  quick  multiplication  of  Bank 
notes. 


REMARK  14.  It  is  of  the  great 
est  importance  that  the  old  curren 
cy  should  be  fixed  at  a  certain  value, 
or  there  will  be  danger  of  its  infect 
ing  the  future  paper  :  besides,  we 
want  to  raise  it  to  a  point  that  will 
make  it  approach  nearer  to  an  ad 
equate  medium.  I  have  chosen 
the  resolution  of  March,  '80,  as  a 
standard.  We  ought  not,  on  any 
account,  to  raise  the  value  of  the 
old  paper  higher  than  forty  to  one, 
for  this  will  give  it  about  the  degree 
of  value  that  is  most  salutary ;  at 
the  same  time  that  it  will  avoid 
a  second  breach  of  faith,  which 
would  cause  a  violent  death  to  all 
future  credit.  A  stable  currency 
is  an  idea  fundamental  to  all  prac 
ticable  schemes  of  finance.  It  is 
the  duty  and  interest  of  the  public 
to  give  stability  to  that  which  now 
exists ;  and  it  will  be  the  interest 
of  the  Bank,  which  alone  can  effect 
it,  to  co-operate.  I  have  not  men 
tioned  the  amount  of  the  annuity 
to  be  paid  by  Congress,  because  I 
have  not  materials  to  judge  what 
quantity  of  paper  money  now  ex 
ists  ;  since  it  will  be  necessary  to 
take  all  the  State  emissions  into 
the  calculation.  I  suppose  (includ 
ing  State  emissions)  there  may  be 
about  four  hundred  millions  of 
dollars  of  the  old  standard,  and 
about  four  millions  of  the  new.* 
This  will  give  us,  in  specie-value, 
about  fourteen  millions  of  dollars. 
This  is  what  the  Bank  is  to  become 


*  It  is  impossible  too  soon  to  make  some  arrangement  that  will  enable  Congress 
to  put  a  stop  to  the  further  emission. 


jET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  249 

answerable  for,  and  what  the  public 
is  to  pay,  by  an  annuity  of  thirty 
years,  with  two  per  cent,  interest. 
This  annuity  would  amount  to  six 
hundred  and  eleven  thousand,  three 
hundred  and  thirty-three,  and  one- 
third,  dollars,  for  which  funds  are 
to  be  provided. 

By  a  rough  calculation,  I  find 
that  the  Bank  would  gain,  in  the 
thirty  years,  about  three  millions 
of  dollars,  on  the  simple  footing 
of  interest;  and  that  it  will,  at 
different  periods,  have  more  pub 
lic  money  in  its  possession,  than  it 
will  be  in  advance  at  others :  so 
that,  upon  the  whole,  the  sum  it 
will  gain  in  interest,  will  be  for  the 
loan  of  its  credit  to  the  public,  not 
of  any  specific  sum  of  cash.  Be 
sides,  the  interest  of  the  Bank  may 
gain  a  very  considerable  sum  by 
the  purchases  it  may  make  of  the 
old  paper  at  its  current  value,  be 
fore  the  influence  of  this  plan  has 
time  to  bring  it  back  to  the  point 
at  which  it  is  intended  to  be  fixed.* 
It  is  the  obvious  interest  of  the 
United  States  to  concur  in  this 
plan,  because,  by  paying  three 
millions  of  dollars  in  interest  to 
the  Bank,  more  than  it  would  have 
to  pay  to  the  money-holders,  agree 
ably  to  its  present  engagements,  it 
would  avoid  a  new  breach  of  faith, 
fix  its  circulating  medium  increased 
in  value  more  than  one-half,  ren 
der  the  taxes  more  productive,  and 
introduce  order  into  its  finances, 
without  which  our  independence  is 
lost.  It  will  also  have  only  about 
two-thirds  of  the  funds  to  establish 
for  this  plan  that  are  required  by 

*  There  is  another  immense  consideration.  The  proprietors  of  the  Bank  will 
be  the  holders  of  a  great  part  of  this  paper.  They  have  it  in  their  power  to 
double  the  value  of  it  by  this  plan :  which  is,  in  other  words,  to  gain  a  hundred 
per  cent. 


250  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J3T.  24. 

the  Act  of  March,  '80,  to  discharge 
the  new  bills :  it  will,  of  course, 
reserve  a  large  balance  towards  the 
current  expenses,  which  is  no  in 
significant  consideration. 

Perhaps  it  may  be  imagined, 
that  the  same  funds  established  for 
the  redemption  of  the  money  in 
the  same  time,  without  passing 
through  the  Bank,  would  have  an 
equal  effect  upon  its  credit,  and 
then  we  should  save  the  interest  of 
two  per  cent.  Experience  proves 
the  contrary.  We  find  the  new 
notes  depreciating  in  the  States 
which  have  provided  good  funds. 
The  truth  is,  there  is  not  confi 
dence  enough  in  any  funds  merely 
public.  The  responsibility  of  the 
Bank  would  beget  a  much  stronger 
persuasion  of  the  paper  being  re 
deemed,  and  have  incomparably 
more  efficacy  in  raising  and  con 
firming  its  credit.  Besides,  the 
Bank  might  immediately  reduce 
the  quantity  by  purchase,  which 
the  public  could  not  do. 

It  will  be  observed,  that  of  the 
six  millions  of  dollars  which  con 
stitute  our  annual  revenue,  I  re 
quire  nine  hundred  and  seventy- 
nine  thousand,  three  hundred  and 
thirty-three,  and  one-third,  dollars, 
in  funds,  to  reimburse  the  loan  for 
the  first  year,  and  pay  off  the 
annuity  for  the  redemption  of  the 
old  paper.  It  may  be  asked,  where 
these  funds  are  to  be  procured  in 
the  present  impotence  of  our  fed 
eral  government.  I  answer,  there 
are  ample  means  for  them,  and 
they  must  be  had.  Congress  must 
deal  plainly  with  their  constituents. 
They  must  tell  them,  that  power 
without  revenue  is  a  bubble ;  that 
unless  they  give  them  substantial 
resources  of  the  latter,  they  will 
not  have  enough  of  the  former, 


JET.  24.] 


CORRESPONDENCE, 


251 


either  to  prosecute  the  war,  or  to 
maintain  the  Union  in  peace ; 
that,  in  short,  they  must,  in  justice 
to  the  public  and  to  their  own 
honor,  renounce  the  vain  attempt 
of  carrying  on  the  war  without 
either ;  a  perseverance  in  which, 
can  only  deceive  the  people,  and 
betray  their  safety.  They  must 
demand  an  instant,  positive,  and 
perpetual  investiture  of  an  impost 
on  trade ;  a  land  tax,  and  a  poll 
tax,  to  be  collected  by  their  own 
agents.  This  Act  to  become  a 
part  of  the  Confederation. 

It  has  ever  been  my  opinion 
that  Congress  ought  to  have  com 
plete  sovereignty  in  all  but  the 
mere  municipal  law  of  each  State  ; 
and  I  wish  to  see  a  convention  of 
all  the  States,  with  full  power  to 
alter  and  amend,  finally  and  irre 
vocably,  the  present  futile  and 
senseless  Confederation. 

The  taxes  specified,  may  be 
made  to  amount  to  three  millions 
of  dollars ;  the  other  three  mil 
lions  to  be  raised  by  requisition,  as 
heretofore. 

KEMARK  15.  It  is  essential 
that  all  taxes  should  be  raised, 
throughout  the  United  States,  in 
specie,  or  Bank  notes  at  par,  or 
the  old  paper  at  its  current  value 
at  the  time  of  payment.  This  will 
serve  to  increase  the  circulation 
and  credit  of  the  Bank  notes  ;  but 
no  person  should  be  obliged  to  re 
ceive  them  in  private  dealings. 
Their  credit  must  depend  on 
opinion  ;  and  this  opinion  would 
be  injured  by  legislative  interposi 
tion. 


ART.  XVI.  The  Bank  to  dis-  REMARK  16.  This  permission 
solve  itself  whenever  it  thinks  pro-  to  dissolve  or  sell  at  pleasure,  will 
per,  making  effectual  provision  for  encourage  men  to  adventure  ;  and, 


ART.  XV.  The  Bank  notes  to 
be  received  in  payment  of  all  pub 
lic  customs  and  taxes,  at  an  equi 
valent  with  gold  and  silver. 


252 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


24. 


the  payment  of  its  debts ;  and  a 
proprietor  of  Bank  stock  to  have 
the  privilege  of  selling  out  when 
ever  he  pleases. 

ART.  XVII.  The  Bank  to  be 
established  for  thirty  years  by  way 
of  experiment. 


ART.  XVIII.  No  other  Bank, 
public  or  private,  to  be  permitted 
during  that  period. 


when  once  engaged,  the  profits 
will  make  them  willing  to  con 
tinue. 


REMARK  17.  This  is  chiefly  to 
prevent  some  speculative  men  be 
ing  alarmed,  who,  upon  the  whole, 
may  think  a  paper  credit  detri 
mental  and  dangerous,  though 
they  would  be  willing,  from  neces 
sity,  to  encourage  it  for  a  limited 
time.  Experience,  too,  may  show 
the  defects  of  this  plan,  and  give 
rise  to  alterations  for  the  better. 


Other    Banks 
a   competition    pre- 


REMARK    18. 
might    excite 

judicial  to  the  interests  of  this, 
and  multiply  and  diversify  paper 
credit  too  much. 


ART.  XIX.  Three  Banks  to 
be  erected  in  Massachusetts,  Penn 
sylvania,  and  Virginia,  to  facilitate 
the  circulation  and  payment  of  the 
Bank  notes. 


REMARK  19.  These  Banks 
ought  to  be  in  the  interior  of  the 
country,  remote  from  danger,  with 
every  precaution  for  their  security 
in  every  way.  Their  distance  from 
the  capital  trading  points,  will  be 
an  advantage,  as  it  will  make  ap 
plications  for  the  payment  of  Bank 
notes  less  convenient. 


ART.  XX.  The  affairs  of  the 
Bank  to  be  managed  by  twelve 
general  Directors,  men  of  reputa 
tion  and  fortune;  eight  of  them 
to  be  chosen  by  the  private  pro 
prietors,  and  four  by  Congress. 
The  Minister  of  Finance  to  have 
the  privilege  of  inspecting  all  their 
proceedings. 


REMARK  20.  It  is  necessary, 
for  reciprocal  security  of  the  pub 
lic,  the  proprietors,  and  the  people, 
that  the  affairs  of  the  Bank  should 
be  conducted  under  a  joint  direc 
tion. 


These,  as  has  been  already  observed,  are  only  intended  as 
outlines  ;  the  form  of  administration  for  the  Bank,  and  all  other 
matters,  may  be  easily  determined,  if  the  leading  principles  are 
once  approved.  We  shall  find  good  models  in  the  different 


JEi.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  253 

European  Banks,  which  we  can  accommodate  to  our  circumstances. 
Great  care,  in  particular,  should  be  employed  to  guard  against 
counterfeits ;  and  I  think  methods  may  be  devised  that  would  be 
effectual. 

I  see  nothing  to  prevent  the  practicability  of  a  plan  of  this 
kind,  but  a  distrust  of  the  final  success  of  the  war,  which  may  make 
men  afraid  to  risk  any  considerable  part  of  their  fortunes  in  the 
public  funds ;  but,  without  being  an  enthusiast,  I  will  venture  to 
assert,  that,  with  such  a  resource  as  is  here  proposed,  the  loss  of 
our  independence  is  impossible.  All  we  have  to  fear  is,  that  the 
want  of  money  may  disband  the  army,  or  so  perplex  and  en 
feeble  our  operations,  as  to  create  in  the  people  a  general  disgust 
and  alarm,  which  may  make  them  clamor  for  peace  on  any 
terms.  But  if  a  judicious  administration  of  our  finances,  assisted 
by  a  Bank,  takes  place,  and  the  ancient  security  of  property  is 
restored,  no  convulsion  is  to  be  apprehended.  Our  opposition  will 
soon  assume  an  aspect  of  system  and  vigor,  that  will  relieve  and 
encourage  the  people,  and  put  an  end  to  the  hopes  of  the  enemy. 
'Tis  evident  they  have  it  not  in  their  power  to  subdue  us  by  force 
of  arms.  In  all  these  States  they  have  not  more  than  fifteen  thou 
sand  effective  troops,  nor  is  it  possible  for  them  much  to  aug 
ment  this  number.  The  East  and  West  Indies  demand  reinforce 
ments.  In  all  the  Islands,  they  have  not,  at  this  time,  above  five 
thousand  men  ;  a  force  not  more  than  equal  to  the  proper  garri 
soning  of  Jamaica  alone ;  and  which,  the  moment  they  lose  a 
maritime  superiority  in  those  seas,  will  leave  them  much  cause 
to  fear  for  their  possessions.  They  will  probably  send  out  fifteen 
hundred  or  two  thousand  men,  to  recruit  their  regiments  already 
here  ;  but  .this  is  the  utmost  they  can  do. 

Our  allies  have  five  thousand  men  at  Khode  Island,  which, 
in  the  worst  event  that  can  happen,  will  be  recruited  to  eight,  to 
co-operate  with  us  on  a  defensive  plan.  Should  our  army  amount 
to  no  more  than  fifteen  thousand  men,  the  combined  forces, 
though  not  equal  to  the  expulsion  of  the  enemy,  will  be  equal  to 
the  purpose  of  compelling  them  to  renounce  their  offensive,  and 
content  themselves  with  maintaining  one  or  two  capital  points- 
This  is  on  the  supposition  that  the  public  have  the  means  of 


254  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&T.  24. 

putting  their  troops  in  activity.  By  stopping  the  progress  of 
their  conquests,  and  reducing  them  to  an  unmeaning  and  dis 
graceful  defensive,  we  destroy  the  national  expectation  of  suc 
cess,  from  which  the  ministry  draw  their  resources.  It  is  not 
a  vague  conjecture,  but  a  fact  founded  on  the  best  information, 
that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  capture  of  Charleston,  and  the 
victory  of  Camden,  the  ministry  would  have  been  in  the  utmost 
embarrassment  for  the  supplies  of  this  year.  On  the  credit  of 
those  events,  they  procured  a  loan  of  five  and  twenty  millions. 
They  are  in  a  situation  where  a  want  of  splendid  successes  is 
ruin.  -They  have  carried  taxation  nearly  to  its  extreme  bound 
ary  ;  they  have  mortgaged  all  their  funds ;  they  have  a  large 
unfunded  debt,  besides  the  enormous  mass  which  is  funded. 
This  must  necessarily  create  apprehensions  in  their  most  sanguine 
partisans  :  and  if  these  are  not  counteracted  by  flattering  events, 
from  time  to  time,  they  cannot  much  longer  continue  the  delu 
sion.  Indeed,  in  this  case,  I  suppose  they  must  themselves 
despair. 

The  game  we  play  is  a  sure  game,  if  we  play  it  with  skill.  I 
have  calculated,  in  the  preceding  observations,  on  the  most  dis 
advantageous  side.  Many  events  may  turn  up,  in  the  course  of 
the  summer,  to  make  even  the  present  campaign  decisive. 

If  we  compare  the  real  ability  of  France,  for  revenue,  with 
that  of  Great  Britain ;  the  economy  and  sagacity  in  the  conduct 
of  the  finances  of  the  former ;  the  extravagance  and  dissipation 
which  are  overwhelming  those  of  the  latter  ;  there  will  be  found 
every  reason  to  believe,  that  the  resources  of  France  will  out 
last  those  of  her  adversary.  Her  fleet  is  not  much  inferior,  inde 
pendent  of  that  of  Spain  and  Holland.  Combined  with  that  of 
Spain,  it  is  greatly  superior.  If  the  Dutch  enter  into  the  war  in 
earnest,  and  add  their  fleet,  the  superiority  will  be  irresistible. 
Notwithstanding  the  injury  they  may  sustain  in  the  first  instance, 
the  Dutch  will  be  still  formidable :  they  are  rich  in  credit,  and 
have  extensive  means  for  maritime  power. 

Except  the  Emperor,  who  is  hostile,  and  the  Dane,  who  is 
neutral,  all  the  rest  of  Europe  are  either  friends  to  France  or  to 
our  independence. 


JET.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  255 

Never  did  a  nation  unite  more  circumstances  in  its  favor 
than  we  do :  we  have  nothing  against  us  but  our  own  miscon 
duct. 

There  are  two  classes  of  men  among  us,  equally  mistaken : 
one  who,  in  spite  of  daily  experience,  of  accumulated  distress, 
persist  in  a  narrow  line  of  policy,  and,  amidst  the  most 
threatening  dangers,  fancy  every  thing  in  perfect  security. 
Another,  who,  judging  too  much  from  the  outside,  alarmed  by 
partial  misfortunes,  and  the  disordered  state  of  our  finances, 
without  estimating  the  real  faculties  of  the  parties,  give  them 
selves  up  to  an  ignorant  and  ill-founded  despondency.  We 
want  to  learn  to  appreciate  our  true  situation  and  that  of  the 
enemy.  This  would  preserve  us  from  a  stupid  insensibility  to 
danger  on  the  one  hand,  and  inspire  us  with  a  reasonable  and 
enlightened  confidence  on  the  other. 

But  let  us  suppose  the  worst,  that  we  shall,  after  all,  fail  in 
our  independence;  our  return  to  Great  Britain,  whenever  it 
should  happen,  would  be  by  compact.  The  war  would  termi 
nate  by  a  mediation.  It  cannot  be  supposed  that  the  mediator 
would  be  so  devoted  to  Great  Britain,  or  would  have  so  little 
consideration  for  France,  as  to  oblige  us  to  revert  to  our  former 
subjection  by  an  unconditional  surrender.  While  they  might 
confirm  his  dominion  over  us,  they  would  endeavor  to  save 
appearances  for  the  honor  of  France,  and  stipulate  terms  as 
favorable  to  us  as  would  be  compatible  with  a  state  of  depend 
ence.  A  general  amnesty,  and  the  security  of  private  property 
(of  course  the  payment  of  public  debts),  would  be  among  the 
most  simple  and  most  indispensable.  This  would  comprehend 
the  concerns  of  the  Bank ;  and  if,  unfortunately  for  our  virtue, 
such  a  circumstance  could  operate  as  an  inducement,  it  might  be 
added,  that  our  enemies  would  be  glad  to  find,  and  to  encourage 
such  an  institution  among  us  for  their  own  benefit. 

A  question  may  arise  concerning  the  abilities  of  these  States 
to  pay  their  debts  after  the  establishment  of  their  independence ; 
and  though  any  doubt  on  this  head  must  originate  in  gross 
ignorance,  it  may  be  necessary  to  oppose  it  with  more  than 
general  argument,  as  has  been  done  heretofore.  A  very  sum- 


256  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  24. 

mar j  and  obvious  calculation  will  show  that  there  is  nothing  to 
be  dreaded  on  this  head. 

The  funds  of  nine  hundred  and  seventy-nine  thousand,  three 
hundred  and  thirty -three,  and  one-third,  dollars,  proposed  to  be 
established  for  paying  off  the  loan  of  the  first  year,  and  for  re 
deeming  the  present  paper,  will,  in  thirty  years,  wipe  off  all  the 
debts  of  the  States,  except  those  contracted  to  foreigners,  which, 
I  imagine,  do  not  amount  to  four  millions  of  dollars.  Suppose 
we  should  be  obliged,  for  two  years  besides  the  present,  to 
borrow  an  equal  sum  each  year  from  the  Bank ;  the  fund  re 
quisite  to  discharge  these  loans,  on  the  same  terms  with  the  first, 
will  amount  to  seven  hundred  and  thirty-six  thousand  dollars, 
to  be  deducted  from  the  five  million,  and  twenty  thousand,  six 
hundred  and  sixty-six,  and  two-thirds,  dollars,  remaining  on  the 
annual  revenue ;  which  will  reduce  it  to  four  millions,  two  hun 
dred  and  eighty -four  thousand,  six  hundred  and  sixty-six,  and 
two-thirds,  dollars :  then  the  debt  unfunded  will  be, 

To  foreigners  already  contracted  by  supposition,    i'i      •n-vTi'        .  $4,000,000 
Deficiency  of  Revenue  to  the  expense  to  be  obtained  on  credit,  the 

first  year. besides  the  loan  from  the  Bank,  .'_  ,  ...  .  ,  1,479,333^ 
Deficiency  of  Revenue  for  the  second  year  deducting  the  fund  for 

discharging  the  loan  of  this  year,  .  '.'  '  .v  ._  /'I"  .  1,847,333^ 
Deficiency  of  Revenue  for  the  third  year,  making  the  same  deduction,  2,2 1 5;333£ 

$9,542,000 

Should,  then,  the  war  last  three  years  longer,  which  must 
probably  be  the  utmost  term  of  its  duration,  we  shall  find  our 
selves  with  an  unfunded  debt  of  nine  million,  five  hundred  and 
forty -two  thousand  dollars,-  and  an  unappropriated  revenue  of 
four  million,  two  hundred  and  eighty -four  thousand,  six  hundred 
and  sixty -six,  and  two-thirds,  dollars. 

The  surplus  of  four  millions,  which  is  two  hundred  and 
eighty -four  thousand,  six  hundred  and  sixty-six,  and  two-thirds, 
dollars,  and  the  funds  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  the  other 
debts  which  will  revert  to  the  public  at  the  end  of  thirty  years, 
will  be  a  sufficient  fund  for  the  redemption  of  this  debt  in  about 


MT.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  257 

thirty -five  years :  so  that,  according  to  my  plan,  at  the  end  of 
thirty -five  years  these  States  have  paid  off  the  whole  debt  con 
tracted  on  account  of  the  war ;  and,  in  the  mean  time,  will  have 
a  clear  revenue  of  four  millions  of  dollars,  for  defraying  the  ex 
penses  of  their  civil  and  military  establishments. 

This  calculation  supposes  the  ability  of  these  States  for  reve 
nue  to  continue  the  same  as  they  now  are,  which  is  a  supposi 
tion  both  false  and  unfavorable.  Speaking  within  moderate 
bounds,  our  population  will  be  doubled  in  thirty  years ;  there 
will  be  a  confluence  of  emigrants  from  all  parts  of  the  world ; 
our  commerce  will  have  a  proportionable  progress ;  and  of  course 
our  wealth  and  capacity  for  revenue.  It  will  be  a  matter  of 
choice  if  we  are  not  out  of  debt  in  twenty  years,  without  at  all 
encumbering  the  people. 

A  national  debt,  if  it  is  not  excessive,  will  be  to  us  a  national 
blessing.  It  will  be  a  powerful  cement  of  our  Union.  It  will 
also  create  a  necessity  for  keeping  up  taxation  to  a  degree  which, 
without  being  oppressive,  will  be'  a  spur  to  industry,  remote  as 
we  are  from  Europe,  and  shall  be  from  danger.  It  were  other 
wise  to  be  feared  our  popular  maxims  would  incline  us  to  too 
great  parsimony  and  indulgence.  "We  labor  less  now  than  any 
civilized  nation  of  Europe ;  and  a  habit  of  labor  in  the  people, 
is  as  essential  to  the  health  and  vigor  of  their  minds  and  bodies, 
as  it  is  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  the  State.  We  ought  not 
to  suffer  our  self-love  to  deceive  us  in  a  comparison  upon  these 
points. 

I  have  spun  out  this  letter  to  a  much  greater  length  than  I 
intended.  To  develope  the  whole  connection  of  my  ideas  on 
the  subject,  and  place  my  plan  in  the  clearest  light,  I  have  in 
dulged  myself  in  many  observations  which  might  have  been 
omitted.  I  shall  not  longer  intrude  upon  your  patience  than  to 
assure  you  of  the  sincere  sentiments  of  esteem  with  which  I  have 
the  honor  to  be, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

VOL.  i.  17 


258  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEn.  24. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

DE  PEYSTER'S  POINT,  May  2,  1781. 

SIR: 

.  I  am  extremely  sorry  to  have  embarrassed  you  by  my  late 
application,  and  that  you  should  think  there  are  insuperable  ob 
stacles  to  a  compliance  with  it.  Having  renounced  my  expecta 
tions,  I  have  no  other  inducement  for  troubling  your  Excellency 
with  a  second  letter,  than  to  obviate  the  appearance  of  having 
desired  a  thing  inconsistent  with  the  good  of  the  service,  while 
I  was  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  that  made  it  so. 

I  was  too  interested  a  spectator  of  what  happened  in  the  case 
of  Major  M'Pherson,  not  to  have  remarked,  and  not  to  recollect 
all  the  circumstances.  The  opposition  turned  ostensibly  on  his 
being  a  brevet  officer,  yet  having  a  command  in  a  corps  formed 
entirely  from  one  line  :  the  propriety  of  his  being  employed  in 
a  detachment  from  the  army  at  large,  so  far  as  I  remember,  was 
not  disputed.  In  delicacy  to  Major  M'Pherson,  no  personal  ob 
jections  were  formally  made :  but  in  reality  they  existed,  and 
contributed  to  the  discontent.  It  was  thought  a  peculiar  hard 
ship,  that  a  gentleman  who  had,  for  a  long  time,  fought  against 
us,  and  had  not  taken  part  with  us  till  a  late  period,  and  when 
our  affairs  had  assumed  a  more  prosperous  aspect,  should  be  pre 
ferred  in  one  of  the  most  honorary  commands  of  the  service.  Your 
Excellency  must  be  convinced,  that  I  mention  this  in  no  other 
view  than  to  show  the  sentiments  of  the  officers  at  the  time,  and 
the  whole  grounds  for  the  opposition.  My  esteem  for  Major 
M'Pherson,  and  other  reasons,  make  it  impossible  I  can  have  a 
different  intention. 

I  know  less  of  the  motives  of  dissatisfaction  in  the  case  of  Col 
onel  Gimat  and  Major  Gal  van ;  but  I  have  understood  that  it  is 
founded  on  their  being  appointed  in  the  light  corps  for  two  suc 
cessive  campaigns. 

It  would  be  uncandid  in  me,  not  to  acknowledge  that  I  be 
lieve  a  disposition  to  exclude  brevet  officers  in  general  from  com 
mand,  has  a  great  share  in  the  opposition  in  every  instance ;  and 
that  so  far  it  affects  my  case.  But,  at  the  same  time,  it  appears 
to  me,  this  principle  alone  can  never  be  productive  of  more  than 


JET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  259 

momentary  murmurs,  where  it  is  not  seconded  by  some  plausi 
ble  pretext.  I  also  am  convinced  that  the  Pennsylvania  officers, 
for  their  own  sakes,  repented  the  rash  steps  they  had  taken ;  and, 
on  cool  reflection,  were  happy  in  an  opportunity  to  relinquish 
their  menaces  of  quitting  a  service  to  which  they  were  attached 
by  habit,  inclination,  and  interest,  as  well  as  by  patriotism.  I 
believe,  too,  we  shall  never  have  a  similar  instance  in  the  army, 
unless  the  practice  should  be  carried  to  excess.  Major  Gal  van, 
I  am  told,  will  probably  be  relieved.  Colonel  Gimat  will  be 
then  the  only  brevet  officer  remaining  in  command.  Your  Ex 
cellency  is  the  best  judge  of  the  proper  limits ;  and  there  can  be 
no  doubt,  that  the  rights  of  particular  officers  ought  to  give  place 
to  the  general  good  and  tranquillity  of  the  service. 

I  cannot  forbear  repeating,  that  my  case  is  peculiar,  and  dis 
similar  to  all  the  former.  It  is  distinguished  by  the  circum 
stances  I  have  before  intimated;  my  early  entrance  into  the 
service ;  my  having  made  the  campaign  of  '76,  the  most  disa 
greeable  of  the  war,  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  artillery,  and 
having  been  entitled,  in  that  corps,  to  a  rank,  equal  in  degree, 
more  ancient  in  date,  than  I  now  possess ;  my  having  made  all 
the  subsequent  campaigns  in  the  family  of  the  Commander-in- 
Chief,  in  a  constant  course  of  important  and  laborious  service. 
These  are  my  pretensions,  at  this  advanced  period  of  the  war,  to 
being  employed  in  the  only  way  which  my  situation  admits ; 
and  I  imagine  they  would  have  their  weight  in  the  minds  of  the 
officers  in  general.  I  only  urge  them  a  second  time,  as  reasons 
which  will  not  suffer  me  to  view  the  matter  in  the  same  light 
with  your  Excellency,  or  to  regard,  as  impracticable,  my  appoint 
ment  in  a  light  corps,  should  there  be  one  formed.  I  entreat 
they  may  be  understood  in  this  sense  only.  I  am  incapable  of 
wishing  to  obtain  any  object  by  importunity.  I  assure  your  Ex 
cellency,  that  I  am  too  well  persuaded  of  your  candor,  to  attrib 
ute  your  refusal  to  any  other  cause  than  an  apprehension  of  in 
conveniences  that  may  attend  the  appointment. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  perfect  respect, 

Sir,  your  most  obed't  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
General  Washington. 


260  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  24. 

P.  S.  I  have  used  the  term  brevet  in  the  sense  your  Excel 
lency  appears  to  have  understood  it  in,  as  signifying,  in  general, 
all  officers  not  attached  to  any  established  corps.  Congress  seem, 
however,  to  have  made  a  distinction :  they  only  give  a  kind  of 
warrant  to  those  whom  they  designate  as  brevet  officers.  Mine 
is  a  regular  commission. 


- 

LE  VICOMTE    DE    NOAILLES  A  HAMILTON. 

NEWPORT,  10  May,  1781. 

Je  suis  certain,  mon  cher  Colonel,  de  vous  faire  plaisir  en 
vous  aprenant  que  votre  ami  Laurens  est  arrive  a  Paris  en 
bonne  sante,  apres  une  traversee  favorable.  Au  depart  de  la 
frigate  La  Concorde  arrivee  a  Boston  avec  M.  de  Barras  amirat, 
qui  vient  prendre  le  commandement  de  notre  flotte,  et  M.  le 
Vicomte  de  Kochambau,  Mr.  Laurens  avait  deja  eu  plusieurs  con 
ferences  avec  nos  ministres ;  il  aura  e^e"  bien  ecoute  et  bien  en- 
tendu  de  celui  qui  est  charge  du  departement  de  la  marine,  ainsi 
que  de  notre  controleur  general.  Ces  deux  hommes  paraissent 
influx's  infiniment  dans  ce  moment  sur  1'opinion  du  Hoi  de 
France  et  celle  du  peuple ;  qui  finit  en  France,  comme  dans  tous 
les  pays  du  monde  par  etre  entendue.  Yous  saurez  certainement 
quels  sont  les  preparatifs  pour  cette  campagne ;  je  de*sire  que 
nous  puissions  delivrer  I'Ame'rique  des  souffrances  qu'elle 
dprouve:  quoique  je  ne  sois  point  ne  dans  un  pays  libre  mon 
cher  Colonel,  je  verrai  avec  plaisir  les  fondemens  que  vous  allez 
Stablir  pour  le  bonheur  et  la  tranquillity  d'un  peuple  chez  lequei 
toutes  les  nations  de  1'Europe  auront  les  memes  droits.  Une 
fois  cette  epoque  arrivee,  1'Humanite  jettera  avec  plaisir  ses 
yeux  sur  1'autre  monde,  et  verra  sans  envi  un  peuple  qui  ne 
devra  son  bonheur  qu'a  son  propre  courage.  S'il  m'est  possible 
de  placer  une  petite  pierre  dans  ce  vaste  edifice,  je  me  trouverai 
parfaitement  heureux. 

Le  Ministre  charge  de  gouverner  les  finances  de  notre  puis- 


JET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  261 

sance  vient  d'obtenir  du  roi  de  France  la  permission  de  lui  rendre 
un  compte  public  de  son  administration  depuis  cinq-ans  qu'il  en 
a  la  direction:  cet  exemple,  le  premier  de  ce  genre  'a  frappe* 
1'Europe  d'etonnement  et  d'amiration  pour  la  conduite  de  ce 
grand  homme ;  il  prouve  qu'au  commencement  de  son  ministere 
les  de*penses  de  1'Etat  excedait  les  recettes  de  24  millions.  Les 
diffe'rentes  economies  qu'il  a  pu  etablir,  malgre*  la  guerre  et  les 
frais  enormes  qu'elle  exige,  a  retabli  non  seulement  1'equilibre 
mais  meme  un  benefice  de  dix  millions  de  rente  excedante  et 
dix  sept  millions  cinq-cent  mille  livres,  employe  annuellement  a 
des  remboursements  de  rentes  perpetuelles.  Ce  qui  produit 
maintenant  27  millions  de  rente  de  plus  que  de  d6pense.  La 
maniere  e"nergique,  raissonnee  et  claire  rend  son  ouvrage  per- 
suasif  aux  yeux  meme  de  ses  ennemis.  Je  compte  vous  en- 
voyer  ce  livre  par  la  premiere  occasion  et  par  celle-ci  meme,  si 
1'homme  qui  vous  remettra  ma  lettre  veut  s'en  charger. 

Je  vous  demanderais  pardon  de  mon  importunite,  mon  cher 
Colonel,  si  je  n'avais  pas  et6  assez  heureux  pour  vous  donner  de 
nouvelles  de  notre  ami.  Je  vous  prie  de  ne  pas  douter  de  1'ex- 
treme  plaisir  que  j'aurai  dans  tous  les  terns  de  ma  vie  a  vous 
prouver  combien  mon  attachement  pour  vous  est  tendre  et 
sincere. 

LE  YlCOMTE  DE  NOAILLES. 

Je  vous  prie  de  presenter  mon  respectueux  hommage  a  Son 
Excellence  le  General  Washington ;  il  force  ses  ennemis  memes 
a  1'estimer,  et  lorsqu'on  1'a  vu  deux  fois  il  laisse  1'impression  du 
respect  le  plus  tendre. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


CAETER  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWPORT,  May  18,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

*  *  -X-  *  -5f  *  * 

M.  de  Barras  arrived  a  few  days  since,  with,  the  General's 
son,  in  a  frigate  from  France.     He  has  taken  the  command  of 


262  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

the  fleet.  Seven  hundred  land  forces  are  now  embarking,  the 
wind  is  fair,  and  they  sail  this  day  to  meet  the  convoy  expected 
from  France,  with  provisions  and  recruits  for  the  regiments  here. 
I  fear  they  will  have  a  very  trifling  augmentation  of  force,  and 
that  this  campaign  will  prove  as  inactive  as  the  last.  I  imagine 
you  will  be  with  General  Washington  at  the  conference.  You 
will  have  the  pleasure  to  see  General  Chastellux,  who  will  give 
you  this  letter.  At  his  return,  I  expect  it  will  be  decided 
whether  the  army  marches  or  not :  at  present  it  seems  a  matter 
of  great  doubt,  notwithstanding  the  preparations  which  are 
making.  I  am  astonished  we  hear  nothing  from  the  southward. 
I  fear,  if  the  detachment,  embarked  at  New- York,  is  destined  for 

that  quarter,  that  the  enemy  will  make  a  considerable  progress. 
******* 

Your  friend  and  servant, 

JOHN  CARTER. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

RICHMOND,  May  23,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON: 

I  have  been  long  complaining  that  I  had  nothing  to  do ;  and 
want  of  employment  was  an  objection  I  had  to  my  going  to  the 
southward.  But  for  the  present,  my  dear  friend,  my  complaint 
is  quite  of  an  opposite  nature ;  and  I  have  so  many  arrange 
ments  to  make,  so  many  difficulties  to  combat,  so  many  enemies 
to  deal  with,  that  I  am  just  that  much  of  a  general,  as  will  make 
me  a  historian  of  misfortunes,  and  nail  my  name  upon  the  ruins 
of  what  good  folks  are  pleased  to  call  the  army  in  Virginia. 

There  is  an  age  past  since  I  heard  from  you.  I  acknowledge 
that,  on  my  part,  I  have  not  written  so  often  as  I  ought  to  have 
done ;  but  you  will  excuse  this  silence  in  favor  of  my  very  em 
barrassing  circumstances.  However  remote  you  may  be  from 
your  former  post  of  aid-de-camp  to  the  Commander-in-Chief,  I 


jEi.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  263 

am  sure  you  are  nevertheless  acquainted  with  every  transaction 
at  head  quarters.  My  letters  have  served  to  your  information, 
and  I  shall  consequently  abstain  from  repetitions. 

Our  forced  march  saved  Kichmond ;  Phillips  was  going 
down ;  and  thus  far  I  was  very  happy.  Phillips's  return,  his 
landing  at  Brandon,  south  side  of  James  River,  and  the  unmo 
lested  journey  of  Lord  Cornwallis  through  North  Carolina,  made 
me  apprehensive  of  the  storm  that  was  gathering,  I  advanced 
towards  Petersburg,  and  intended  to  have  established  a  commu 
nication  upon  James  and  Appamatox  Rivers.  Had  Phillips 
marched  to  Halifax,  I  was  determined  to  follow  him ;  and 
should  have  risked  every  thing  rather  than  to  omit  making  a 
diversion  in  favor  of  Greene.  But  that  army  took  possession  of 
Petersburg,  and  obliged  me  to  stick  to  this  side  of  the  river, 
from  whence  reinforcements  are  expected.  Both  armies  have 
formed  their  junction,  and  must  consist  of  between  four  and  five 
thousand  men.  We  have  nine  hundred  continentals.  Their 
infantry  is  near  five  to  one ;  their  cavalry  ten  to  one.  Our 
militia  are  not  numerous,  come  without  arms,  and  are  not  used 
to  war.  Government  wants  energy;  and  there  is  nothing  to 
enforce  the  laws.  General  Greene  has  directed  me  to  take  com 
mand  in  this  State ;  and  I  must  tell,  by  the  way,  that  his  letter 
is  very  polite  and  affectionate.  It  then  became  my  duty  to 
arrange  the  departments,  which  I  found  in  the  greatest  confu 
sion  and  relaxation.  Nothing  can  be  obtained,  and  yet  expenses 
were  enormous. 

The  Baron,  and  the  few  new  levies  he  could  collect,  are  or 
dered  to  South  Carolina.  I  am  glad  he  goes,  as  the  hatred  of 
the  Virginians  to  him  was  truly  hurtful  to  the  service.  Is  it  not 
strange  that  General  Wayne's  detachment  cannot  be  heard  of? 
They  are  to  go  to  Carolina ;  but  should  I  want  them  for  a  few 
days,  I  am  at  liberty  to  keep  them.  This  permission  I  will  im 
prove,  so  far  as  to  receive  one  blow,  that,  being  beat,  I  may  at 
least  be  beat  with  some  decency.  There  are  accounts  that  make 
Lord  Cornwallis  very  strong :  others  make  him  very  weak.  In 
this  country  there  is  no  getting  good  intelligence. 

I  request  you  will  write  me,  if  you  approve  of  my  conduct. 


264  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  24. 

The  command  of  the  waters,  the  superiority  in  cavalry,  and  the 
great  disproportion  of  forces,  gave  the  enemy  such  advantages, 
that  I  durst  not  venture  out,  and  listen  to  my  fondness  for  en 
terprise.  To  speak  truth,  I  was  afraid  of  myself  as  much  as  of 
the  enemy.  Independence  has  rendered  me  the  more  cautious, 
as  I  know  my  own  warmth.  But  if  the  Pennsylvanians  come, 
Lord  Cornwallis  shall  pay  something  for  his  victory. 

I  wish  a  reinforcement  of  light  infantry,  to  recruit  the  bat 
talions,  or  a  detachment  under  General  Huntington  was  sent  to 
me.  I  wish  Laurens  or  Sheldon  were  immediately  dispatched 
with  their  horse. 

Come  here,  my  dear  friend,  and  command  our  artillery  in 
Virginia.  I  want  your  advice  and  your  exertions.  If  you  grant 
my  request,  you  will  vastly  oblige, 

Your  friend, 

LA  FAYETTE. 

Colonel  Hamilton. 


MOKRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  26,  1781. 

SIR: 

It  is  some  time  since  I  received  your  performance  dated  the 
30th  of  April  last.  I  have  read  it  with  that  attention  which  it 
justly  deserves,  and  finding  many  points  of  it  to  coincide  with  my 
own  opinions  on  the  subject,  it  naturally  strengthened  that  con 
fidence  which  every  man  ought  to  possess,  to  a  certain  degree,  in 
his  own  judgment.  You  will  very  soon  see  the  plan  of  a  Bank 
published,  and  subscriptions  opened  for  its  establishment,  having 
already  met  with  the  approbation  of  Congress.  It  only  remains 
for  individuals  to  do  their  part,  and  a  foundation  will  be  laid  for 
the  anticipation  of  taxes  and  funds,  by  a  paper  credit  that  cannot 
depreciate. 

The  capital  proposed  falls  far  short  of  your  idea,  and,  indeed, 
far  short  of  what  it  ought  to  be ;  but  I  am  confident,  if  this  is 
once  accomplished,  the  capital  may  afterwards  be  increased  to 


jET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  265 

almost  any  amount.  To  propose  a  large  sum  in  the  outset,  and 
fail  in  the  attempt  to  raise  it,  might  prove  fatal.  To  begin  with 
what  is  clearly  in  our  power  to  accomplish,  and  on  that  begin 
ning,  to  establish  the  credit  that  will  inevitably  command  the 
future  increase  of  capital,  seems  the  most  certain  road  to  success. 
I  have  thought  much  about  interweaving  a  landed  security  with 
the  capital  of  this  Bank,  but  am  apprehensive  it  would  convey 
to  the  public  mind,  an  idea  of  paper  being  circulated  on  that 
credit,  and  that  the  Bank,  of  consequence,  must  fail  in  its  pay 
ments,  in  case  of  any  considerable  run  on  it :  and  we  must  ex 
pect  that  its  ruin  will  be  attempted,  by  external  and  internal  foes. 
I  have  therefore  left  that  point  to  the  future  deliberations  of  the 
Directors  of  this  Bank,  to  whom,  in  due  time,  I  shall  communi 
cate  your  address.  I  esteem  myself  much  your  debtor  for  this 
piece,  not  merely  on  account  of  the  personal  respect  you  have 
been  pleased  to  express,  but  also  on  account  of  your  good  in 
tentions  :  and  for  these,  and  the  pains  you  have  taken,  I  not  only 
think,  but  on  all  proper  occasions,  shall  say,  the  public  are  also 
indebted  to  you. 

My  office  is  new,  and  I  am  young  in  the  execution  of  it. 
Communications  from  men  of  genius  and  abilities  will  always  be 
acceptable ;  and  yours  will  always  command  the  attention  of, 
Sir, 

Your  obedient,  humble  servant, 

EGBERT  MORRIS. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


SCHUYLER  TO  HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  May  30,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR  ; 

Your  favor,  covering  copies  of  the  letters  which  passed  be 
tween  the  General  and  you,  I  received  on  Friday  last  at  Sara 
toga,  which  I  left,  somewhat  indisposed,  on  Sunday,  and  arrived 
in  the  evening.  The  fatigue  of  the  journey  increased  my  dis 
order,  which  is  the  quinsy,  with  so  much  rapidity,  that  before 


266  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^ET.  24. 

Tuesday  morning  I  was  twice  bled  to  prevent  suffocation.  The 
inflammation  is  subsiding,  and  I  have  been  able  to  swallow  a 
little  broth  to-day.  I  propose  to  attend  the  Legislature  the  latter 
end  of  the  next  week,  when  I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  at  Fishkill  on  the  Sunday  following.  I  believe  you  may 
prepare  yourself  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  as  there  is  little  doubt 
but  you  will  be  appointed. 

The  enemy  are  arrived  at  Crown  Point :  their  number  not 
perfectly  ascertained,  but  I  believe  about  two  thousand.  It  is 
said  they  intend  to  fortify  there.  A  rumor  prevails  that  the 
three  companies  of  Yan  Schaik's,  now  to  the  northward,  are  to 
be  called  down.  If  so,  I  shall  instantly  remove  my  family  and 
stock  from  Saratoga,  being  certain,  if  I  delay  it  more  than  four 
days  after  the  troops  move,  that  the  enemy  will  possess  them 
selves  of  the  whole.  Adieu. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Most  affectionately 

And  sincerely, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

PH:  SCHUYLEK. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  MRS.   HAMILTON. 

CAMP  NEAR  DOBBS'  FERRY,  July  10,  1781. 

The  day  before  yesterday  I  arrived  here,  but  for  want  of  an 
opportunity  could  not  write  any  sooner ;  indeed,  I  know  of  none 
now.  Finding  when  I  came  here,  that  nothing  was  said  on  the 
subject  of  a  command,  I  wrote  the  General  a  letter,  and  inclosed 
him  my  commission.  This  morning  Tilghman  came  to  me  in 
his  name,  pressed  me  to  retain  my  commission,  with  an  assu 
rance  that  he  would  endeavor,  by  all  means,  to  give  me  a  com 
mand,  nearly  such  as  I  could  have  desired  in  the  present  cir 
cumstances  of  the  army.  Though  I  know  you  would  be  happy 
to  hear  I  had  rejected  this  proposal,  it  is  a  pleasure  my  reputa- 


jEi.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  267 

tion  would  not  permit  me  to  afford  you.  I  consented  to  retain 
my  commission,  and  accept  the  command.  I  quarter,  at  present, 
by  a  very  polite  and  warm  invitation,  with  General  Lincoln, 
and  experience  from  the  officers  of  both  armies  every  mark  of 
esteem.  *  *  * 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

Camp,  August  7,  1781. 

SIE: 

The  other  day  I  applied  to  Colonel  Tilghman  for  an  order 
for  shoes,  for  the  two  companies  of  levies.  He  thought,  on  a 
general  principle,  it  could  not  be  granted ;  but  as  from  the  best 
of  my  own  recollection,  confirmed  by  inquiry  of  others,  I  have 
reason  to  believe  a  distinction  was  made  last  campaign  in  favor 
of  the  advanced  corps,  in  the  case  of  Cortland's  regiment,  I  am 
induced  to  submit  the  matter  to  your  Excellency. 

Your  Excellency  is  sensible  that  the  service  of  an  advanced 
corps,  must  be  in  general  more  active  than  of  the  line;  and 
that,  in  a  country  like  this,  the  article  of  shoes  is  indispensable. 
If  the  men  cannot  be  supplied,  they  cannot  perform  the  duty  re 
quired  of  them ;  which  will  make  the  service  fall  heavier  upon 
that  part  of  the  corps  which  is  not  under  the  same  disability,  as 
well  as  render  a  considerable  part  of  it  of  much  less  utility.  I 
will  not  add  any  personal  consideration  to  those  which  affect 
the  service ;  though  it  certainly  cannot  be  a  matter  of  indiffer 
ence  to  me. 

The  men,  I  am  informed,  have,  in  general,  received  a  boun 
ty  of  about  thirty  pounds  each,  which  is  spent.  The  State 
makes  no  provision  for  them ;  and  the  fact  is,  they  cannot  sup 
ply  themselves :  they  must  therefore  be  destitute  if  they  have 
not  a  continental  supply. 

The  distinction  last  campaign,  was,  if  I  am  not  mistaken, 


268  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  24. 

that  shoes  were  an  article  of  absolute  necessity,  and  therefore 
to  be  allowed,  though  the  articles  of  clothing  were  refused. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  Excellency's 

Most  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  'TO  MRS.   HAMILTON. 

August,  1781. 

In  my  last  letter  I  informed  you  that  there  was  a  greater 
prospect  of  activity  now,  than  there  had  been  heretofore.  I  did 
this  to  prepare  your  mind  for  an  event  which,  I  am  sure,  will 
give  you  pain.  I  begged  your  father,  at  the  same  time,  to  inti 
mate  to  you,  by  degrees,  the  probability  of  its  taking  place.  I 
used  this  method  to  prevent  a  surprise,  which  might  be  too 
severe  to  you.  A  part  of  the  army,  my  dear  girl,  is  going  to 
Virginia,  and  I  must,  of  necessity,  be  separated  at  a  much  greater 
distance  from  my  beloved  wife.  I  cannot  announce  the  fatal 
necessity,  without  feeling  every  thing  that  a  fond  husband  can 
feel.  I  am  unhappy ;  I  am  unhappy  beyond  expression.  -  I 
am  unhappy,  because  I  am  to  be  so  remote  from  you ;  because 
I  am  to  hear  from  you  less  frequently  than  I  am  accustomed 
to  do.  I  am  miserable,  because  I  know  you  will  be  so;  I 
am  wretched  at  the  idea  of  flying  so  far  from  you,  without  a 
single  hour's  interview,  to  tell  you  all  my  pains  and  all  my  love. 
But  I  cannot  ask  permission  to  visit  you.  It  might  be  thought 
improper  to  leave  my  corps  at  such  a  time,  and  upon  such  an 
occasion.  I  must  go  without  seeing  you — I  must  go  without  em 
bracing  you ; — alas !  I  must  go.  But  let  no  idea,  other  than  of 
the  distance  we  shall  be  asunder,  disquiet  you.  Though  I  said 
the  prospects  of  activity  will  be  greater,  I  said  it  to  give  your 
expectations  a  different  turn,  and  prepare  you  for  something  dis- 


^ET.24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  269 

agreeable.  It  is  ten  to  one  that  our  views  will  be  disappointed, 
by  Cornwallis  retiring  to  South  Carolina  by  land.  At  all  events, 
our  operations  will  be  over  by  the  latter  end  of  October,  and  I 
will  fly  to  my  home.  Don't  mention  I  am  going  to  Virginia. 


HAMILTON  TO  MRS.   HAMILTON. 

HEAD  OF  ELK,  September  6,  1781. 

Yesterday,  my  lovely  wife,  I  wrote  to  you,  inclosing  you  a 
letter  in  one  to  your  father,  to  the  care  of  Mr.  Morris.  To-mor 
row  the  post  sets  out,  and  to-morrow  we  embark  for  Yorktown. 
I  cannot  refuse  myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  you  a  few  lines. 
Constantly  uppermost  in  my  thoughts  and  affections,  I  am  happy 
only  when  my  moments  are  devoted  to  some  office  that  respects 
you.  I  would  give  the  world  to  be  able  to  tell  you  all  I  feel 
and  all  I  wish,  but  consult  your  own  heart  and  you  will  know 
mine.  What  a  world  will  soon  be  between  us !  To  support  the 
idea,  all  my  fortitude  is  insufficient.  "What  must  be  the  case 
with  you,  who  have  the  most  female  of  female  hearts?  I 
sink  at  the  perspective  of  your  distress,  and  I  look  to  heaven  to 
be  your  guardian  and  supporter.  Circumstances  that  have  just 
come  to  my  knowledge,  assure  me  that  our  operations  will  be 
expeditious,  as  well  as  our  success  certain.  Early  in  November, 
as  I  promised  you,  we  shall  certainly  meet.  Cheer  yourself  with 
this  idea,  and  with  the  assurance  of  never  more  being  separated. 
Every  day  confirms  me  in  the  intention  of  renouncing  public 
life,  and  devoting  myself  wholly  to  you.  Let  others  waste  their 
time  and  their  tranquillity  in  a  vain  pursuit  of  power  and  glory ; 
be  it  my  object  to  be  happy  in  a  quiet  retreat  with  my  better 
angel. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


270  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^T.  24. 


SCHUYLEK  TO   HAMILTON". 

ALBANY,  September  16,  1781. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

The  mail  which  was  taken  a  few  days  ago  at  Hampton,  has 
probably  deprived  me  of  the  pleasure  of  a  line  from  you. 

We  are  advised,  by  a  letter  from  Mr.  Carter,  that  General 
Washington  embarked  with  all  except  the  rear  division  of  the 
French,  at  the  head  of  Elk  on  the  8th  inst. ;  hence  I  hope  you 
are  now  operating  against  Cornwallis.  It  is  difficult  to  judge 
with  precision  of  your  prospects  at  this  distance ;  but  matters 
and  appearances  are  so  favorable,  that  they  justify  a  hope  that 
the  operations  will  be  crowned  with  ample  success. 

The  Legislature  of  this  State  is  to  convene  on  the  1st  of 
October,  at  Poughkeepsie :  delegates  are  to  be  chosen:  your 
friends  will  propose  you.  If  you  should  be  appointed,  you  will 
have  time  to  consider,  whether  to  accept  or  refuse  will  be 
most  eligible.  Should  Cornwallis  and  his  army  fall  into  our 
hands,  peace  may,  and  probably  will,  be  the  consequence.  If 
so,  I  should  most  earnestly  wish  you  in  Congress:  and  if  not, 
I  should  still  prefer  it  to  your  remaining  in  the  army,  for  reasons 
that  are  obvious. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Affectionately  and  sincerely, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

PH:  SCHUYLER. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO   LA  FAYETTE. 

CAMP  BEFORE  YORK  TOWN,  Oct.  15,  1781. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  honor  to  render  you  an  account  of  the  corps 
under  my  command  in  your  attack  of  last  night  upon  the  re 
doubt  on  the  left  of  the  enemy's  lines. 


jEi.  24.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  271 

Agreeably  to  your  orders  we  advanced  in  two  columns  with 
unloaded  arms:  the  right  composed  of  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gimat's  battalion  and  my  own,  commanded  by  Major  Fish;  the 
left,  of  a  detachment  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Laurens, 
destined  to  take  the  enemy  in  reverse,  and  intercept  their  re 
treat.  The  column  on  the  right  was  preceded  by  a  vanguard  of 
twenty  men,  led  by  Lieutenant  Mansfield ;  and  a  detachment  of 
sappers  and  miners,  commanded  by  Captain  Gilliland,  for  the 
purpose  of  removing  obstructions. 

The  redoubt  was  commanded  by  Major  Campbell,  with  a 
detachment  of  British  and  German  troops,  and  was  completely 
in  a  state  of  defence. 

The  rapidity  and  immediate  success  of  the  assault  are  the 
best  comment  on  the  behavior  of  the  troops.  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Laurens  distinguished  himself  by  an  exact  and  vigorous  execu 
tion  of  his  part  of  the  plan,  by  entering  the  enemy's  work  with 
his  corps  among  the  foremost,  and  making  prisoner  the  command 
ing  officer  of  the  redoubt.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gimat's  battalion, 
which  formed  the  van  of  the  right-attack,  and  which  fell  under 
my  immediate  observation,  encouraged  by  the  decisive  and  ani 
mated  example  of  their  leader,  advanced  with  an  ardor  and  reso 
lution  superior  to  every  obstacle.  They  were  well  seconded  by 
Major  Fish  with  the  battalion  under  his  command,  who,  when 
the  front  of  the  column  reached  the  abatis,  unlocking  his  corps 
to  the  left,  as  he  had  been  directed,  advanced  with  such  celerity 
as  to  arrive  in  time  to  participate  in  the  assault. 

Lieutenant  Mansfield  deserves  particular  commendation  for 
the  coolness,  firmness,  and  punctuality  with  which  he  conducted 
the  vanguard.  Captain  Olney,  who  commanded  the  first  platoon 
of  Gimat's  battalion,  is  entitled  to  peculiar  applause.  He  led  his 
platoon  into  the  work  with  exemplary  intrepidity,  and  received 
two  bayonet  wounds.  Captain  Gilliland,  with  the  detachment  of 
sappers  and  miners,  acquitted  themselves  in  a  manner  that  did 
them  great  honor. 

I  do  but  justice  to  the  several  corps  when  I  have  the  pleasure 
to  assure  you,  there  was  not  an  officer  nor  soldier  whose  behavior, 


272  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  24. 

if  it  could  be  particularized,  would  not  have  a  claim  to  the  warm 
est  approbation.  As  it  would  have  been  attended  with  delay 
and  loss,  to  wait  for  the  removal  of  the  abatis  and  palisades,  the 
ardor  of  the  troops  was  indulged  in  passing  over  them. 

There  was  a  happy  coincidence  of  movements.  The  redoubt 
was  in  the  same  moment  enveloped  and  carried  in  every  part. 
The  enemy  are  entitled  to  the  acknowledgment  of  an  honorable 
defence. 

Permit  me  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  expressing  our  obliga 
tions  to  Col.  Armand,  Capt.  Legongne,  the  Chevalier  De  Fonte- 
vieux  and  Capt.  Bedkin,  officers  of  his  corps,  who,  acting  upon 
this  occasion  as  volunteers,  proceeded  at  the  head  of  the  right 
column,  and  entering  the  redoubt  among  the  first,  by  their  gal 
lant  example  contributed  to  the  success  of  the  enterprise. 

Our  killed  and  wounded  you  will  perceive  by  the  inclosed 
return.  I  sensibly  felt,  at  a  critical  period,  the  loss  of  the  assist 
ance  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gimat,  who  received  a  musket  ball 
in  his  foot,  which  obliged  him  to  retire  from  the  field.  Captain 
Bets,  of  Laurens's  corps,  Captain  Hunt  and  Lieutenant  Mansfield, 
of  Gimat's,  were  wounded  with  the  bayonet  in  gallantly  entering 
the  work.  Captain  Kirkpatrick,  of  the  corps  of  sappers  and 
miners,  received  a  wound  in  the  ditch. 

Inclosed  is   a  return   of    the  prisoners.      The  killed  and 
wounded  of  the  enemy  did  not  exceed  eight.     Incapable  of  imi 
tating  examples  of  barbarity,  and  forgetting  recent  provocations, 
the  soldiery  spared  every  man  who  ceased  to  fight. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  the  warmest  esteem  and  attachment, 
Sir,  your  most  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON, 
Lieut.  Col.  Commanding. 

Major-General  the  Marquis  De  La  Fayette. 


.  25.] 


CORRESPONDENCE. 


273 


Return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  in  the  advanced  corps  commanded  by 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Hamilton,  in  an  attack  on  the  enemy's  left  redoubt,  on  the 
evening  of  the  14th  of  Oct.,  1781. 


Lieut. 
Col. 

Majors. 

Capt's. 

Sub 
alterns. 

Ser 
geants. 

Rank  & 
File. 

1 

t3 

'O 
I 

i 

1 

1 

1 

| 

T3 

1 

1 

1 

1 

P 

& 

£ 

& 

5 

1 

£ 

I 

9 

o 

B 

1 

Lt.  Col.  Hamilton's  bat- 

talion             .... 

4 

Lt.     Col.    Gimat's    bat- 

talion             .... 

1 

9, 

i 

1 

7 

15 

Lt.  Col.  Laurens'  detach 

ment              .... 

1 

1 

5 

Corps    of   Sappers    and 

9    Miners,     

1 

1 

Total,     .     .     . 

1 

1 

4 

i 

1 

8 

25 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 


1782. 


SIK: 

I  need  not  observe  to  your  Excellency,  that  respect  for  the 
opinion  of  Congress  will  not  permit  me  to  be  indifferent  to  the 
impressions  they  may  receive  of  my  conduct.  On  this  principle, 
though  I  do  not  think  the  subject  of  the  inclosed  letter  of  suffi 
cient  importance  to  request  an  official  communication  of  it,  yet  I 
should  be  happy  it  might  in  some  way  be  known  to  the  mem 
bers  of  that  honorable  body.  Should  they  hereafter  learn,  that 
though  retained  on  the  list  of  their  officers,  I  am  not  in  the  ex 
ecution  of  the  duties  of  my  station,  I  wish  them  to  be  sensible, 
that  it  is  not  a  diminution  of  zeal  which  induces  me  voluntarily 
to  withdraw  my  services,  but  that  I  only  refrain  from  intruding 
them,  when  circumstances  seem  to  have  made  them  either  not 
necessary  or  not  desired ;  and  that  I  shall  not  receive  emolu 
ments  without  performing  the  conditions  to  which  they  were 
VOL.  i.  18 


274  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  25. 

annexed.  I  also  wish  them  to  be  apprised  upon  what  footing 
my  future  continuance  in  the  army  is  placed;  that  they  may 
judge  how  far  it  is  expedient  to  permit  it.  I  therefore  take  the 
liberty  to  request  the  favor  of  your  Excellency  to  impart  the 
knowledge  of  my  situation  in  such  manner  as  you  think  most 
convenient. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  perfect  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  ob't  and  humble  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  1,  1782. 

SIR: 

Your  Excellency  will,  I  am  persuaded,  readily  admit  the 
force  of  this  sentiment,  that  though  it  is  the  duty  of  a  good  cit 
izen  to  devote  his  services  to  the  public,  when  it  has  occasion  for 
them,  he  cannot,  with  propriety  or  delicacy  to  himself,  obtrude 
them  when  it  either  has,  or  appears  to  have,  none.  The  difficul 
ties  I  experienced  last  campaign  in  obtaining  a  command,  will 
not  suffer  me  to  make  any  further  application  on  that  head. 

As  I  have  many  reasons  to  consider  my  being  employed  here 
after  in  a  precarious  light,  the  bare  possibility  of  rendering  an 
equivalent  will  not  justify,  to  my  scruples,  the  receiving  any 
future  emoluments  from  my  commission.  I  therefore  renounce, 
from  this  time,  all  claim  to  the  compensations  attached  to  my  mil 
itary  station  during  the  war,  or  after  it.  But  I  have  motives  which 
will  not  permit  me  to  resolve  on  a  total  resignation.  I  sincerely 
hope  a  prosperous  train  of  affairs  may  continue  to  make  it  no 
inconvenience  to  decline  the  services  of  persons,  whose  zeal,  in 
worse  times,  was  found  not  altogether  useless:  but  as  the  most 
promising  appearances  are  often  reversed  by  unforeseen  disasters, 


^ET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  275 

and  as  unfortunate  events  may  again  make  the  same  zeal  of  some 
value,  I  am  unwilling  to  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  renew  my 
exertions  in  the  common  cause,  in  the  line  in  which  I  have 
hitherto  acted. 

I  shall  accordingly  retain  my  rank  while  I  am  permitted  to  do 
it ;  and  take  this  opportunity  to  declare,  that  I  shall  be  at  all 
times  ready  to  obey  the  call  of  the  public,  in  any  capacity,  civil 
or  military  (consistent  with  what  I  owe  to  myself),  in  which  there 
may  be  a  prospect  of  my  contributing  to  the  final  attainment 
of  the  object  for  which  I  embarked  in  the  service. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  MEADE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March,  1782. 

A  half  hour  since  brought  me  the  pleasure  of  your  letter 
of  December  last.  It  went  to  Albany  and  came  from  thence  to 
this  place.  I  heartily  felicitate  you  on  the  birth  of  your  daugh  • 
ter.  I  can  well  conceive  your  happiness  on  that  occasion,  by 
that  which  I  feel  on  a  similar  one.  Indeed,  the  sensations  of  a 
tender  father  of  the  child  of  a  beloved  mother,  can  only  be  con 
ceived  by  those  who  have  experienced  them. 

Your  heart,  my  Meade,  is  peculiarly  formed  for  enjoyments 
of  this  kind.  You  have  every  right  to  be  a  happy  husband — a 
happy  father.  You  have  every  prospect  of  being  so.  I  hope 
your  felicity  may  never  be  interrupted. 

You  cannot  imagine  how  entirely  domestic  I  am  growing.  I 
lose  all  taste  for  the  pursuits  of  ambition.  I  sigh  for  nothing  but 
the  company  of  my  wife  and  my  baby.  The  ties  of  duty  alone, 


276  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

or  imagined  duty,  keep  me  from  renouncing  public  life  altogether. 
It  is,  however,  probable  I  may  not  any  longer  be  engaged  in  it. 
I  have  explained  to  you  the  difficulties  which  I  met  with  in  ob 
taining  a  command  last  campaign.  I  thought  it  incompatible 
with  the  delicacy  due  to  myself,  to  make  any  application  this 
campaign.  I  have  expressed  this  sentiment  in  a  letter  to  the 
General,  and,  retaining  my  rank  only,  have  relinquished  the 
emoluments  of  my  commission,  declaring  myself,  notwithstanding, 
ready  at  all  times  to  obey  the  calls  of  the  public.  I  don't  expect 
to  hear  any  of  these,  unless  the  state  of  our  affairs  should  change 
for  the  worse,  and  lest  by  any  unforeseen  accident  that  would 
happen,  I  choose  to  keep  myself  in  a  situation  again  to  contrib 
ute  my  aid.  This  prevents  a  total  resignation. 

You  were  right  in  supposing  I  neglected  to  prepare  what  I 
promised  you  at  Philadelphia.  The  truth  is,  I  was  in  such  a 
hurry  to  get  home  that  I  could  think  of  nothing  else.  As  I  set 
out  to-morrow  morning  for  Albany,  I  cannot  from  this  place, 
send  you  the  matter  you  wish. 

Imagine,  my  dear  Meade,  what  pleasure  it  must  give  Eliza 
and  myself  to  know  that  Mrs.  Meade  interests  herself  in  us. 
Without  a  personal  acquaintance,  we  have  been  long  attached  to 
her.  My  visit  at  Mr.  Fitzhugh's  confirmed  my  partiality.  Betsy 
is  so  fond  of  your  family,  that  she  proposes  to  form  a  match 
between  her  boy  and  your  girl,  provided  you  will  engage  to  make 
the  latter  as  amiable  as  her  mother. 

Truly,  my  dear  Meade,  I  often  regret  that  fortune  has  cast 
our  residence  at  such  a  distance  from  each  other.  It  would  be  a 
serious  addition  to  my  happiness  if  we  lived  where  I  could  see 
you  every  day ;  but  fate  has  determined  it  otherwise.  I  am  a 
little  hurried,  and  can  only  request,  in  addition,  that  you  will 
present  me  most  affectionately  to  Mrs.  Meade,  and  believe  me  to 
be, 

With  the  warmest 

And  most  unalterable  friendship, 
Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


^JT.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  277 

LAFAYETTE  TO   HAMILTON".* 

PARIS,  April  12,  1782. 

DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

However  silent  you  may  please  to  be,  I  will  nevertheless  re 
mind  you  of  a  friend  who  loves  you  tenderly,  and  who,  by  his 
attachment,  deserves  a  great  share  in  your  affection.  This  letter, 
my  dear  sir,  will  be  delivered  or  sent  by  Count  de  Segur,  an 
intimate  friend  of  mine,  a  man  of  wit  and  of  abilities,  and  whose 
society  you  will  certainly  be  pleased  with.  I  warmly  recom 
mend  him  to  you,  and  hope  he  will  meet  from  you  with  more 
than  civilities.  Now  let  us  talk  politics. 

The  old  Ministry  have  retired,  and  Lord  North  was  not  sorry 
at  the  opportunity.  The  new  ministers  are  not  much  our  friends : 
they  are  not  friends  to  each  other :  they  have  some  honest  men 
with  little  sense,  and  some  sensible  men  without  honesty.  They 
are  forced  to  new  measures,  not  only  by  circumstances,  but  also 
by  the  dispositions  they  have  formerly  announced. 

Entre  nous  seuls.  81  [the  British  Ministry]  gave  a  hint  to  82 
[the  French  Ministers'],  but  it  would  not  do  without  54  [America]. 
Now  the  reverse  will  probably  be  done ;  after  which,  arrange 
ments  will  take  place  in  a  few  months,  and  I  wish  you  was  here, 
not  so  much  205  [Secretary  to  Dr.  Franklin],  as  to  the  Commission. 
However,  I  would  like  205  to  be  125  [Minister  to  the  French 
Court].  If  you  are  153  [Member  of  Congress],  and  if  something 
is  said  to  you  there,  I  wish  you  may  be  employed  in  the  answer. 
5  [French  ships]  without  9  [Spanish  ships]  (and  4  [Dutch]  is  no 
thing),  will  not,  I  fear,  give  40  [Charleston.}  That  is  a  cause  of 
delay,  and  the  7  [/Spaniards]  think  much  more  of  8  [  West  Indies]. 
But  I  hope  for  26  [Carolina]  and  22  [Georgia]  in  18  [/September]. 
84  [the  King  of  France]  has  answered  about  47  [peace],  as  you 
and  I,  and  every  good  American,  may  wish. 

*  The  figures  in  the  present  letter  are  part  of  a  cipher  concerted  between 
Hamilton  and  LaFayette.  The  interpretations,  here  placed  between  brackets 
are  written  over  the  figures,  on  the  originals,  in  General  Hamilton's  hand 
writing. — Editor. 


278  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  25. 

In  the  present  situation  of  affairs,  I  thought  my  presence 
was  more  useful  to  the  cause  in  this  part  of  the  world  than  it 
could  be  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  I  wish  to  have  some 
matters  well  arranged  before  I  go,  and  then  I  hope  to  set  sails 
towards  my  friends  in  America. 

Be  pleased,  my  dear  friend,  to  present  my  best  respects  to 
your  lady.  My  compliments  wait  on  General  Schuyler  and  all 
the  family.  Adieu,  dear  Hamilton. 

With  the  most  sincere  attachment, 
I  am,  for  ever, 

Your  devoted,  affectionate  servant, 

LA  FAYETTE. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


MOKRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

OFFICE  OF  FINANCE,  PHILADELPHIA,  May  2,  1782. 

SIK: 

Mr.  Charles  Stewart,  late  Commissary  General  of  Issue,  has 
informed  me  you  are  disposed  to  quit  the  military  line  for  the 
purpose  of  entering  into  civil  life.  He,  at  the  same  time,  in 
duced  me  to  believe,  that  you  would  accept  the  office  of  Ee- 
ceiver  of  the  Continental  taxes  for  the  State  of  New- York. 
The  intention  of  this  letter  is  to  offer  you  that  appointment. 
The  duties  of  the  office  will  appear,  in  a  great  degree,  from  the 
publications  made  by  me  on  this  subject.  In  addition,  it  will  be 
necessary  that  you  correspond  frequently  with  me,  and  give 
accurate  accounts  of  whatever  may  be  passing  in  your  State, 
which  it  may  be  necessary  for  this  office  to  be  acquainted  with. 
But  this,  and  other  things  of  that  sort,  will  be  more  fully  com 
municated  after  you  have  signified  your  acceptance  of  the  office. 
For  the  trouble  of  executing  it,  I  shall  allow  you  one-fourth  per 
cent,  on  the  moneys  you  receive.  The  amount  of  the  quota 
called  for  from  New- York,  for  the  current  year,  is,  as  you  know, 
three  hundred  and  seventy-three  thousand,  five  hundred  and 


jET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  2*79 

ninety-eight  dollars.     I  shall  be  glad  to  know  your  determina 
tion  as  soon  as  possible.     I  make  to  you  no  professions  of  my 
confidence  and  esteem,  because  I  hope  they  are  unnecessary; 
but  if  they  are,  my  wish  that  you  would  accept  the  offer  I  make 
is  the  strongest  evidence  I  can  give  of  them. 
I  pray  you,  Sir,  to  believe  me, 
Very  respectfully, 

Your  most  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

EGBERT  MOKRIS. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  May  18,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  had  this  day  the  honor  of  receiving  your  letter  of  the 
second  instant,  and  am  much  obliged  by  the  mark  of  your  con 
fidence  which  it  contains ;  and  to  Colonel  Stewart  for  his  friendly 
intentions  upon  the  occasion. 

My  military  situation  has  indeed  become  so  negative  that  I 
have  no  motive  to  continue  in  it ;  and  if  my  services  could  be  of 
importance  to  the  public  in  a  civil  line,  I  should  cheerfully 
obey  its  command.  But  the  plan  which  I  have  marked  out  to 
myself  is  the  profession  of  the  law ;  and  I  am  now  engaged  in  a 
course  of  studies  for  that  purpose.  Time  is  so  precious  to  me, 
that  I  could  not  put  myself  in  the  way  of  any  interruptions, 
unless  for  an  object  of  consequence  to  the  public  or  to  myself. 
The  present  is  not  of  this  nature.  Such  are  the  circumstances 
of  this  State,  the  benefit  arising  from  the  office  you  propose 
would  not,  during  the  war,  exceed  yearly  one  hundred  pounds ; 
for,  unfortunately,  I  am  persuaded  it  will  not  pay  annually  into 
the  Continental  treasury  above  forty  thousand  pounds ;  and  on 
a  peace  establishment  this  will  not  be  for  some  time  to  come 
much  more  than  doubled.  You  will  perceive,  sir,  that  an  en 
gagement  of  this  kind  does  not  correspond  with  my  views,  and 
does  not  afford  sufficient  inducement  to  relinquish  them. 


280  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  25. 

I  am  not  the  less  sensible  of  the  obliging  motives  which 
dictated  the  offer;  and  it  will  be  an  additional  one  to  that 
respect  and  esteem  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very 
truly  sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  the  Hon.  Eobert  Morris,  Esq. 


MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

OFFICE  OF  FINANCE,  June  4,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  eighteenth  of  May.  I  am 
much  obliged  by  the  friendly  sentiments  you  express  for  me, 
which,  be  assured,  I  shall  retain  a  grateful  sense  of.  I  see,  with 
you,  that  the  office  I  had  the  pleasure  of  offering,  will  not  be 
equal  to  what  your  abilities  will  gain  in  the  profession  of  the 
law;  but  I  did  intend  that  the 'whole  sum  should  have  been  paid, 
although  the  whole  quota  of  the  taxes  had  not  been  collected 
by  the  State :  consequently  the  object  is  greater  than  you  sup 
posed,  and  the  business  might  probably  be  effected  without  more 
attention  than  you  could  spare  from  your  studies.  If  so,  I 
should  still  be  happy  in  your  acceptance;  and  will  leave  the 
matter  open  until  I  have  an  opportunity  of  hearing  from  you 
upon  the  subject. 

I  pray  you  to  believe  that  I  am, 
With  unfeigned  esteem, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

KOBERT  MORRIS. 
Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton. 


J£T.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  281 


HAMILTON  TO   MOKRIS. 

ALBANY,  June  17,  1782. 

SIR: 

The  letter  which  you  did  me  the  honor  to  write  me,  of  the 
fourth  instant,  came  to  my  hands  too  late  to  permit  me  to  answer 
it  by  the  return  of  the  same  post.  The  explanation  you  give  of 
your  intention  in  your  late  offer,  makes  it  an  object  that  will 
fully  compensate  for  the  time  it  will  deduct  from  my  other  occu 
pations.  In  accepting  it,  I  have  only  one  scruple,  arising  from  a 
doubt  whether  the  service  I  can  render,  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  will  be  an  equivalent  for  the  compensation.  The  whole 
system  (if  it  may  be  so  called)  of  taxation  in  this  State  is  radi 
cally  vicious,  burthensome  to  the  people,  and  unproductive  to 
Government.  As  the  matter  now  stands,  there  seems  to  be  little 
for  a  Continental  Eeceiver  to  do.  The  whole  business  appears 
to  be  thrown  into  the  hands  of  the  County  Treasurers  ;  nor  do 
I  find  there  is  any  appropriation  made  of  any  part  of  the  taxes 
collected,  to  Continental  purposes,  or  any  provision  to  authorize 
payment  to  the  officer  you  appoint :  this,  however,  must  be 
made.  There  is  only  one  way  in  which  I  can  imagine  a  pros 
pect  of  being  materially  useful ;  that  is,  in  seconding  your  appli 
cations  to  the  State.  In  popular  assemblies  much  may  some 
times  be  brought  about  by  personal  discussions,  by  entering  into 
details,  and  combating  objections  as  they  rise.  If  it  should,  at 
any  time,  be  thought  advisable  by  you  to  empower  me  to  act  in 
this  capacity,  I  shall  be  happy  to  do  every  thing  that  depends 
on  me  to  effectuate  your  views.  I  flatter  myself,  to  you,  sir,  I 
need  not  profess  that  I  suggest  this,  not  from  a  desire  to  augment 
the  importance  of  office,  but  to  advance  the  public  interest. 

It  is  of  primary  moment  to  me,  as  soon  as  possible  to  take 
my  station  in  the  law ;  and  on  this  consideration  I  am  pressing  to 
qualify  myself  for  admission  the  next  term,  which  will  be  the 
latter  end  of  July.  After  this,  if  you  think  an  interview  with 
me  necessary,  I  will  wait  upon  you  in  Philadelphia.  In  the 
mean  time,  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive  your  instructions,  and 


I- 

282  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

shall  direct  my  attention  more  particularly  to  acquiring  what 
ever  information  may  be  useful  to  my  future  operations.  I  have 
read  your  publications  at  different  times,  but  as  I  have  not  the 
papers  containing  them  in  my  possession,  it  will  be  necessary 
that  their  contents  should  be  comprised  in  your  instructions.  A 
meeting  of  the  Legislature  is  summoned  early  in  the  next  month, 
at  which,  if  I  previously  receive  your  orders,  it  may  be  possible 
to  put  matters  in  train. 

I  am  truly  indebted  to  you,  sir,  for  the  disposition  you  have 
manifested  upon  this  occasion ;  and  I  shall  only  add  an  assur 
ance  of  my  endeavors  to  justify  your  confidence,  and  prove  to 
you  the  sincerity  of  that  respectful  attachment  with  which 
I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Kobert  Morris,  Esq. 


HAMILTON   TO   COMFORT  SANDS. 

ALBANY,  June  22,  1782. 

SIR: 

Mr.  Morris  having  lately  offered  me  the  appointment  of  Ee- 
ceiver  of  Continental  taxes  for  this  State,  I  wish  to  collect  as 
much  and  as  accurate  information  as  possible  of  the  situation  of 
its  money  concerns.  It  will  be,  among  other  things,  of  great 
importance  that  I  should  form  an  idea  of  the  money  brought 
into  the  State  and  carried  out  of  it ;  and,  with  a  view  to  this,  I 
take  the  liberty  to  request  you  will  furnish  me  with  an  estimate 
of  what  you  have  reason  to  think  you  will  lay  out  in  this  State 
in  the  course  of  a  year,  in  the  transactions  of  your  contract  busi 
ness.  Mr.  Duer  has  been  so  obliging  as  to  promise  me  a  sketch 
of  his  disbursements  in  this  quarter,  and  has  informed  me  that  you 
are  principally  charged  with  what  relates  to  the  supplies  of  the 
main  army  as  well  as  West  Point ;  and  will  therefore  be  best 
able  to  enlighten  me  on  that  head.  The  calculation  may  not 


jET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  283 

admit  of  absolute  precision ;  but  if  it  comes  near  the  truth  it  will 
answer.  It  would  be  useful  that  you  could  distinguish,  as  nearly 
as  possible,  what  part  will  be  in  specie,  what  in  bank  and  in  other 
notes.  As  this  is  a  matter  that  can  be  attended  with  no  incon 
venience  to  any  person,  and  will  be  conducive  to  the  public 
utility,  I  flatter  myself  you  will  favor  me  with  a  speedy  com 
munication. 

I  am,  with  esteem,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Comfort  Sands,  Esq. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

PARIS,  June  29,  1782. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON: 

How  it  happens  that  I  still  am  in  Paris,  I  hardly  can  myself 
conceive;  and  what  is  more  surprising,  there  are  two  frigates 
going,  neither  of  which  will  carry  your  friend  to  America. 
Don't  think,  however,  dear  Hamilton,  I  am  so  much  altered  as 
to  be  kept  here  by  pleasure  or  private  affairs.  But  in  the 
present  circumstances,  the  American  ministers  have  insisted 
upon  my  remaining  some  time  longer  at  this  court;  where, 
they  say,  I  may  render  myself  more  useful  to  our  cause,  than 
I  can  possibly  be  in  America,  during  an  inactive  campaign.  My 
return,  however,  is  only  deferred  for  a  few  weeks;  and  after 
some  answers  have  arrived  from  England,  which,  I  think,  will 
discover  the  views  of,  but  not  yet  produce  a  reconciliation  with, 
Great  Britain,  I  intend  embarking  for  Philadelphia,  where  I 
hope  to  land  in  the  first  days  of  September. 

This  stroke  of  Count  de  Grasse  has  greatly  deranged  my 
schemes.  I  hoped  for  40  [Charleston]  and  perhaps  for  better  than 
that;  but  nothing  until  6  [Jamaica]  was  done.  40  [Charleston] 
I  much  expected.  9  [the  Spaniards]  don't  like  54  [America']. 
We  must  previously  have  40  [Charleston]  ;  and  then,  to  put  them 


284  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-fix.  25. 

in  good  humor,  do  something  about  8  [  West  Indies]  ;  both  of 
which  are  not  yet  done ;  and  after  that  I  hope.  But  at  all  events, 
this  campaign  will  be  very  inactive,  I  think.  However,  they  are 
going  to  take  Gibraltar,  and  will  gather  so  many  means  of  doing 
of  it,  that  it  is  said  they  will  succeed.  After  this  trial,  the 
forces  of  the  House  of  Bourbon  will  be  distributed  with  a  better 
scale.  46  [Negotiations]  is  going  on,  and  47  [Peace]  expected ; 
but  not,  I  think,  immediately.  You  have  a  good  chance,  and  I 
believe  you  have  time,  to  be  one  of  the  125  [Commissioners']. 
Jefferson  does  not  come.  Mr.  Laurens,  I  am  told,  intends  to 
return  home;  and  I  cannot  conceive  (entre  nous)  what  he  is 
about.  Mr.  Adams  thinks  his  presence  is  wanting  in  Holland. 
I  thought  I  had  better  give  you  these  intelligences. 

Not  a  word  from  you  since  we  parted  in  Virginia ;  but  I 
am  a  good-natured  man,  and  will  not  get  tired  to  speak  to  a  deaf 
man.  Adieu. 

Most  affectionately, 

Your  for  ever  devoted  friend, 

To  Lieutenant-Colonel  LA  FAYETTE. 

Alexander  Hamilton. 


MORRIS   TO    HAMILTON. 

OFFICE  OF  FINANCE,  July  2,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  yesterday  received  your  letter  of  the  seventeenth  of  June, 
and  am  very  happy  to  find  you  determined  to  accept  the  office  I 
had  the  pleasure  of  offering  to  you.  I  inclose  the  Commission, 
Instructions,  etc.,  together  with  a  Bond  for  performance  of  the 
duties,  which  I  must  request  you  to  fill  up,  execute  with  some 
sufficient  security,  and  transmit. 

The  complaint  you  make  of  the  system  of  taxation  in  New- 
York,  might,  I  believe,  very  justly  be  extended;  for,  though  it 
may  be  more  defective  in  some  than  in  others,  it  is,  I  fear,  very 
far  from  perfect  in  any.  I  had  already  heard  that  no  part  of  the 


^ET.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  285 

taxes  were  appropriated  to  Continental  purposes;  but  I  expect 
that  the  Legislature  will,  when  they  meet,  make  such  appropria 
tion,  as  well  as  lay  new,  and,  I  hope,  productive  taxes,  for  the 
purposes  of  paying  what  may  remain  of  their  quota.  It  gives 
me  a  singular  pleasure  to  find,  that  you  have  yourself  pointed 
out  one  of  the  principal  objects  of  your  appointment.  You  will 
find  that  it  is  specified  in  the  inclosure  of  the  fifteenth  of  April. 
I  do  not  conceive  that  any  interview  will  be  necessary,  though  I 
shall  always  be  happy  to  see  you,  when  your  leisure  and  con 
venience  will  admit.  In  the  mean  time,  I  must  request  you  to 
exert  your  talents  in  forwarding  with  your  Legislature,  the  views 
of  Congress.  Your  former  situation  in  the  army,  the  present 
situation  of  that  very  army,  your  connections  in  the  State,  your 
perfect  knowledge  of  men  and  measures,  and  the  abilities  which 
heaven  has  blessed  you  with,  will  give  you  a  fine  opportunity  to 
forward  the  public  service,  by  convincing  the  Legislature  of  the 
necessity  of  copious  supplies,  and  by  convincing  all  who  have 
claims  on  the  justice  of  Congress,  that  those  claims  exist  only 
by  that  hard  necessity  which  arises  from  the  negligence  of  the 
States. 

When  to  this,  you  shall  superadd  the  conviction  that  what 
remains  of  the  war,  being  only  a  war  of  finance,  solid  arrange 
ments  of  finance  must  necessarily  terminate  favorably,  not  only 
to  our  hopes,  but  even  to  our  wishes;  then,  sir,  the  Govern 
ments  will  be  disposed  to  lay,  and  the  people  to  bear,  those  bur 
thens  which  are  necessary  ;  and  then  the  utility  of  your  office, 
and  of  the  officer,  will  be  as  manifest  to  others  as  at  present  to 
me. 

With  perfect  respect, 

Your  most  obedient 

And  humble  servant, 

EGBERT  MORKIS. 
Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq., 

Keceiver  of  Taxes  for  New- York. 


286  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [jET.  25. 


HAMILTON  TO   MOERIS. 

ALBANY,  July  13,  1782. 

SIE: 

I  have  this  moment  received  your  letter  of  the  second  inst., 
and  as  the  post  will  set  out  on  its  return  in  half  an  hour,  I  have 
little  more  than  time  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  it. 

I  shall,  to-morrow  morning,  commence  a  journey  to  Pough- 
keepsie,  where  the  Legislature  are  assembled;  and  I  will  en 
deavor,  by  every  step  in  my  power,  to  second  your  views ; 
though,  I  am  sorry  to  add,  without  very  sanguine  expectations. 
I  think  it  probable  the  Legislature  will  do  something  :  but  what 
ever  momentary  effort  they  may  make,  till  the  entire  change  of 
their  present  system,  very  little  will  be  done.  To  effect  this, 
mountains  of  prejudice  and  particular  interest  are  to  be  levelled. 
For  my  own  part,  considering  the  late  serious  misfortune  of  our 
ally,  the  spirit  of  reformation,  of  wisdom,  and  of  unanimity, 
which  seems  to  have  succeeded  to  that  of  blunder,  perverseness, 
and  dissension  in  the  British  Government,  and  the  universal  re 
luctance  of  these  States  to  do  what  is  right,  I  cannot  help  view 
ing  our  situation  as  critical :  and  I  feel  it  the  duty  of  every 
citizen  to  exert  his  faculties  to  the  utmost  to  support  the  mea 
sures,  especially  those  solid  arrangements  of  finance  on  which 
our  safety  depends. 

I  will,  by  next  post,  forward  you  the  Bond  executed  with 
proper  sureties. 

It  is  not  in  the  spirit  of  compliment,  but  of  sincerity,  I 
assure  you,  that  the  opinion  I  entertain  of  him  who  presides  in 
the  department,  was  not  one  of  the  smallest  motives  to  my 
acceptance  of  the  office;  nor  will  that  esteem  and  confidence 
which  make  me  now  sensibly  feel  the  obliging  expressions  of 
your  letter,  fail  to  have  a  great  share  in  influencing  my  future 
exertions. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  perfect  esteem  and  respect, 
Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  Kobert  Morris,  Esq. 


^Ex.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  287 


HAMILTON  TO   GOV.   CLINTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  July  16,  1782. 

SIE: 

I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  your  Excellency  the  copy  of  a 
warrant  from  the  Honorable  Eobert  Morris,  Esq.,  Superintendent 
of  the  Finances  of  the  United  States ;  by  which  you  will  perceive 
that,  agreeably  to  the  Kesolution  of  Congress  of  the  second  of 
November  last,  he  has  appointed  me  Receiver  of  the  Continental 
taxes  for  this  State.  I  am  therefore  to  request  that  the  Legis 
lature  will  be  pleased  to  vest  in  me  the  authority  required  by 
that  Kesolution. 

It  is  a  part  of  my  duty  to  explain  to  the  Legislature,  from 
time  to  time,  the  views  of  the  Superintendent  of  Finance,  in 
pursuance  of  the  orders  of  Congress,  that  they  may  be  the 
better  enabled  to  judge  of  the  measures  most  proper  to  be 
adopted  for  an  effectual  co-operation.  For  this  purpose,  I  pray 
your  Excellency  to  impart  my  request,  that  I  may  have  the 
honor  of  a  conference  with  a  Committee  of  the  two  Houses,  at 
such  time  and  place  as  they  may  find  convenient. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  perfect  respect  and  esteem, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  his  Excellency  Governor  Clinton. 


HAMILTON   TO   MOERIS. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  May  22,  1782. 


SIR: 

Agreeably  to  my  letter  to  you  from  Albany,  I  came  to  this 
place,  and  had  an  interview  with  a  Committee  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  in  which  I  urged  the  several  matters  contained  in  your  in- 


288  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

structions.  I  strongly  represented  the  necessity  of  solid  arrange 
ments  of  finance ;  and,  by  way  of  argument,  pointed  out  all  the 
defects  of  the  present  system.  I  found  every  man  convinced 
that  something  was  wrong,  but  few  that  were  willing  to  recognize 
the  mischief  when  defined,  and  consent  to  the  proper  remedy. 
The  quantum  of  taxes  already  imposed  is  so  great  as  to  make  it 
useless  to  impose  any  others  to  a  considerable  amount.  A  bill 
has,  however,  passed  both  Houses,  payable  in  specie,  bank  notes, 
or  your  notes,  for  eighteen  thousand  pounds.  It  is  at  present 
appropriated  to  your  order ;  but  I  doubt  whether  some  subse 
quent  arrangement  will  not  take  place  for  a  different  appropri 
ation.  The  Commander-in-Chief  has  applied  for  a  quantity  of 
forage,  which  the  Legislature  is  devising  the  means  of  furnish 
ing  ;  and  I  fear  it  will  finish  by  diverting  the  eighteen  thousand 
pounds  to  that  purpose.  I  have  hitherto  been  able  to  prevent 
this ;  but  as  it  is  of  indispensable  importance  to  me  to  leave  this 
place  immediately,  to  prepare  for  my  examination,  for  which  I 
have  pledged  myself  the  ensuing  term,  which  is  at  hand,  it  is 
possible,  after  I  have  left  it,  contrary  ideas  will  prevail.  Efforts 
have  been  made  to  introduce  a  species  of  negotiable  certificates, 
which  I  have  strenuously  opposed.  It  has  not  yet  taken  place ; 
but  I  am  not  clear  how  the  matter  will  terminate. 

Should  the  bill  for  the  eighteen  thousand  pounds  go  out  in 
its  present  form,  I  cannot  hope  that  it  will  produce  in  the  trea 
sury  above  half  the  sum;  such  are  the  vices  of  our  present 
mode  of  collection. 

A  bill  has  also  passed  the  Assembly  for  collecting  arrearages 
of  taxes,  payable  in  specie,  bank  notes,  your  notes ;  old  Conti 
nental  emissions  at  one  hundred  and  twenty -eight  for  one,  and  a 
species  of  certificates  issued  by  the  State  for  the  purchase  of 
horses.  This  is  now  before  the  Senate.  The  arrearages  are 
very  large. 

Both  Houses  have  unanimously  passed  a  set  of  resolutions, 
to  be  transmitted  to  Congress  and  the  several  States,  proposing 
a  Convention  of  the  States,  to  enlarge  the  powers  of  Congress 
and  vest  them  with  funds.  I  think  this  a  very  eligible  step, 
though  I  doubt  of  the  concurrence  of  the  other  States ;  but  I 


MT.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  289 

am  certain,  without  it,  they  never  will  be  brought  to  co-operate 
in  any  reasonable  or  effectual  plan.  Urge  reforms,  or  exertions, 
and  the  answer  constantly  is,  What  avails  it  for  one  State  to 
make  them  without  the  concert  of  the  others  ?  It  is  in  vain  to 
expose  the  futility  of  this  reasoning :  it  is  founded  in  all  those 
passions  which  have  the  strongest  influence  on  the  human  mind. 

The  Legislature  have  also  appointed,  at  my  instance,  a  com 
mittee  to  devise,  in  its  recess,  a  more  effectual  system  of  taxa 
tion,  and  to  communicate  with  me  on  this  subject.  A  good  deal 
will  depend  on  the  success  of  this  attempt.  Convinced  of  the 
absurdity  of  multiplying  taxes  in  the  present  mode,  where,  in 
effect,  the  payment  is  voluntary,  and  the  money  received  ex 
hausted  in  the  collection,  I  have  labored  chiefly  to  instil  the 
necessity  of  a  change  in  the  plan ;  and,  though  not  so  rapidly  as 
the  exigency  of  public  affairs  requires,  truth  seems  to  be  making 
some  progress. 

There  is  no  other  appropriation  to  the  use  of  Congress  than 
of  the  eighteen  thousand  pounds. 

I  shall,  as  soon  as  possible,  give  you  a  full  and  just  view  of 
the  situation  and  temper  of  this  State.  This  cannot  be  till  after 
my  intended  examination  :  that  over,  I  shall  lay  myself  out  in 
every  way  that  can  promote  your  views  and  the  public  good. 

I  am  informed  you  have  an  appointment  to  make  of  a  Com 
missioner  of  Accounts  for  this  State.  Permit  me  to  suggest  the 
expediency  of  choosing  a  citizen  of  the  State ;  a  man  who,  to 
the  qualifications  requisite  for  the  execution  of  the  office,  adds 
an  influence  in  its  affairs.  I  need  not  particularize  the  reasons 
of  this  suggestion.  In  my  next  I  will  also  take  the  liberty  to 
mention  some  characters. 

I  omitted  mentioning  that  the  two  Houses  have  also  passed 
a  bill,  authorizing  Congress  to  adjust  the  quotas  of  the  States  on 
equitable  principles,  agreeably  to  your  recommendation. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  sincere  attachment  and  respect, 
Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  the  Hon.  Eobert  Morris,  Esq. 

VOL.  i.  19 


290  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 


HAMILTON  TO  COLONEL  HAY. 

ALBANY,  August  3,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Mr.  Morris,  some  time  since,  in  a  circular  letter  to  the  States, 
among  other  things,  requested  to  have  an  account  of  all  the 
money,  provisions,  transportations,  etc.,  furnished  by  this  State 
to  the  United  States,  since  the  eighteenth  of  March,  seventeen 
hundred  and  eighty. 

I  have  been  very  happy  to  hear,  that  this  business  has  been 
intrusted  to  your  hands  :  for  I  am  sure,  feeling  its  importance, 
you  will  give  it  all  the  dispatch  in  your  power. 

I  have  written  to  the  Governor  on  the  subject ;  but,  lest  other 
occupations  should  delay  his  attention  to  it,  I  must  request  you 
to  inform  me,  precisely,  what  part  of  the  matter  has  been  intrust 
ed  to  your  management,  and  what  progress  you  have  been  able 
to  make. 

I  shall  also  thank  you  to  send  me  the  amount  of  any  certifi 
cates,  or  paper  money  in  any  shape,  which,  through  your  office, 
have  passed  into  circulation,  distinguishing  the  different  spe 
cies. 

You  will  do  me  a  favor  by  letting  me  hear  from  you  as  soon 
as  possible. 

I  am,  with  sincere  esteem, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  I  must  still  trouble  you  with  an  additional  request, 
which  is,  that  you  let  me  know,  as  exactly  as  possible,  the  gross 
product  of  each  supply -bill  in  your  department  in  specie  value, 
and  the  amount  of  all  expenses  on  each.  This  I  want,  with  a 
view  to  the  subjects  we  have  been  speaking  of. 

A.  H. 


&T.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  291 

HAMILTON"  TO   GOVERNOR  CLINTON. 

ALBANY,  August  3,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  lately  received  a  letter  from  the  Superintendent  of 
Finance,  inclosing  a  copy  of  a  circular  letter  from  him  to  the 
several  States,  dated  twenty -fifth  July,  '81,  in  which  he  requests 
information  on  the  following  important  points. 

"  What  supplies,  of  every  kind,  money,  provisions,  forage, 
transportation,  etc.,  have  been  furnished  by  this  State  to  the 
United  States,  since  the  eighteenth  of  March,  1780." 

"  The  amount  of  the  money  in  the  treasury :  the  sums  ex 
pected  to  be  there ;  the  times  they  will  probably  be  brought  in  ; 
the  appropriations." 

"  The  amount  of  the  different  paper  currencies  in  the  State ; 
the  probable  increase,  or  decrease,  of  each;  and  the  respective 
rates  of  depreciation." 

"  The  Acts  passed  since  the  eighteenth  of  March,  1780,  for 
raising  taxes,  furnishing  supplies,  etc. ;  the  manner  they  have 
been  executed ;  the  time  necessary  for  them  to  operate ;  the 
consequences  of  their  operation ;  the  policy  of  the  State  relative 
to  laying,  assessing,  levying,  and  collecting  taxes." 

In  his  letter,  which  is  circular,  to  the  Eeceivers,  he  says '  the 
answers  he  has  received  to  these  inquiries  are  few  and  short  of 
the  object;  and  he  therefore  urges  me  to  take  the  most  speedy 
and  effectual  means,  in  my  power,  to  enable  him  to  form  a 
proper  judgment  on  such  of  the  subjects  referred  to,  as  the  ac 
tual  state  of  things  renders  it  important  to  know. 

In  compliance  with  this,  I  request  the  favor  of  your  Excel 
lency  to  inform  me,  what  steps  have  been  taken  on  the  several 
heads  of  which  the  above  is  an  abstract :  and  what  progress  has 
been  made  in  the  business ;  particularly  with  respect  to  the  first 
article.  I  shall  also  be  much  obliged  to  you  to  direct  Mr.  Holt 
to  furnish  me,  without  delay,  with  the  Acts  mentioned  in  the 
inclosed  list. 

Your  Excellency  must  have  been  too  sensible  of  the  necessity 


292  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEi.  25. 

of  enabling  the  Director  of  the  Finances  of  the  United  States  to 
form  a  jnst  judgment  of  the  true  state  of  our  affairs,  to  have 
omitted  any  measure  in  your  power  to  procure  the  fullest  infor 
mation  on  the  several  matters  submitted  to  you :  and  I  am  per 
suaded  the  business  is  in  such  a  train  that  little  will  be  left  for 
me  to  do. 

I  entreat  you  will  do  me  the  honor  to  let  me  hear  from  you 
as  soon  as  possible  on  the  subject. 

It  would  promote  the  public  business,  if  you  would  be  so  good 
as  to  direct  Mr.  Banker  to  supply  me  with  such  information  as  I 
might  call  upon  him  for.  He  is  very  obliging,  but  without  some 
authority  for  the  purpose,  there  is  a  delicacy  in  calling  upon  him. 
I  wrote  at  the  same  time  to  Mr.  Holt,  printer  for  the  State,  de 
siring  him  to  forward  me  the  copies  of  the  Acts  above  mention 
ed  ;  and  telling  him,  that  if  the  Governor  did  not  make  satisfac 
tion,  I  would  do  it.  These  Acts  were  all  those  relative  to 
finance  and  supply,  from  March  eighteenth,  1780,  to  this  time. 
With  perfect  respect, 

I  am  your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  His  Excellency  Governor  Clinton. 


HAMILTON  TO  THE   COUNTY  TKEASURERS. 

ALBANY,  August  5th,  1782. 

SIR: 

It  will  be  of  great  utility  to  the  State,  and  essential  to  the  ex 
ecution  of  my  instructions  from  the  Superintendent  of  Finance, 
that  I  should  be  able  to  ascertain,  as  speedily  as  possible,  the  ex 
pense  attending  the  collection  of  taxes  within  this  State.  In 
order  to  this,  I  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you  to  send  me  without 
delay  an  account  of  what  you  have  received  in  your  county, 
since  the  beginning  of  the  year  '80  to  this  time,  as  well  for  the 


jEi.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  293 

taxes  laid  for  county  purposes,  as  for  those  imposed  by  the  Legis 
lature  ;  and  of  the  expenses  of  every  kind  attending  the  collec 
tion  ;  those  of  the  supervisors,  assessors,  the  allowance  to  the 
collectors  and  to  yourself. 

When  I  assure  you  I  want  this  information  for  an  important 
purpose,  I  doubt  not  you  will  forward  it  to  me  as  speedily  as 
it  can  be  prepared,  and  with  as  much  accuracy  as  circumstances 
will  permit;  by  doing  which,  you  will  serve  the  public  and 

oblige,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON, 

Receiver  of  C.  S.  for  the  State  of  N.  Y. 


HAMILTON  TO   MORRIS. 

August  13,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

The  speculation  of  evils,  from  the  claims  of  Great  Britain, 
gives  way  to  the  pressure  of  inconveniences  actually  suffered ; 
and  we  required  the  event  which  has  lately  happened,  the  recog 
nition  of  our  independence  by  the  Dutch,  to  give  a  new  spring 
to  the  public  hopes  and  the  public  passions.  This  has  had  a 
good  effect.  And  if  the  Legislature  can  be  brought  to  adopt  a 
wise  plan  for  its  finances,  we  may  put  the  people  in  better 
humor,  and  give  a  more  regular  and  durable  movement  to  the 
machine.  The  people  of  this  State,  as  far  as  my  observation 
goes,  have  as  much  firmness  in  their  make,  and  as  much  submis- 
siveness  to  Government,  as  those  of  any  part  of  the  Union. 

It  remains  for  me  to  give  you  an  explicit  opinion  of  what  it 
is  practicable  for  this  State  to  do.  Even  with  a  judicious  plan 
of  taxation,  I  do  not  think  the  State  can  afford,  or  the  people 
will  bear  to  pay,  more  than  seventy  or  eighty  thousand  pounds 
a  year.  In  its  entire  and  flourishing  state,  according  to  my 
mode  of  calculating,  it  could  not  have  exceeded  two  hundred 
and  thirty  or  forty  thousand  pounds  ;  and,  reduced  as  it  is,  with 


294  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ex.  25. 

the  wheels  of  circulation  so  exceedingly  clogged  for  want  of  com 
merce  and  a  sufficient  medium,  more  than  I  have  said  cannot  be 
expected.  Passed  experience  will  not  authorize  a  more  flatter 
ing  conclusion. 

Out  of  this  is  to  be  deducted  the  expense  of  the  interior 
administration  of  Government,  and  the  money  necessary  for 
the  levies  of  men.  The  first  amounts  to  about  twelve  thou 
sand  pounds,  as  you  will  perceive  by  the  inclosed  statement ; 
but  I  suppose  the  Legislature  would  choose  to  retain  fifteen 
thousand  pounds.  The  money  hitherto  yearly  expended  in 
recruits,  has  amounted  to  between  twenty  and  thirty  thousand 
pounds;  but,  on  a  proper  plan,  ten  thousand  pounds  might 
suffice.  There  would  then  remain  forty  thousand  pounds  for 
your  department. 

But  this  is  on  the  supposition  of  a  change  of  system ;  for, 
with  the  present,  I  doubt  there  being  paid  into  the  Continental 
treasury  one-third  the  sum. 

I  am  endeavoring  to  collect  materials  for  greater  certainty 
upon  this  subject;  but  the  business  of  supplies  has  been  so 
diversified,  lodged  in  such  a  variety  of  independent  hands,  and 
so  carelessly  transacted,  that  it  is  hardly  possible  to  get  any 
tolerable  idea  of  the  gross  and  net  product.  With  the  help 
of  these  materials  I  shall  strive  to  convince  the  committee,  when 
they  meet,  that  a  change  of  measures  is  essential.  If  they  enter 
cordially  into  right  views,  we  may  succeed :  but  I  confess  I  fear 
more  than  I  hope. 

I  have  taken  every  step  in  my  power  to  procure  the  infor 
mation  you  have  desired  in  your  letter  of  July  '81 ;  the  most 
material  part  of  it,  an  account  of  the  supplies  furnished  since 
March  seventeen  hundred  and  eighty,  has  been  committed  to 
Colonel  Hay.  I  have  written  to  him,  in  pressing  terms,  to  ac 
celerate  the  preparation. 

You  will  perceive,  sir,  I  have  neither  flattered  the  State,  nor 
encouraged  high  expectations.  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  exhibit 
things  as  they  are,  not  as  they  ought  to  be.  I  shall  be  sorry  if 
it  give  an  ill  opinion  of  the  State,  for  want  of  equal  candor  in 
the  representation  of  others ;  for,  however  disagreeable  the  reflec- 


JEx.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  295 

tion,  I  have  too  much  reason  to  believe,  that  the  true  picture  of 
other  States  would  be,  in  proportion  to  their  circumstances, 
equally  unpromising.  All  my  inquiries,  and  all  that  appears, 
induces  this  opinion.  I  intend  this  letter  in  confidence  to  your 
self,  and  therefore  I  endorse  it  private. 

Before  I  conclude,  I  will  say  a  word  on  a  point  that  possibly 
you  would  wish  to  be  informed  about.  The  contract  up  this 
way  is  executed  generously  to  the  satisfaction  of  officers  and 
soldiers ;  which  is  the  more  meritorious  in  the  contractor,  as,  in 
all  probability,  it  will  be  to  him  a  losing  undertaking. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  sentiments  of  unfeigned  respect, 
Sir,  your  most  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  the  Hon.  Kobert  Morris,  Esq. 


GOVERNOR  CLINTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  August  13,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  third  instant.  I  am  not 
authorized  to  direct  the  printer  to  deliver  any  of  the  laws,  ex 
cept  a  certain  number  of  sets  which  are  by  law  directed  for  par 
ticular  purposes.  I  have,  however,  mentioned  your  desire  to 
the  gentlemen  of  the  committee  appointed  to  superintend  the 
printing  and  distribution  of  them,  and  requested  them  to  furnish 
you  with  a  set,  which  I  doubt  not  will  be  complied  with. 

Some  short  time  before  the  appointment  of  a  Superintendent 
of  Finance,  I  transmitted  to  Congress  the  most  perfect  informa 
tion  I  was  able  to  collect,  of  many  of  the  matters  mentioned  in 
your  letter ;  and  it  was  my  intention,  from  time  to  time,  to  have 
continued  these  communications  to  Mr.  Morris ;  but  our  laws 
remaining  so  long  unprinted,  the  dispersed  situation  of  the  dif 
ferent  public  officers,  and  the  difficulty,  from  this  circumstance, 
as  well  as  the  want  of  authority,  in  some  instances,  to  command 


296  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  25. 

the  necessary  returns,  rendered  it  a  business,  if  not  impracticable, 
requiring  more  time  and  attention  than  the  indispensable  duties 
of  my  office  afforded  leisure  to  bestow.  I  shall,  however,  be  happy 
to  give  you  every  aid  in  my  power  to  facilitate  it.  The  laws, 
with  the  returns  which  have  lately  been  made  by  the  different 
public  officers,  and  may  be  found  on  the  files  of  the  Legislature, 
and  in  the  treasurer's  office,  will  answer  most  of  the  questions 
stated.  The  answers  to  the  others,  appear  to  me  to  depend, 
in  some  measure,  on  matter  of  opinion ;  and,  as  the  operation 
of  our  laws  is  often  obstructed,  and  the  intended  consequences 
defeated,  by  unforeseen  events  arising  from  our  embarrassed 
situation,  they  cannot  be  given  with  any  great  degree  of  pre 
cision. 

You  will  readily  perceive,  sir,  that  the  treasurer,  from  the 
nature  of  his  office,  is  not,  except  in  cases  provided  for  by  law, 
subject  to  my  control.  I  am  persuaded,  however,  that  he,  as  well 
as  the  clerks  of  the  Legislature,  will  readily  give  you  every  infor 
mation  and  assistance  consistent  with  the  duties  of  their  respec 
tive  offices. 

I  am,  with  great  respect  and  esteem, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  CLINTON. 
To  Col.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


PICKERING  TO   HAMILTON. 

NEW- WINDSOR,  August  20,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  some  Bills  of  Exchange,  drawn  by  Mr.  Morris  on 
John  Swanwick,  which  I  am  authorized  to  exchange  with  the 
receivers  of  the  Continental  Taxes  in  any  of  the  States  eastward  of 
Pennsylvania.  Mr.  Morris  informed  me,  that  he  had  advised 
the  Keceivers  of  this  measure,  and  directed  their  taking  up  the 
bills  whenever  they  were  in  cash.  By  taxes  or  by  loan,  I  ex 
pect  this  State  will  shortly  furnish  you  with  money.  I  am 


jEx.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  297 

indebted  to  the  subjects  of  it  by  many  special  engagements, 
which  I  am  anxious  to  fulfil.  You  will  therefore  greatly  oblige 
me,  by  giving  me,  from  time  to  time,  information  of  the  money 
you  shall  receive ;  and  in  order  to  secure  the  earliest  supply,  I 
would  lodge,  if  you  please,  some  of  the  bills  in  your  hands. 
Bank  notes  or  Mr.  Morris's  notes  will  be  useful  to  me,  though 
not  so  beneficial  as  cash. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

With  respect  and  esteem, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

TIM.  PICKERING, 

Q.M.G. 

Col.  Alex.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO   MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  August  25,  1782. 

SIR: 

This  letter  serves  only  to  transmit  the  two  last  papers.  I 
wish  the  measures  I  have  taken  to  satisfy  you  on  the  points  you 
desire  to  be  informed  of,  had  been  attended  with  so  much  suc 
cess  as  to  enable  me  now  to  transmit  the  result.  But  I  find  a 
singular  confusion  in  the  accounts  kept  by  the  public  officers 
from  whom  I  must  necessarily  derive  my  information,  and  a 
singular  dilatoriness  in  complying  with  my  application,  partly 
from  indolence,  and  partly  from  jealousy  of  the  office.  I  hope, 
by  the  next  post,  to  transmit  you  information  on  some  par 
ticulars. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Eobert  Morris,  Esq. 


298  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  25. 

HAMILTON  TO  MEADE. 

ALBANY,  August  27,  1782. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  Meade,  for  your  letter  of  the  first  of 
this  month,  which  you  will  perceive  has  travelled  much  faster 
than  has  been  usual  with  our  letters.  Our  correspondence, 
hitherto,  has  been  unfortunate;  nor,  in  fact,  can  either  of  us 
compliment  himself  on  his  punctuality ;  but  you  were  right  in 
concluding,  that  however  indolence,  or  accident,  may  interrupt 
our  intercourse,  nothing  will  interrupt  our  friendship.  Mine  for 
you  is  built  on  the  solid  basis  of  a  full  conviction  that  you  de 
serve  it,  and  that  it  is  reciprocal ;  and  it  is  the  more  firmly  fixed 
because  you  have  few  competitors.  Experience  is  a  continual 
comment  on  the  worthlessness  of  the  human  race ;  and  the  few 
exceptions  we  find  have  the  greater  right  to  be  valued  in  pro 
portion  as  they  are  rare.  I  know  few  men  estimable,  fewer 
amiable ;  and  when  I  meet  with  one  of  the  last  description,  it  is 
not  in  my  power  to  withhold  my  affection. 

As  to  myself,  I  shall  sit  down  in  New- York  when  it  opens ; 
and  this  period,  we  are  told,  approaches.  No  man  looks  forward 
to  a  peace  with  more  pleasure  than  I  do  ;  though  no  man  would 
sacrifice  less  to  it  than  myself,  if  I  were  not  convinced  the  people 
sigh  for  peace. 

I  have  been  studying  the  law  for  some  months,  and  have 
lately  been  licensed  as  an  attorney.  I  wish  to  prepare  myself  by 
October  for  examination  as  a  counsellor ;  but  some  public  avo 
cation  may  possibly  prevent  me. 

I  had  almost  forgotten  to  tell  you,  that  I  have  been  pretty 
unanimously  elected,  by  the  Legislature  of  this  State,  a  member 
of  Congress,  to  begin  to  serve  in  November.  I  do  not  hope  to 
reform  the  State,  although  I  shall  endeavor  to  do  all  the  good  I 


God  bless  you. 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Colonel  Meade. 


^ET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  299 

MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

OFFICE  OF  FINANCE,  August  28,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  duly  received  your  several  favors  of  the  twenty-second 
and  twenty -seventh  of  July,  and  tenth  and  thirteenth  of  August. 
My  not  answering  them  is  owing  to  causes  which  you  will  easily 
conceive,  because  you  will  easily  conceive  the  multiplicity  of  ob 
jects  to  which  I  must  turn  my  attention.  I  am  very  sorry  to 
learn  that  you  can  no  longer  continue  in  the  office  of  Receiver. 
It  would  have  given  me  great  pleasure  that  you  should  have 
done  so,  because  I  am  sure  that  you  would  have  rendered  very 
signal  service  to  the  public  cause  :  this  you  will  now  do  in  an 
other  line,  more  important,  as  it  is  more  extensive :  and  the  just 
ness  of  your  sentiments  on  public  affairs,  induces  my  warm  wish, 
that  you  may  find  a  place  in  Congress  so  agreeable  as  that  you 
may  be  induced  to  continue  in  it. 

I  should  readily  have  complied  with  your  wish,  as  to  a  suc 
cessor,  but  there  are  many  reasons  which  have  called  my  atten 
tion  to,  and  fixed  my  choice  upon,  Doctor  Tillotson.  We  will 
converse  on  this  subject  when  we  meet.  I  am,  however,  very 
far  from  being  unmindful  of  your  recommendations ;  and  al 
though  I  cannot  name  the  citizen  of  any  State  to  settle  the  ac 
counts  of  that  particular  State,  consistently  with  the  general  line 
of  conduct  I  have  laid  down  for  myself,  yet  I  shall  do,  in  other 
respects,  what  is  in  my  power.  I  have  not  hitherto  been  able  to 
fix  on  a  proper  Commissioner  for  the  State  of  New- York.  The 
office  is  vacant  for  New  Hampshire  and  Rhode  Island.  I  inclose 
you  a  copy  of  the  Ordinance  on  the  subject,  that  you  may  know 
the  powers,  duties,  and  emoluments ;  and  I  have  to  request  that 
you  offer  these  places  to  Colonel  Malcolm  and  Mr.  Lawrence. 
You  will  make  the  first  offer,  including  the  choice,  as  your  own 
judgment  may  direct.  Should  the  gentlemen,  or  either  of  them, 
accept,  you  will  be  so  kind  as  to  give  me  early  notice.  I  will 
then  immediately  recommend  them  to  the  States  respectively ; 


300  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  25. 

and  on  receiving  their  approbation,  the  proper  instructions,  etc., 
can  be  expedited. 

I  am  sorry  to  learn  that  any  letter  of  mine  should  have  given 
offence  ;  but  I  conclude  that  this  effect  must  follow  from  many 
parts  of  my  writings  and  conduct ;  because  the  steady  pursuit 
of  what  appears  to  be  the  true  line  of  duty,  will  necessarily 
cross  the  various  oblique  views  of  interest  and  opinion.  To  of 
fend  is  sometimes  a  fault,  always  a  misfortune.  The  letter  in 
question  is,  I  suppose,  under  the  date  of  the  eleventh  of  Decem 
ber,  of  which  I  inclose  you  a  copy.  Let  me,  at  the  same  time, 
assure  you,  that  in  all  your  excellent  letter  of  the  thirteenth  in 
stant,  I  most  esteem  the  clause  now  in  question ;  because  it  con 
tains  that  useful  information  which  is  least  common.  I  will 
make  no  apologies  for  the  letter  to  any  one,  because  apologies 
are  rarely  useful ;  and  where  the  intention  has  been  good,  they 
are,  to  candid  minds,  unnecessary.  Possessed  of  the  facts,  you 
can  guard  against  misrepresentation ;  and  I  have  ever  found  that 
to  be  the  most  hostile  weapon  which  either  my  personal  or 
political  enemies  have  been  able  to  wield  against  me. 

I  have  not,  even  yet,  seen  the  Kesolutions  of  your  Legislature 
relative  to  an  extension  of  the  powers  of  Congress.  I  had 
supposed  the  same  reason  for  them  which  you  have  expressed. 
Indeed,  power  is  generally  such  a  darling  object  with  weak 
minds,  that  they  must  feel  extreme  reluctance  to  bid  it  farewell ; 
neither  do  I  believe  that  any  thing  will  induce  a  general  consent 
to  part  with  it,  but  a  perfect  sense  of  absolute  necessity.  This 
may  arise  from  two  sources ;  the  one  of  reason,  and  the  other  of 
feeling :  the  former  more  safe  and  more  uncertain ;  the  latter 
always  severe  and  often  dangerous.  It  is,  my  dear  sir,  in  cir 
cumstances  like  this,  that  a  patriot  mind,  seeking  the  great  good 
of  the  whole,  on  enlightened  principles,  can  best  be  distinguished 
from  those  vulgar  souls  whose  narrow  optics  can  see  but  the 
little  circle  of  selfish  concerns.  Unhappily,  such  souls  are  but 
too  common,  and  but  too  often  fill  the  seats  of  dignity  and 
authority.  A  firm,  wise,  manly  system  of  federal  government  is 
what  I  once  wished,  what  I  now  hope,  what  I  dare  not  expect, 
but  what  I  will  not  despair  of. 


.£T.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  301 

Your  description  of  the  mode  of  collecting  taxes,  contains 
an  epitome  of  the  follies  which  prevail  from  one  end  of  the  con 
tinent  to  the  other.  There  is  no  end  to  the  absurdity  of  human 
nature.  Mankind  seem  to  delight  in  contrast  and  paradox  ;  for 
surely  nothing  else  could  sanctify  (during  a  contest  on  the 
precise  point  of  being  taxed  by  our  own  consent)  the  arbitrary 
policy  which,  on  this  subject,  almost  universally  prevails.  God 
grant  you  success  in  your  views  to  amend  it.  Your  ideas  on  the 
subject  are  perfectly  correspondent  to  my  own.  As  to  your 
doubt  on  the  mode  of  collecting  it,  I  would  wish  to  obviate  it 
by  the  observation,  that  the  farther  off  we  can  remove  the 
appointment  of  Collectors  from  popular  influence,  the  more 
effectual  will  be  their  operations;  and  the  more  they  conform 
to  the  views  of  Congress,  the  more  effectually  will  they  enable 
that  body  to  provide  for  general  defence.  In  political  life,  the 
creature  will  generally  pay  some  deference  to  both.  The  having 
a  double  set  of  officers  is  indeed  an  evil ;  but  a  good  thing  is 
not  always  to  be  rejected  because  of  that  necessary  portion  of 
evil  which,  in  the  course  of  things,  must  be  attached  to  it. 
Neither  is  this  a  necessary  evil ;  for,  with  a  proper  Federal 
Government,  Army,  Navy,  and  Eevenue,  the  Civil  Adminis 
tration  might  well  be  provided  for  by  a  Stamp  Act,  Eoads  by 
Turnpikes,  and  Navigations  by  Tolls. 

The  account  you  give  of  the  State  is  by  no  means  flattering : 
and  the  more  true  it  appears,  the  more  concern  it  gives  me. 
The  loan,  I  hope,  will  be  completed ;  and  I  wish  the  whole 
amount  of  the  tax  may  be  collected.  The  Forage  plan  I  have 
disagreed  to ;  and  inclose,  for  your  information,  the  copy  of  my 
letter,  on  that  subject,  to  the  Quartermaster  General.  I  believe 
your  State  is  exhausted :  but  perhaps  even  you  consider  it  as  being 
more  so  than  it  is.  The  Certificates,  which  now  form  a  useless 
load,  will  (if  the  United  States  adopt,  and  the  several  States 
agree  to,  a  plan  now  before  Congress)  become  valuable  property. 
This  will  afford  great  relief.  The  scarcity  of  money,  also,  may 
be  immediately  relieved,  if  the  love  of  popular  favor  would 
so  far  give  way  to  the  love  of  public  good,  as  to  enforce  plentiful 
taxation.  The  necessity  of  having  money  will  always  produce 


302  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

money.  The  desire  of  having  it,  produces,  you  see,  so  much  as 
is  necessary  to  gratify  the  desire  of  enjoying  foreign  luxuries. 
Turn  the  stream,  which  now  flows  in  the  channels  of  Commerce, 
to  those  of  Kevenue,  and  the  business  is  completed.  Unfor 
tunately  for  us,  this  is  an  operation  which  requires  fortitude, 
perseverance,  virtue ;  and  which  cannot  be  effected  by  the  weak 
or  wicked  minds  who  have  only  partial,  private,  or  interested 
views. 

When  I  consider  the  exertions  which  the  country  you  possess 
has  already  made,  under  striking  disadvantages,  and  with  aston 
ishing  prodigality  of  national  wealth,  by  pernicious  modes  of 
applying  it ;  I  persuade  myself,  that  regular,  consistent  efforts, 
would  produce  much  more  than  you  suppose. 

*  •*  #  •*  *•  #  # 

I  am,  with  perfect  respect, 
Your  most  obedient 

And  humble  servant, 

KOBEKT  MORRIS. 
To  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  August  31,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  send  you  herewith  all  the  acts  of  the  Legislature  of  this 
State  since  the  Government  has  been  organized  ;  on  the  margin 
of  which  I  have  numbered  all  the  acts  relative  to  the  matters 
you  mention  in  your  letter  of  July,  '81,  to  the  States  agreeable  to 
the  within  list.  I  inclose  you  the  papers  of  the  last  week. 

The  indolence  of  some,  and  the  repugnancy  of  others,  make 
every  trifle  lag  so  much  in  the  execution,  that  I  am  not  able  at 
this  time  to  give  you  any  further  information.  I  wish  to  hear 


JET.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  303 

from  you  on  the  subject  of  my  former  letters  previous  to  the 
meeting  of  the  Committee — the  15th  of  the  ensuing  month. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  very  truly, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  H. 
To  the  Honorable  Superintendent  of  Finance. 


GOVERNOR  CLINTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  September  2,  1782. 

SIE: 

I  am  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  25th  instant,  previous 
to  which,  with  a  view  of  accelerating  the  collection  of  the  last 
Tax,  I  had  prepared,  and  have  since  dispatched  a  circular  letter 
to  the  several  County  Treasurers,  urging  them  and  the  other 
officers  concerned,  to  a  prompt  execution  of  their  duty,  or  that 
in  case  of  neglect  the  penalty  of  the  law  will  without  favor  be 
put  into  execution. 

I  have  not  received  information  from  all  the  Counties,  but  in 
this  and  some  others,  I  know  the  business  is  in  good  train,  and 
am  led  to  hope  that  the  taxes  will  be  speedily  collected  and 
paid  in. 

My  agents  employed  to  procure  moneys  on  loan  had  some 
time  since  transmitted  me  a  small  sum,  but  not  sufficient  to 
answer  the  orders  of  the  Legislature  in  favor  of  the  Delegates 
and  some  other  public  matters.  As  the  channel  through  which 
this  money  is  procured  is  subject  to  interruption  and  disappoint 
ment,  I  cannot  at  present  inform  you  of  any  sum  to  be  depended 
on,  but  I  expect  soon  to  see  or  hear  from  the  gentlemen,  and 
you  may  rest  assured  of  being  informed  of  the  result  without 
delay. 

I  am,  with  great  respect  and  esteem, 
Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

GEO.  CLINTON. 

Col.  Hamilton. 


304  HAMILTON'S     WORKS.  [Ah.  25. 

HAMILTON  TO  THE   COUNTY  TREASURERS. 

ALBANY,  September  7,  1782. 

SIR: 

The  fifteenth,  of  this  month  is  the  period  fixed  for  the  pay 
ment  of  the  tax  imposed  at  the  last  meeting  of  the  Legislature 
for  the  use  of  the  United  States.  The  public  exigencies,  and 
the  reputation  of  the  State,  require  that  every  exertion  should 
be  made  to  collect  this  tax  with  punctuality  and  dispatch ;  and 
it  is,  therefore,  my  duty  to  urge  you,  that  you  employ  the 
powers  vested  in  you,  and  all  your  personal  influence,  to  induce 
the  collectors  to  expedite  the  collection  with  all  the  zeal  and 
vigor  in  their  power.  While  the  other  States  are  all  doing 
something,  as  a  citizen  of  this,  I  shall  feel  a  sensible  mortifica 
tion  in  being  obliged  to  continue  publishing  to  the  others,  that 
this  State  pays  nothing  in  support  of  the  war,  as  I  have  been 
under  the  necessity  of  doing  the  last  two  months.  Besides  this, 
and  other  still  more  weighty  considerations,  a  regard  to  the 
subjects  of  the  State  itself  demands  every  exertion  in  our  power. 
They  have  parted  with  their  property  on  the  public  faith,  and  it 
is  impossible  for  the  public  to  fulfil  its  engagements  to  individ 
uals,  unless  it  is  enabled  to  do  it  by  the  equal  and  just  contri 
butions  of  the  community  at  large. 

I  am,  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO   MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  September  7,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  had  the  inclosed  ready  for  some  time ;  but  in  hopes 
of  receiving  the  returns  of  the  certificates  mentioned  in  memo 
randum  B,  I  delayed  sending  the  present  sketch.  Having  even 
received  no  answers  from  some  of  the  parties,  who  live  at  a 


^ET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  305 

distance  from  me,  I  suspect  they  have  done  their  business  in  so 
disorderly  a  manner  (to  say  nothing  worse  of  it)  that  they  are  at 
a  loss  how  to  render  the  accounts ;  and  I  have,  therefore,  con 
cluded  not  to  detain  any  longer  what  I  have  procured. 

I  do  not  take  the  step  mentioned  in  memorandum  A,  be 
cause  I  doubted  its  propriety.  It  might  raise  expectations  about 
the  old  money,  which,  possibly,  it  may  not  enter  into  your  plans 
to  raise :  and,  besides  this,  by  knowing  what  has  been  called  in, 
in  each  State  (which  from  the  sketch  I  send  you,  will  appear  as 
to  this),  you  can  determine  the  balance  of  emissions  remaining 
out,  except  what  may  have  worn  out  and  been  accidentally  des 
troyed.  If  you  desire  this  step  to  be  taken,  I  will  obey  your 
commands. 

I  have  said  nothing  of  the  rates  of  depreciation,  because  I 
imagine  your  letter,  written  in  July,  '80,  had  reference  to  the 
rates  at  which  the  money  was  then  actually  circulating,  and  the 
circulation  has  now  totally  ceased.  The  laws  I  sent  you  by  the 
last  post,  will  inform  you  of  the  rates  fixed  at  different  periods 
by  the  Legislature :  forty,  seventy -five,  and  lastly,  one  hundred 
and  twenty-eight.  I  am  obliged  to  infer  there  is  a  studied  back 
wardness  in  the  officers  of  the  State,  who  ought  to  give  me  the 
information  you  require  respecting  the  supplies  of  different  kinds 
which  have  been  furnished  to  the  use  of  the  United  States. 
Indeed,  I  find,  on  inquiry,  that  their  joint  information  will  not 
be  so  full  as  to  satisfy  your  intentions ;  and  that  this  cannot  be 
done  till  you  have  appointed  a  commissioner  of  accounts,  autho 
rized  to  enter  into  all  the  details,  aided  by  some  legislative 
arrangement  which  may  be  obtained  the  next  session. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  great  respect  and  esteem, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  Kobert  Morris,  Esq. 


VOL.  i.  20 


306  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-fix.  25. 

HAMILTON  TO  TIMOTHY  PICKERING. 

ALBANY,  September  7,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  this  day  received  your  letter  of  the  20th  August.  Mr. 
Morris  has  advised  me  of  the  bills  you  describe,  and  directed  my 
purchasing  them,  together  with  his  notes,  and  the  bank  notes ; 
with  what  money  shall  come  into  my  hands  on  public  account. 
They  are  now  beginning  to  collect  the  tax  imposed  for  the  use 
of  the  United  States,  though  I  can  as  yet  form  no  judgment  with 
what  success  or  expedition.  I  shall  with  pleasure  give  you  the 
information  you  ask,  but  I  would  rather  wish  to  be  excused  from 
anticipation  by  previous  deposits  in  my  hands,  as  that  will  in 
some  measure  pledge  me  to  give  a  preference  to  the  bills  de 
posited,  and  may  hereafter  expose  me  to  a  charge  of  partiality. 
There  have  been  several  applications  to  me  for  a  similar  antici 
pation  which  I  have  avoided ;  reserving  to  myself  the  power  of 
paying  the  bills  as  they  shall  be  presented,  and  in  proportion  to 
the  nearness  or  remoteness  of  the  periods  of  payments. 

You  may,  however,  depend  that  I  shall  be  happy  to  assist 
your  department,  and  will  keep  in  view  your  present  request. 
I  hope,  towards  the  latter  end  of  the  month,  I  shall  receive 
something  considerable  on  the  late  tax. 

I  am,  dear  Sir,  very  truly, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Timothy  Pickering, 

D.  Q.  Gen. 


HAMILTON  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  Sept.  14,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of 
the  29th  of  August,  the  contents  of  which  shall  be  executed. 

I  have  just  received  by  the  post  accounts  of  the  specific  sup- 


JJi.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  307 

plies  furnished  by  the  State ;  copies  of  which  I  shall  prepare  to 
be  transmitted  to  you  by  the  next  post,  as  I  am  to  return  the 
originals,  which  are  for  the  inspection  of  the  Legislature.  I 
hope  to  add  to  these  accounts  of  the  moneys  supplied. 

I  have  written  to  you  a  number  of  letters  since  my  journey 
to  Poughkeepsie,  of  which,  as  they  contain  some  things  of  a 
confidential  nature,  I  am  not  without  anxiety  to  learn  the  safe 
arrival. 

I  should  also  have  been  happy  to  have  received  your  instruc 
tions  against  the  meeting  of  the  Committee,  which  is  to  take 
place  to-morrow.  As  they  will  have  other  business,  if  I  hear 
from  you  by  the  next  post,  I  shall  not  be  too  late.  I  am  at  a 
loss  to  know  whether  I  ought  to  press  the  establishment  of  per 
manent  funds  or  not ;  though  unless  I  receive  your  instructions, 
following  my  own  apprehensions  of  what  are  probably  your 
views,  I  shall  dwell  on  this  article. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  perfect  respect, 

Sir,  your  most  ob't  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  a  letter  of  the  Governor,  of  the  2d 
inst.,  from  which  you  will  see  his  hopes.  Mine  are  not  so  good. 
In  this  vicinity,  always  delinquent,  little  is  doing. 


HAMILTON  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  Sept.  21,  1782. 

SIR: 

The  hurry  in  which  I  wrote  to  you  by  the  last  post,  pre 
vented  my  examining  particularly  the  papers  which  I  informed 
you  I  had  received.  On  a  more  careful  inspection  of  them,  I 
found  them  not  so  complete  as  I  had  hoped.  There  is  a  general 
state  of  specific  supplies ;  but  the  returns  referred  to  in  that  for 
the  particulars,  were  by  some  mistake  omitted.  I  have  written 


308  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

for  them,  but  they  have  not  yet  arrived ;  when  they  do,  I  shall 
lose  no  time  in  forwarding  them. 

I  observe  there  is  nothing  respecting  transportation;  and 
there  is  a  part  of  the  supplies  for  the  period  before  Col.  Hay 
came  into  office,  which  is  estimated  on  a  scale  of  proportion — too 
vague  a  method  to  be  satisfactory.  I  have  urged  him  to  send 
me  an  account  of  the  transportation,  and  to  collect,  as  speedily 
as  possible,  official  returns  of  the  supplies  above  mentioned. 

There  is  a  practice  obtaining  which  appears  to  me  to  contra 
vene  your  views.  The  Contractors,  I  am  informed,  have  gotten 
into  a  method  of  carrying  your  bills  immediately  to  the  Collectors 
and  drawing  the  specie  out  of  their  hands,  by  which  means  the 
paper  never  goes  into  circulation  at  all ;  but  passes,  so  to  speak, 
immediately  out  of  one  hand  of  the  public  into  the  other.  The 
people,  therefore,  can  never  be  familiarized  to  the  paper,  nor  can 
it  ever  obtain  a  general  currency. 

If  the  specie  were  to  come  into  the  Keceivers'  hands,  and  the 
Contractors  were  left  under  a  necessity  of  exerting  their  influence 
to  induce  the  inhabitants  to  take  your  notes,  to  be  afterwards 
redeemed  by  the  Keceivers  agreeably  to  your  plan,  this  would 
gradually  accustom  the  people  to  place  confidence  in  the  notes ; 
and  though  the  circulation  at  first  should  be  momentary,  it  might 
come  to  be  more  permanent. 

I  am  in  doubt,  whether  on  the  mere  speculation  of  an  evil, 
without  your  instructions,  I  ought  to  take  any  step  to  prevent 
this  practice.  For,  should  I  forbid  the  exchange,  it  might  pos 
sibly  cause  a  suspicion  that  there  was  a  preference  of  the  paper 
to  the  specie,  which  might  injure  its  credit. 

I  have  thought  of  a  method  to  prevent,  without  forbidding  it 
in  direct  terms.  This  was  to  require  each  collector  to  return  the 
names  of  the  persons  from  whom  he  received  taxes,  and  in 
different  columns,  specify  the  kind  of  money,  whether  specie, 
your  notes,  or  bank  notes,  in  which  the  tax  was  paid ;  giving 
the  inhabitants  receipts  accordingly ;  and  paying  in  money  in 
the  same  species  in  which  it  was  received.  This  would  cover 
the  object. 

I  have  tried  to  prevail  upon  the  county  treasurer  of  this 


^ET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  309 

place,  to  instruct  the  collectors  accordingly ;  but  the  great  aim 
of  all  these  people  is  to  avoid  trouble ;  and  he  affected  to  con 
sider  the  matter  as  a  Herculean  labor.  Nor  will  it  be  done 
without  a  legislative  injunction. 

A  method  of  this  kind  would  tend  much  to  check  fraud  in 
the  collectors ;  and  would  have  many  good  consequences. 

I  thought  it  my  duty,  at  any  rate,  to  apprise  you  of  the 
practice,  that,  if  my  apprehensions  are  right,  it  may  not  be  con 
tinued  without  control.  I  have  reason  to  believe  it  is  very  ex 
tensive — by  no  means  confined  to  this  State. 

Permit  me  to  make  one  more  observation.  Your  notes, 
though  in  credit  with  the  merchants  by  way  of  remittance,  do 
not  enter  far  into  ordinary  circulation,  and  this  principally  on 
account  of  their  size ;  which  even  makes  them  inconvenient  for 
paying  taxes.  The  taxes  of  very  few  amount  to  twenty  dollars 
a  single  tax ;  and  though  the  farmers  might  combine  to  sell  their 
produce  for  the  notes,  to  pay  the  taxes  jointly ;  yet  this  is  not 
always  convenient,  and  will  seldom  be  practised.  If  the  notes 
were,  in  considerable  part,  of  five,  eight,  or  ten  dollars,  their  cir 
culation  would  be  far  more  general ;  the  merchants  would,  even 
in  their  retail  operations,  give  specie  in  exchange  for  balances ; 
which  few  of  them  care  to  do,  or  can  do,  with  the  larger  notes ; 
though  they  are  willing  to  take  them  for  their  goods. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO   MORRIS. 

September  28,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  been  honored  this  week  with  your  letters  of  the 
twenty-eighth  of  August,  and  the  sixth,  twelfth,  and  seventeenth 
instant,  with  their  inclosures. 

It  gives  me  the  most  real  pleasure  to  find  that  my  past  com 
munications  have  met  with  your  approbation ;  and  I  feel  a  par 
ticular  satisfaction  in  the  friendly  confidence  which  your  letters 
manifest. 


310  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

I  am  persuaded  that  substantial  reasons  have  determined 
your  choice  in  a  particular  instance  to  Doctor  Tillotson ;  and  I 
am  flattered  by  the  attention  you  have  obligingly  paid  to  my 
recommendations  of  Colonel  Malcolm  and  Mr.  Lawrence.  Those 
gentlemen  are  now  here.  They  make  you  the  warmest  acknow 
ledgments  for  your  offer,  but  decline  leaving  the  State ;  which, 
indeed,  is  not  compatible  with  the  present  prospects  of  either  of 
them. 

I  am  glad  to  have  had  an  opportunity  of  perusing  your  letter 
to  this  State,  at  which  so  much  exception  has  been  taken ;  be 
cause  it  has  confirmed  me  in  what  I  presumed,  that  there  has 
been  much  unjustifiable  ill-humor  upon  the  occasion.  I  will 
make  use  of  the  knowledge  I  have  to  combat  misrepresentation. 

Yours  of  the  twenty -ninth  of  July  to  Congress,  is  full  of 
principles  and  arguments  as  luminous  as  they  are  conclusive.  It 
is  to  be  lamented  that  they  have  not  had  more  weight  than  we 
are  to  infer  from  the  momentary  expedient  adopted  by  the  reso 
lutions  of  the  fourth  and  tenth ;  which  will,  alone,  not  be  satis 
factory  to  the  public  creditors;  and  I  fear  will  only  tend  to 
embarrass  your  present  operations,  without  answering  the  end  in 
view.  The  more  I  see,  the  more  I  find  reason  for  those  who 
love  this  country  to  weep  over  its  blindness. 

The  committee  on  the  subject  of  taxation  are  met.  Some 
have  their  plans ;  and  they  must  protect  their  own  children, 
however  misshapen :  others  have  none ;  but  are  determined  to 
find  fault  with  all.  I  expect  little,  but  I  shall  promote  any  thing, 
though  imperfect,  that  will  mend  our  situation. 
With  sentiments  of 

The  greatest  respect  and  esteem, 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  The  public  creditors  in  this  quarter,  have  had  a  meet 
ing,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  devise  measures.  The  com 
mittee  will  report  petitions  to  Congress  and  the  Legislature ;  and 
an  address  to  the  public  creditors  in  other  parts  of  the  State,  to 


JET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  311 

appoint  persons  to  meet  in  convention,  to  unite  in  some  common 
measure.  I  believe  they  will  also  propose  a  general  convention 
of  all  the  creditors  in  the  different  States. 

A.  H. 
To  the  Hon.  Eobert  Morris,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  Oct.  5,  1782. 

SIR: 

In  my  last  I  informed  you,  that  the  committee,  appointed  by 
the  Legislature  on  the  subject  of  taxation,  were  together.  In 
spite  of  my  efforts,  they  have  parted  without  doing  any  thing 
decisive.  They  have,  indeed,  agreed  upon  several  matters,  and 
those  of  importance ;  but  they  have  not  reduced  them  to  the 
form  of  a  report ;  which,  in  fact,  leaves  every  thing  afloat,  to  be 
governed  by  the  impressions  of  the  moment,  when  the  Legisla 
ture  meets. 

The  points  agreed  upon,  are  these :  That  there  shall  be  an 
actual  valuation  of  land,  and  a  tax  of  so  much  in  the  pound. 

The  great  diversity  in  the  qualities  of  land  would  not  suffer 
them  to  listen  to  an  estimated  valuation,  or  to  a  tax  by  the 
quantity,  agreeably  to  the  idea  in  your  late  report  to  Congress. 
That  there  shall  be  also  a  tariff  of  all  personal  property,  to  be 
also  taxed  at  so  much  in  the  pound ;  that  there  shall  be  a  specific 
tax  on  carriages,  clocks,  watches,  and  other  similar  articles  of 
luxury ;  that  money,  at  usury,  shall  be  taxed  at  a  fixed  rate  in 
the  pound,  excluding  that  which  is  loaned  to  the  public ;  that 
houses,  in  all  towns,  shall  be  taxed  at  a  certain  proportion  of  the 
annual  rent ;  that  there  shall  be  a  poll  tax  on  all  single  men 
from  fifteen  upwards ;  and  that  the  collection  of  the  taxes  should 
be  advertised  to  the  lowest  bidder,  at  a  fixed  rate  per  cent., 
bearing  all  subordinate  expenses. 

Among  other  things  which  were  rejected,  I  pressed  hard  for 


312  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  25. 

an  excise  on  distilled  liquors ;  but  all  that  could  be  carried  on 
this  article  was  a  license  on  taverns. 

The  committee  were  pretty  generally  of  opinion,  that  the 
system  of  funding  for  payment  of  old  debts,  and  for  procuring 
further  credit,  was  wise  and  indispensable ;  but  a  majority 
thought  it  would  be  unwise  in  one  State  to  contribute  in  this 
way  alone. 

Nothing  was  decided  on  the  quantum  of  taxes  which  the 
State  was  able  to  pay  :  those  who  went  furthest,  did  not  exceed 
seventy  thousand  pounds,  of  which  fifty  for  the  use  of  the 
United  States. 

I  send  you  my  cash  account,  which  is  for  what  has  been 
received  in  this  county.     "We  have  not  heard  from  the  others. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  the  Hon.  Kobert  Morris,  Esq. 


MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

OFFICE  OF  FINANCE,  October  5,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  have  now  before  me  your  letters  of  the  fourteenth  and 
twenty -first  of  last  month.  I  am  sorry  to  find  that  you  are  less 
sanguine  in  your  pecuniary  expectations  than  the  Governor 
appears  to  be ;  for  I  have  always  found  that  the  worst  forebod 
ings  on  this  subject  are  the  truest.  You  will  find,  at  the  bottom 
of  this  letter,  a  list  of  all  those  which  I  have  hitherto  received 
from  you.  I  think  they  have  all  been  already  acknowledged ; 
but  lest  they  should  not,  you  will  see  in  one  moment,  by  the  list, 
whether  any  have  miscarried. 

I  am  not  surprised  to  find  that  the  contractors  apply  with 
their  paper,  in  the  first  instance,  to  the  Eeceivers  and  Collectors. 
This  I  expected,  because  much  of  that  paper  is  not  fit  for  other 
purposes.  Some  of  it,  however,  which  is  payable  to  the  bearer, 


^GT.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  313 

is  calculated  for  circulation ;  which  you  observe  is  not  so  general 
as  otherwise  it  might  have  been,  by  reason  of  the  largeness  of 
the  sums  expressed  in  the  notes.  Mr.  Duer's  letters  contain  the 
same  sentiment. 

In  issuing  this  paper,  one  principal  view  was  to  facilitate  the 
payment  of  taxes  by  obviating  the  too  general  (though  unjust) 
complaint  of  the  want  of  a  circulating  medium.  In  substituting 
paper  to  specie,  the  first  obstacle  to  be  encountered,  was  the  total 
diffidence  which  had  arisen  from  the  late  profusion  of  it.  Had 
a  considerable  quantity  been  thrown  into  the  hands  of  that  class 
of  the  people,  whose  ideas  on  the  subject  of  money,  are  more  the 
offspring  of  habit  than  of  reason,  it  must  have  depreciated.  That 
this  apprehension  was  just,  is  clear  from  this  fact,  that  the  paper 
I  first  issued,  and  the  Bank  paper  which  came  out  after  it,  did 
depreciate  from  ten  to  fifteen  per  cent,  in  the  Eastern  States,  not 
withstanding  all  the  precautions  which  were  used.  If  I  had  not 
taken  immediate  measures  to  create  a  demand  for  it  on  the  spot, 
and  to  stop  issues  to  that  quarter,  its  credit  would  have  been 
totally  lost  for  a  time,  and  not  easily  restored.  Besides  that,  the 
quantities  which  were  pouring  in  from  thence  would  have  done 
mischief  here.  Confidence  is  a  plant  of  very  slow  growth ;  and 
our  political  situation  is  not  too  favorable  to  it.  I  am,  therefore, 
very  unwilling  to  hazard  the  germ  of  a  credit,  which  will,  in  its 
greater  maturity,  become  very  useful.  If  my  notes  circulate 
only  among  mercantile  people,  I  do  not  regret  it,  but  rather  wish 
that  the  circulation  may,  for  the  present,  be  confined  to  them, 
and  to  the  wealthier  members  of  other  professions.  It  is  nothing 
but  the  greater  convenience,  which  will  induce  people  to  prefer 
any  kind  of  paper  to  the  precious  metals ;  and  this  convenience 
is  principally  felt  in  large  sums.  Whenever  the  shopkeepers,  in 
general,  discover  that  my  paper  will  answer  as  a  remittance  to 
the  principal  ports,  and  will  be  readily  exchanged  by  the  Ke- 
ceivers,  they  will  as  readily  exchange  it  for  other  people.  When 
the  people,  in  general,  find  that  the  shopkeepers  receive  it  freely, 
they  will  begin  to  look  after  it,  and  not  before.  For  you  must 
know,  that  whatever  fine  plausible  speeches  may  be  made  on 
this  subject,  the  farmers  will  not  give  full  credit  to  money, 


314  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

merely  because  it  will  pay  taxes:  for  that  is  an  object  they  are 
not  very  violently  devoted  to.  But  that  money  which  goes 
freely  at  the  store  and  the  tavern,  will  be  sought  after  as  greedily 
as  those  things  which  the  store  and  the  tavern  contain.  Still, 
however,  your  objection  remains  good ;  that  the  tramckings  in 
which  the  greater  part  of  the  community  engage,  do  not  require 
sums  so  large  as  twenty  dollars.  This  I  shall  readily  acknow 
ledge  :  but  you  will  observe  there  is  infinitely  less  danger  that 
large  notes,  which  go  only  through  the  hands  of  intelligent 
people,  will  be  counterfeited  than  small  ones,  which  come  to 
the  possession  .of  illiterate  men.  When  public  credit  *is  firmly 
established,  the  little  shocks  it  receives  from  the  counterfeiters 
of  paper  money,  do  not  lead  to  material  consequences ;  but,  in 
the  present  ticklish  state  of  things,  there  is  just  ground  of  appre 
hension.  Besides  this,  the  value  of  paper  will  depend  much 
upon  the  interchanges  of  it  for  specie  :  and  these  will  not  take 
place  when  there  is  a  circulation  of  small  paper.  Lastly,  I  have 
to  observe,  that  until  more  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the 
revenues  required,  I  dare  not  issue  any  very  considerable 
amount  of  this  paper,  lest  I  should  be  run  upon  for  more  than 
I  could  answer:  and  as  the  circulation  of  what  I  dare  issue,  by 
increasing  the  general  mass,  enables  people  (so  far  as  it  goes) 
more  easily  to  get  hold  of  other  money,  it  consequently  pro 
duces,  in  its  degree,  that  object  of  facilitating  taxation  which  I 
had  in  view. 

I  am,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

EGBERT  MORRIS. 
Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq., 

Eeceiver  for  New- York. 


HAMILTON  TO  DE  NOAILLES. 


1782. 

Esteem  for  your  talents  and  acquirements  is  a  sentiment 
which,  from  my  earliest  acquaintance  with  you,  my  dear  Vis 
count,  I  have  shared  in  common  with  all  those  who  have  the 


JET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  315 

happiness  of  knowing  you;  but  a  better  knowledge  of  your 
character  has  given  it,  in  my  eyes,  a  more  intrinsic  merit,  and 
has  attached  me  to  you  by  a  friendship  founded  upon  qualities 
as  rare  as  they  are  estimable.  Averse  as  I  am  to  professions,  I 
cannot  forbear  indulging  this  declaration,  to  express  to  you  the 
pleasure  I  felt  at  receiving  (after  an  inexplicable  delay)  the  letter 
you  were  so  obliging  as  to  write  me  before  your  departure  from 
Boston.  It  was  of  that  kind  which  is  always  produced  by  those 
attentions  of  friends  we  value ;  which,  not  being  invited  by  cir 
cumstances,  nor  necessitated  by  the  forms  of  society,  bespeak 
the  warmth  of  the  heart.  At  least  my  partiality  for  you  makes 
me  fond  of  viewing  it  in  this  light,  and  I  cherish  the  opinion. 

I  was  chagrined  to  find  that  you  left  us  with  an  intention  not 
to  return.  Though  I  should  be  happy  if,  by  a  removal  of  the 
war,  this  country  should  cease  to  be  a  proper  theatre  for  your 
exertions,  yet,  if  it  continues  to  be  so,  I  hope  you  will  find 
sufficient  motives  to  engage  you  to  change  your  resolution. 
Wherever  you  are,  you  will  be  useful  and  distinguished;  but 
the  ardent  desire  I  have  of  meeting  you  again,  makes  me  wish 
America  may  be  your  destination.  I  would  willingly  do  it  in 
France,  as  you  invite  me  to  do;  but  the  prospect  of  this  is 
remote.  I  must  make  a  more  solid  establishment  here  before  I 
can  conveniently  go  abroad.  There  is  no  country  I  have  a 
greater  curiosity  to  see,  or  which  I  am  persuaded  would  be  so 
interesting  to  me  as  yours.  I  should  be  happy  to  renew  and 
improve  the  valuable  acquaintances  from  thence,  which  this  war 
has  given  me  an  opportunity  of  making ;  and,  though  I  could 
not  flatter  myself  with  deriving  any  advantage  from  it,  I  am 
persuaded  it  is  there  I  should  meet  with  the  greatest  number  of 
those  you  describe,  who,  etc. :  but  considerations  of  primary 
importance  will  oblige  me  to  submit  to  the  mortification  of  de 
ferring  my  visit. 

In  the  mean  time  I  should  be  too  much  the  gainer  by  com 
munication  with  you,  not  gladly  to  embrace  the  offer  you  so 
politely  make  for  writing  to  each  other. 

The  period,  since  you  left  us,  has  been  too  barren  of  events 
to  enable  me  to  impart  any  thing  worth  attention.  The  enemy 


316  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEtx.M. 

continue  in  possession  of  Charleston  and  Savannah,  and  leave 
us  masters  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  General  Greene  has  de 
tached  Wayne  to  Georgia ;  but  I  believe  his  views  do  not  extend 
beyond  the  mere  possession  of  the  country.  It  is  said  the  As 
semblies  of  the  two  invaded  States  are  about  meeting,  to  restore 
the  administration  of  government.  This  will  be  a  step  to 
strengthening  the  hands  of  General  Greene,  and  counteracting 
the  future  intrigues  of  the  enemy.  Many  are  sanguine  in  be 
lieving  that  all  the  southern  posts  will  be  evacuated,  and  that  a 
fleet  of  transports  is  actually  gone  to  bring  the  garrisons  away. 
For  my  part,  I  have  doubts  upon  the  subject.  My  politics  are, 
that  while  the  present  ministry  can  maintain  their  seats,  and 
procure  supplies,  they  will  prosecute  the  war  on  the  mere  chance 
of  events ;  and  that  while  this  is  the  plan,  they  will  not  evacuate 
posts  so  essential  as  points  of  departure ;  from  whence,  on  any 
favorable  turn  of  affairs,  to  renew  their  attack  on  our  most 
vulnerable  side.  JSTor  will  they  relinquish  objects  that  would  be 
so  useful  to  them,  should  the  worst  happen  in  a  final  negotia 
tion.  Clinton,  it  is  said,  is  cutting  a  canal  across  New- York 
island,  through  the  low  grounds,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  from 
the  city.  This  will  be  an  additional  obstacle ;  but  if  we  have, 
otherwise,  the  necessary  means  to  operate,  it  will  not  be  an  in 
surmountable  one.  I  do  not  hear  that  he  is  constructing  any 
other  new  works  of  consequence.  To  you,  who  are  so  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  military  posture  of  things  in  this  country,  I 
need  not  say  that  the  activity  of  the  next  campaign  must  abso 
lutely  depend  on  effectual  succors  from  France.  I  am  convinced 
we  shall  have  a  powerful  advocate  in  you.  La  Fayette,  we 
know,  will  bring  *  the  whole  house '  with  him  if  he  can. 

There  has  been  no  material  change  in  our  internal  situation 
since  you  left  us.  The  capital  successes  we  have  had,  have 
served  rather  to  increase  the  hopes  than  the  exertions  of  the 
particular  States.  But  in  one  respect  we  are  in  a  mending  way. 
Our  financier  has  hitherto  conducted  himself  with  great  ability, 
has  acquired  an  entire  personal  confidence;  revived,  in  some 
measure,  the  public  credit ;  and  is  conciliating  fast  the  support 
of  the  moneyed  men.  His  operations  have  hitherto  hinged 


JET.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  317 

chiefly  on  the  seasonable  aids  from  your  country;  but  he  is 
urging  the  establishment  of  permanent  funds  among  ourselves: 
and  though,  from  the  nature  and  temper  of  our  governments, 
his  applications  will  meet  with  a  dilatory  compliance,  it  is  to  be 
hoped  they  will  by  degrees  succeed. 

The  institution  of  a  Bank  has  been  very  serviceable  to  him : 
the  commercial  interest,  finding  great  advantages  in  it,  and  an 
ticipating  much  greater,  is  disposed  to  promote  the  plan;  and 
nothing  but  moderate  funds,  permanently  pledged  for  the  secu 
rity  of  lenders,  is  wanting  to  make  it  an  engine  of  the  most  ex 
tensive  and  solid  utility.  By  the  last  advices  there  is  reason  to 
believe  the  delinquent  States  will  shortly  comply  with  the  requi 
sition  of  Congress  for  a  duty  on  our  imports.  This  will  be  a 
great  resource  to  Mr.  Morris ;  but  it  will  not  alone  be  sufficient. 

Upon  the  whole,  however,  if  the  war  continues  another  year, 
it  will  be  necessary  that  Congress  should  again  recur  to  the  gen 
erosity  of  France  for  pecuniary  assistance.  The  plans  of  the 
financier  cannot  be  so  matured  as  to  enable  us,  by  any  possi 
bility,  to  dispense  with  this ;  and  if  he  should  fail  for  want  of 
support,  we  must  replunge  into  that  confusion  and  distress  which 
had  like  to  have  proved  fatal  to  us,  and  out  of  which  we  are 
slowly  emerging.  The  cure,  on  a  relapse,  would  be  infinitely 
more  difficult  than  ever. 

I  have  given  you  an  uninteresting  but  a  faithful  sketch  of 
our  situation.  You  may  expect,  from  time  to  time,  to  receive 
from  me  the  progress  of  our  affairs ;  and  I  know  you  will  over 
pay  me. 

I  am,  my  dear  Viscount, 

Yours  faithfully, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  the  Yiscount  De  Noailles. 


318  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 


HAMILTON  TO  GREENE. 

ALBANY,  October  12,  1782. 

DEAR  GENERAL: 

It  is  an  age  since  I  have  either  written  to  you  or  received  a 
line  from  you ;  yet  I  persuade  myself  you  have  not  been  the 
less  convinced  of  my  affectionate  attachment,  and  warm  partici 
pation  in  all  those  events  which  have  given  you  that  place  in 
your  country's  esteem  and  approbation  which  I  have  known  you 
to  deserve,  while  your  enemies  and  rivals  were  most  active  in 
sullying  your  reputation. 

You  will  perhaps  learn,  before  this  reaches  you,  that  I  have 
been  appointed  a  Member  of  Congress.  I  expect  to  go  to  Phila 
delphia  in  the  ensuing  month,  where  I  shall  be  happy  to  corres 
pond  with  you  with  our  ancient  confidence  ;  and  I  shall  entreat 
you  not  to  confine  your  observations  to  military  subjects,  but  to 
take  in  the  whole  scope  of  national  concerns.  I  am  sure  your 
ideas  will  be  useful  to  me  and  to  the  public. 

I  feel  the  deepest  affliction  at  the  news  we  have  just  received 
of  the  loss  of  our  dear  and  estimable  friend  Laurens.  His 
career  of  virtue  is  at  an  end.  How  strangely  are  human  affairs 
conducted,  that  so  many  excellent  qualities  could  not  insure  a 
more  happy  fate !  The  world  will  feel  the  loss  of  a  man  who 
has  left  few  like  him  behind,  and  America  of  a  citizen  whose 
heart  realized  that  patriotism  of  which  others  only  talk.  I  shall 
feel  the  loss  of  a  friend  I  truly  and  most  tenderly  loved,  and  one 

of  a  very  small  number. 

*  -x-  *  *  *  *  * 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Truly  your  friend  and  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  General  Greene. 


jET.  25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  319 

HAMILTON  TO  EOBEET  MORRIS. 

ALBANY,  October  26,  1782. 

SIR: 

I  am  honored  with  your  letters  of  the  5th,  15th,  and  16th 
instant. 

The  detail  you  have  been  pleased  to  enter  into  in  that  of  the 
15th,  exhibits  very  cogent  reasons  for  confining  yourself  to 
pretty  large  denominations  of  notes ;  some  of  them  had  occurred 
to  me,  others  had  not ;  but  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  state  to  you 
the  operation  which  that  circumstance  had ;  as  in  the  midst  of 
the  variety  and  extent  of  the  objects  which  occupy  your  atten 
tion,  you  may  not  have  so  good  opportunities  of  seeing  the 
effect  of  your  plans  in  detail.  While  I  acknowledge  that  your 
observations  have  corrected  my  ideas  upon  the  subject,  and 
shown  me  that  there  would  be  danger  in  generally  lessening  the 
denominations  of  the  paper  issued,  I  should  be  uncandid  not  to 
add,  that  it  still  appears  to  me,  there  would  be  a  preponderance 
of  advantages  in  having  a  part  of  a  smaller  amount.  I  shall 
not  trouble  you  at  present  with  any  further  reasons  for  this 
opinion. 

I  have  immediately  on  the  receipt  of  your  letter  taken  mea 
sures  for  the  publication  of  your  advertisement  in  the  news 
papers  of  this  State. 

You  will  perceive  by  the  inclosed  cash  account  that  I  have 
received  five  and  twenty  hundred  dollars ;  this  was  procured  in 
part  of  the  loan  I  mentioned  to  you.  It  was  chiefly  paid  to  me 
in  specie,  and  I  have  exchanged  it  with  Colonel  Pickering  and 
Mr.  Duer  for  your  notes ;  the  latter  had  twelve  hundred  dollars. 
Taxes  collect  slowly,  but  I  must  shortly  receive  two  or  three 
hundred  pounds  more,  of  which  Mr.  Duer  will  have  the  prin 
cipal  benefit,  as  it  appears  by  your  letter  to  him,  that  you  hoped 
he  might  receive  three  thousand  dollars  from  me. 

As  I  may  shortly  set  out  for  Philadelphia,  I  wish  to  surren- 


320  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

der  to  Mr.  Tillotson,  as  soon  as  you  think  proper,  the  office  in 
which  he  is  to  succeed. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  sincere  respect  and  esteem, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  LA  FAYETTE. 

ALBANY,  November  3,  1782. 

Since  we  parted,  my  dear  Marquis,  at  Yorktown,  I  have 
received  three  letters  from  you;  one  written  on  your  way  to 
Boston,  two  from  France.  I  acknowledge  that  I  have  written  to 
you  only  once ;  but  the  reason  has  been,  that  I  have  been  taught 
daily  to  expect  your  return.  This  I  should  not  have  done  from 
my  own  calculations ;  for  I  saw  no  prospect  but  of  an  inactive 
campaign;  and  you  had  much  better  be  intriguing  for  your 
hobby-horse  at  Paris,  than  loitering  away  your  time  here.  Yet 
they  seem  to  be  convinced,  at  head  quarters,  that  you  were  cer 
tainly  coming  out ;  and  by  your  letters  it  appears  to  have  been 
your  own  expectation.  I  imagine  you  have  relinquished  it  by 
this  time. 

I  have  been  employed  for  the  last  ten  months  in  rocking  the 
cradle  and  studying  the  art  of  fleecing  my  neighbors.  I  am  now 
a  grave  counsellor-at-law,  and  shall  soon  be  a  grave  member  of 
Congress.  The  Legislature,  at  their  last  session,  took  it  into 
their  heads  to  name  me,  pretty  unanimously,  one  of  their 
delegates. 

I  am  going  to  throw  away  a  few  months  more  in  public  life, 
and  then  retire  a  simple  citizen  and  good  paterfamilias.  I  set 
out  for  Philadelphia  in  a  few  days.  You  see  the  disposition  I 
am  in.  You  are  condemned  to  run  the  race  of  ambition  all 
your  life.  I  am  already  tired  of  the  career,  and  dare  to  leave  it. 


^ET.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  321 

But  you  would  not  give  a  pin  for  my  letter  unless  politics  or 
war  made  a  part  of  it.  You  tell  me  they  are  employed  in 
building  a  peace :  and  other  accounts  say  it  is  nearly  finished.  I 
hope  the  work  may  meet  with  no  interruptions.  It  is  necessary 
for  America ;  especially  if  your  army  is  taken  from  us,  as  we 
are  told  will  soon  be  the  case.  That  was  an  essential  point 
d'appui,  though  money  was  the  primum  mobile  of  our  finances, 
which  must  now  lose  the  little  activity  lately  given  them.  Our 
trade  is  prodigiously  cramped.  These  States  are  in  no  humor  for 
continuing  exertions.  If  the  war  lasts,  it  must  be  carried  on  by 
external  succors.  I  make  no  apology  for  the  inertness  of  this 
country :  I  detest  it :  but  since  it  exists,  I  am  sorry  to  see  other 
resources  diminish. 

Your  Ministers  ought  to  know  best  what  they  are  doing ; 
but  if  the  war  goes  on,  and  the  removal  of  the  army  does  not 
prove  an  unwise  measure,  I  renounce  all  future  pretensions  to 
judgment.  I  think,  however,  the  circumstances  of  the  enemy 
oblige  them  to  peace. 

We  have  been  hoping  that  they  would  abandon  their  posts 
in  these  States.  It  no  doubt  was  once  in  contemplation,  but 
latter  appearances  are  rather  ambiguous.  I  begin  to  suspect  that 
if  peace  is  not  made,  New- York  and  Charleston,  the  former  at 
least,  will  still  be  held. 

There  is  no  probability  that  I  shall  be  one  of  the  Commis 
sioners  of  Peace.  It  is  a  thing  I  do  not  desire  myself,  and  which 
I  imagine  other  people  will  not  desire. 

Our  army  is  now  in  excellent  order,  but  small. 

The  temper  we  are  in  respecting  the  alliance,  you  will  see 
from  public  acts.  There  never  was  a  time  of  greater  unanimity 
on  that  point. 

I  wish  I  durst  enter  into  a  greater  detail  with  you  ;  but  our 
cipher  is  not  fit  for  it,  and  I  fear  to  trust  it  in  another  shape. 

Is  there  any  thing  you  wish  on  this  side  the  water  ?  You 
know  the  warmth  and  sincerity  of  my  attachment.  Command 
me. 

I  have  not  been  so  happy  as  to  see  Mr.  De  Segur.     The  title 

VOL.  i.  21 


322  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEn.  25. 

of  your  friend  would  have  been  a  title  to  every  thing  in  my 

power  to  manifest. 

*  •*  *  *  *  *  * 

Yours  pour  la  vie, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  I  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  Viscount  De  Noailles, 
whom  I  also  love.  Has  he  received  it  ?  Is  the  worthy  Gouvion 
well  ?  Has  he  succeeded  ?  How  is  it  with  our  friend  Gimat  ? 
How  is  it  with  General  Du  Portail  ?  All  those  men  are  men  of 
merit,  and  interest  my  best  wishes. 

Poor  Laurens !  He  has  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  his  ardor  in  a 
trifling  skirmish  in  South  Carolina.  You  know  how  truly  I 
loved  him,  and  will  judge  how  much  I  regret  him. 

I  will  write  you  again  soon  after  my  arrival  at  Philadelphia. 

A.  H. 

To  the  Marquis  De  La  Fayette. 


HAMILTON  TO  THE   GOVERNOR  OF  RHODE  ISLAND. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Dec.  11,  1782. 

SIR: 

Congress  are  equally  affected  and  alarmed  by  the  information 
they  have  received,  that  the  Legislature  of  your  State,  at  their 
last  meeting,  have  refused  their  concurrence  in  establishing  a 
duty  on  imports.  They  consider  this  measure  as  so  indispensable 
to  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  that  a  sense  of  duty,  and  regard  to 
the  common  safety,  compel  them  to  renew  their  efforts  to  engage 
a  compliance  with  it.  And  in  this  view,  they  have  determined  to 
send  a  deputation  of  three  members  to  your  State,  as  expressed  in 
the  inclosed  resolution.  The  gentlemen  they  have  appointed 
will  be  able  to  lay  before  you  a  full  and  just  representation  of 
public  affairs,  from  which,  they  flatter  themselves,  will  result  a 
conviction  of  the  propriety  of  their  solicitude  upon  the  present 


-ffli.25.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  323 

occasion.  Convinced  by  past  experience  of  the  zeal  and  patriot 
ism  of  the  State  of  Khode  Island,  they  cannot  doubt  that  it  will 
yield  to  those  urgent  considerations  which  flow  from  a  knowledge 
of  our  true  situation. 

They  will  only  briefly  observe  that  the  increasing  discontents 
of  the  army,  the  loud  clamors  of  the  public  creditors,  and  the  ex 
treme  disproportion  between  the  public  supplies  and  the  demands 
of  the  public  service,  are  so  many  invincible  arguments  for  the 
fund  recommended  by  Congress.  They  feel  themselves  unable 
to  devise  any  other  that  will  be  more  efficacious,  less  exceptiona 
ble,  or  more  generally  agreeable ;  and  if  this  is  refused,  they  anti 
cipate  calamities  of  a  most  menacing  nature — with  this  consola 
tion,  however,  that  they  have  faithfully  discharged  their  trust, 
and  that  the  mischiefs  which  follow  cannot  be  attributed  to  them. 

A  principal  object  of  the  proposed  fund  is  to  procure  loans 
abroad.  If  no  security  can  be  held  out  to  lenders,  the  success  of 
these  must  necessarily  be  very  limited.  The  last  accounts  on  the 
subject  were  not  flattering  ;  and  when  intelligence  shall  arrive  in 
Europe,  that  the  State  of  Ehode  Island  has  disagreed  to  the  only 
fund  which  has  yet  been  devised,  there  is  every  reason  to  appre 
hend  it  will  have  a  fatal  influence  upon  their  future  progress. 

Deprived  of  this  resource,  our  affairs  must  in  all  probability 
hasten  to  a  dangerous  crisis,  and  these  States  be  involved  in  greater 
embarrassments  than  they  have  yet  experienced,  and  from  which 
it  may  be  much  more  difficult  to  emerge.  Congress  will  only  add 
a  request  to  your  Excellency,  that  if  the  Legislature  should  not 
be  sitting,  it  may  be  called  together  as  speedily  as  possible,  to 
enable  the  gentlemen  whom  they  have  deputed  to  perform  the 
purpose  of  their  mission. 


324  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  25. 

GOVERNOR  CLINTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  December  29,  1782. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Before  I  was  honored  by  your  letter  of  the  eighteenth  instant? 
I  had  received  a  line  from  Colonel  Floyd  on  the  same  subject. 
As  my  answer  to  his  is  forwarded  by  the  present  conveyance,  I 
beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  it  for  information.  I  hope  it  may  prove 
satisfactory  ;  and  I  flatter  myself  no  further  disappointment  can 
take  place.  Should  I,  however,  be  mistaken,  you  have  only 
to  advise  me  of  it,  and  I  will  immediately  forward  the  cash. 

Phelps,  who  was  delayed  on  the  road  by  the  late  heavy  fall 
of  snow,  waited  on  me  a  few  days  since,  and  delivered  me  your 
official  dispatches  of  the  ninth  instant.  Considering  the  disposi 
tion  heretofore  discovered  by  Congress,  on  the  subject  of  our  con 
troversy  with  the  grants,  their  resolutions  which  you  inclosed 
me,  though  short  of  what  we  are  justly  entitled  to,  exceed  my 
expectations ;  and  I  am  not  without  hope,  if  properly  improved, 
may  be  the  mean  of  leading  to  a  just  and  favorable  issue.  The 
idea  of  many  of  the  military  being  interested  in  the  independency 
of  Vermont,  in  consequence  of  their  having  taken  grants  of  lands 
under  them,  I  believe  is  without  foundation.  There  was  a  period 
when  the  disposition  of  Congress,  founded  on  political  expedi 
ence,  appeared  so  favorable  to  the  independence  of  that  district, 
as  to  have  induced  some  gentlemen  of  the  army  to  apply  to  the 
usurped  government  for  grants.  But  when  it  was  discovered 
that  they  were  intriguing  with  the  common  enemy,  the  more 
respectable  characters  withdrew  their  applications,  and  relin 
quished  all  kind  of  connection  with  them ;  and  even  those  who 
did  not  go  so  far,  I  imagine  conceive  themselves  perfectly  secure 
under  our  late  acts.  If,  however,  this  should  not  be  the  case, 
any  difficulty  which  may  be  apprehended  from  it  may  be  easily 
obviated;  as  I  am  persuaded  the  Legislature  are  disposed  to 
every  liberal  act  that  may  consist  with  the  honor  of  the  State,  and 
tend  to  facilitate  a  settlement  of  the  dispute.  There  was  a  time, 
not  long  since,  when  Congress  had  only  to  have  spoken  decicisely 


JJT.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  325 

on  the  subject,  and  they  would  have  been  obeyed :  nor  do  I  be 
lieve  the  time  is  yet  past,  if  they  could  be  convinced  that  Con 
gress  were  in  earnest.  But  if  force  is  necessary  to  carry  their  de 
cision  into  execution,  the  longer  it  is  delayed  the  more  force  it 
will  require.  The  misfortune  is,  though  I  believe  there  are  but 
few  States  that  favor  their  independence,  some  members  of  those 
who  do,  take  great  pains  to  encourage  the  revolters  in  their  oppo 
sition,  by  secret  assurances  that  Congress  will  not  direct  any  coer 
cive  measures  against  them :  and  I  am  not  without  my  fears  that 
this  conduct  will,  in  some  measure,  defeat  the  present  resolutions. 
I  am,  with  great  respect  and  esteem, 

Dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

GrEORGE  CLINTON. 

To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


LA   FAYETTE   TO   HAMILTON. 

(Most  Private.) 

CADIX,  Feb.  5,  1783. 

Your  friendship  to  me,  my  dear  sir,  and  the  affection  I  have 
for  you,  command  my  most  confidential  communications.  As 
public  affairs  have  the  first  place  with  me,  let  me  tell  you  that 
our  Articles  of  Confederation  ought  to  be  revised,  and  measures 
immediately  taken  to  invigorate  the  Continental  Union ;  depend 
upon  it,  there  lies  the  danger  for  America ;  this  last  stroke  is 
wanting,  and  unless  the  States  be  strongly  bound  to  each  other, 
we  have  much  to  fear  from  British,  and,  indeed,  from  European 
politics.  There  ought  to  be  delegates  from  each  State,  and 
perhaps  some  officers  among  them,  one  of  whom  I  would  be 
happy  to  be,  who,  toward  next  fall,  would  meet  together,  and 
under  the  presidence  of  General  Washington,  may  devise  upon 
amendments  to  be  proposed  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation — 
limits  of  States,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.  As  to  the  army,  I  hope  their 
country  will  be  grateful,  I  hope  the  half  pay  affair  may  be  ter 
minated  to  their  satisfaction. 


326  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  26. 

Now,  my  dear  sir,  I  am  going  to  torment  you  with  my 
private  concerns.  First  of  all,  I  wish  the  people  of  America  to 
know  that,  when  I  have  lengthened  my  furlough,  it  was  for  their 
service,  and  at  the  request  of  their  commissioners ;  that  upon  my 
embarking  in  a  fresh  expedition,  it  was  with  a  view  to  join  you 
in  the  summer,  with  forces  adequate  to  every  plan  General 
Washington  had  directed  me  to  promote;  that,  moreover,  a 
Canadian  expedition  was  to  take  place;  that  then,  instead  of 
sending  a  vessel,  I  was  going  myself  to  America.  But  that 
entreaties  from  your  residence  at  Madrid  have  forced  me  to  go 
there,  and  probably  from  there  to  Paris ;  but  that  in  the  month 
of  June,  I  am  to  embark  for  America.  I  confess,  my  dear  sir, 
I  have  a  great  value  for  my  American  popularity,  and  I  want 
the  people  at  large  to  know  my  affection  to  them  and  my  zeal 
for  their  service.  The  best  way  to  manage  it  is  to  have  a  resolve 
of  Congress  published,  by  way  of  answer  to  my  letters,  wherein 
their  approbation  of  my  conduct  will  comprehend  the  above 
mentioned  matters. 

There  is  another  thing  which  would  highly  natter  me,  and 
lies  within  your  department ;  a  ratification  of  the  treaty  will  be 
sent  by  Congress  to  the  Court  of  England  ;  it  is  but  an  honorary 
commission,  that  requires  only  a  few  weeks,  and  even  a  few  days' 
attendance.  The  sedentary  Minister  you  may  send,  or  with  me, 
or  after  me,  or,  what  I  would  like  better,  at  the  time  when  Great 
Britain  has  sent  hers  to  you.  So  many  greater  proofs  of  con 
fidence  have  been  bestowed  upon  me  by  Congress,  that  I  may 
truly  tell  you  my  wishes  upon  this  very  pleasing  mark,  of  their 
esteem.  Upon  my  leaving  England,  I  have  been  considered 
there  as  an  enthusiastic  rebel,  and,  indeed,  a  young  madman.  I 
would  well  enough  like  to  present  myself  there  in  the  capacity 
of  an  Extraordinary  Envoy  from  the  United  States  ;  and  though 
upon  my  committing  so  far  the  French  Ambassador,  I  have  been 
with  him  on  pretty  bad  terms ;  now  our  friendship  has  revived, 
and  I  am  in  a  situation  to  lead  him  into  my  measures,  and  to  know 
his  secrets  without  telling  him  mine. 

As  to  the  choice  of  a  Minister,  (this  commission  being  only  a 
compliment,)  I  think  it  is  a  very  difficult  task.  I  advise  to  take 


^ET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  327 

a  gentleman  who  had  no  connection  with  the  great  men  in  Eng 
land  ;  our  friend  Hamilton  would  be  a  very  proper  choice  ;  you 
ought  to  bring  it  about.  Are  you  acquainted  with  Col.  Harri 
son,  who  was  in  the  General's  family ;  there  are  few  men  so 
honest  and  sensible ;  but  I  hope  you  may  send  Hamilton,  and 
he  knows  better  than  all  the  British  councils. 

In  case  Congress  were  pleased  to  do  for  me  what  I  have  so 
much  at  heart,  I  would  beg  you  to  send  Mr.  McHenry  to  me,  a 
member  in  the  Maryland  Senate.  This,  my  dear  sir,  is  entirely 
confidential  for  you,  and  for  you  alone  ;  should  the  General  be 
in  Philadelphia,  you  may  show  it  to  him.  Adieu.  My  best 
respects  wait  upon  your  lady  and  family. 

Most  affectionately, 

I  am  yours, 

LA  FAYETTE. 

Should  you  think  it  of  any  use  to  have  printed  the  last 
paragraph  of  my  letter  to  Congress,  I  will  be  glad  of  it,  as  the 
opinion  of  one  who  knows  Europe  may  have  some  weight  with 
the  people. 


HAMILTON  TO   WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  February  7,  1783. 

Sra: 

Flattering  myself  that  your  knowledge  of  me  will  induce  you 
to  receive  the  observations  I  make,  as  dictated  by  a  regard  to 
the  public  good,  I  take  the  liberty  to  suggest  to  you  my  ideas 
on  some  matters  of  delicacy  and  importance.  I  view  the  present 
juncture  as  a  very  interesting  one.  I  need  not  observe  how  far 
the  temper  and  situation  of  the  army  make  it  so.  The  state  of 
our  finances  was  perhaps  never  more  critical.  I  am  under 
injunctions  which  will  not  permit  me  to  disclose  some  facts  that 
would  at  once  demonstrate  this  position  ;  but  I  think  it  probable 
you  will  be  possessed  of  them  through  another  channel.  It  is, 


328  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [>ET.  26. 

however,  certain,  that  there  has  scarcely  been  a  period  of  the 
revolution  which  called  more  for  wisdom  and  decision  in  Con 
gress.  Unfortunately  for  us,  we  are  a  body  not  governed  by 
reason  or  foresight,  but  by  circumstances.  It  is  probable  we 
shall  not  take  the  proper  measures ;  and  if  we  do  not,  a  few 
months  may  open  an  embarrassing  scene.  This  will  be  the  case, 
whether  we  have  peace  or  a  continuance  of  the  war. 

If  the  war  continues,  it  would  seem  that  the  army  must,  in 
June,  subsist  itself,  to  defend  the  country.  If  peace  should  take 
place,  it  will  subsist  itself,  to  procure  justice  to  itself.  It  appears  to 
be  a  prevailing  opinion  in  the  army,  that  the  disposition  to  re 
compense  their  services,  will  cease  with  the  necessity  for  them  ; 
and  that  if  they  once  lay  down  their  arms,  they  part  with  the 
means  of  obtaining  justice.  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  appear 
ances  afford  too  much  ground  for  their  distrust. 

It  becomes  a  serious  inquiry,  What  is  the  true  line  of  policy  ? 
The  claims  of  the  army,  urged  with  moderation,  but  with  firm 
ness,  may  operate  on  those  weak  minds  which  are  influenced  by 
their  apprehensions  more  than  by  their  judgments,  so  as  to  pro 
duce  a  concurrence  in  the  measures  which  the  exigencies  of 
affairs  demand.  They  may  add  weight  to  the  applications  of 
Congress  to  the  several  States.  So  far  a  useful  turn  may 
be  given  to  them.  But  the  difficulty  will  be,  to  keep  a  com 
plaining  and  suffering  army  within  the  bounds  of  moderation. 

This  your  Excellency's  influence  must  effect.  In  order  to 
it,  it  will  be  advisable  not  to  discountenance  their  endeavors  to 
procure  redress,  but  rather,  by  the  intervention  of  confidential 
and  prudent  persons,  to  take  the  direction  of  them.  This,  however, 
must  not  appear.  It  is  of  moment  to  the  public  tranquillity, 
that  your  Excellency  should  preserve  the  confidence  of  the 
army  without  losing  that  of  the  people.  This  will  enable  you, 
in  case  of  extremity,  to  guide  the  torrent,  and  to  bring  order, 
perhaps  even  good,  out  of  confusion.  'Tis  a  part  that  requires 
address ;  but  'tis  one  which  your  own  situation,  as  well  as  the 
welfare  of  the  community,  points  out. 

I  will  not  conceal  from  your  Excellency  a  truth  which  it  is 
necessary  you  should  know.  An  idea  is  propagated  in  the  army, 


jET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  329 

that  delicacy,  carried  to  an  extreme,  prevents  your  espousing  its 
interests  with  sufficient  warmth.  The  falsehood  of  this  opinion 
no  one  can  be  better  acquainted  with  than  myself;  but  it  is  not 
the  less  mischievous  for  being  false.  Its  tendency  is  to  impair 
that  influence  which  you  may  exert  with  advantage,  should  any 
commotions  unhappily  ensue,  to  moderate  the  pretensions  of  the 
army,  and  make  their  conduct  correspond  with  their  duty. 

The  great  desideratum  at  present,  is  the  establishment  of 
general  funds,  which  alone  can  do  justice  to  the  creditors  of 
the  United  States  (of  whom  the  army  forms  the  most  meri 
torious  class),  restore  public  credit,  and  supply  the  future  wants 
of  government.  This  is  the  object  of  all  men  of  sense.  In  this, 
the  influence  of  the  army,  properly  directed,  may  co-operate. 

The  intimations  I  have  thrown  out,  will  suffice  to  give  your 
Excellency  a  proper  conception  of  my  sentiments.  You  will 
judge  of  their  reasonableness  or  fallacy ;  but  I  persuade  myself 
you  will  do  justice  to  my  motives. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  great  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

General  Knox  has  the  confidence  of  the  army,  and  is  a  man 
of  sense.  I  think  he  may  be  safely  made  use  of.  Situated  as  I 
am,  your  Excellency  will  feel  the  confidential  nature  of  these 
observations. 

His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


DUANE   TO    HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  17th  February,  1783. 


DEAR  SIR  : 

I  am  now  on  a  visit  from  the  General  from  Kingston,  where 
the  Legislature  is  convened.     The  British  King's  speech to 


330  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

his  Parliament,  and  his  Secretary's  letters  to  the  Lord  Mayor  of 
London,  which  we  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  here,  afford  us 
the  fairest  prospect  of  a  speedy  peace.  I  have  but  one  anxiety 
remaining,  and  that  respects  a  better  establishment  of  our  Gen 
eral  Government  on  a  basis  that  will  secure  the  permanent  union 
of  the  States,  and  a  punctual  payment  of  the  public  debts.  I 
do  not  think  our  Legislature  will  be  averse  to  a  reasonable 
system.  The  Assembly  have  agreed  to  the  requisitions  of  Con 
gress,  and  to  press  for  the  arrears  of  taxes ;  and  a  joint  com 
mittee  of  both  Houses  have  taken  measures  to  compel  the  imme 
diate  production  of  the  accounts  of  all  who  have  been  intrusted 
with  public  money.  This  last  step  became  so  necessary,  that  I 
found  no  difficulty  in  getting  it  adopted.  I  would  even  hazard 
an  attempt  to  introduce  an  intendant,  if  I  had  proper  materials  ; 
but  I  am  disappointed  in  not  receiving  the  Maryland  plan,  which 
was  promised  me  by  Mr.  Wright  and  Mr.  Homsly.  If  possible, 
I  still  wish  you  would  forward  this  act  on  this  subject,  and  for 
the  collection  of  taxes.  The  example  of  a  State  may  be  adopted, 
when  any  plan  of  my  own  might  be  rejected.  There  is  such  con 
fusion  in  the  present  administration  of  our  State  finances,  and 
the  weight  of  our  debts  is  so  burthensome,  that  a  remedy  must 
be  provided;  and  I  apprehend  the  production  of  the  public 
accounts,  before  alluded  to,  will  furnish  us  with  sufficient  argu 
ments  to  prove  its  necessity. 

"We  are  in  want  of  the  report,  and  of  the  evidence  and  argu 
ments  in  support  of  our  Territorial  rights.  If,  as  you  proposed, 
you  have  taken  the  trouble  to  copy  it,  be  so  obliging  as  to  trans 
mit  your  copy.  Should  your  leisure  not  have  been  sufficient  for 
the  undertaking,  be  pleased  to  get  it  transcribed  and  forwarded. 
It  is  a  collection  of  great  importance  to  the  State,  and  if  it 
should  be  lost,  I  do  not  know  who  would  submit  to  the  labor  of 
a  second  effort. 

General  Schuyler  was  sent  for  a  week  ago  to  pay  the  last 
duties  to  your  grandfather.  He  wrote  me  the  tenth,  that  there 
was  no  hopes  of  his  surviving  many  days,  but  I  learn  that  he 
was  still  living  four  days  ago,  without  the  least  prospect  of  re 
covery. 


jEx.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  331 

From  your  known  punctuality,  I  take  it  for  granted  that  you 
have  written  to  me  agreeably  to  your  promise,  and  that  your 
letters  have  miscarried.  Any  communication,  while  the  Legis 
lature  are  convened,  would  be  peculiarly  acceptable,  and  pro 
bably  useful. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  respectful  compliments  to  Colonel 
Floyd,  to  Mrs.  Hamilton,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Carter,  and  to  the 
gentlemen  of  our  family,  etc. 

With  the  utmost  regard,  I  remain,  dear  Sir, 
Your  affectionate  an'd  most 

Obedient  humble  servant, 

JAS.  DUANE. 
Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO   GOVERNOR  CLINTON. 

February,  24,  1783. 

SIR: 

In  my  letter  of  the  fourteenth  I  informed  your  Excellency, 
that  Congress  were  employed  in  devising  a  plan  for  carrying  the 
eighth  article  of  the  Confederation  into  execution.  This  busi 
ness  is  at  length  brought  to  a  conclusion.  I  inclose,  for  the  in 
formation  of  the  Legislature,  the  proceedings  upon  it  in  different 
stages,  by  which  they  will  see  the  part  I  have  acted.  But  as  I 
was  ultimately  left  in  a  small  minority,  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
explain  the  motives  upon  which  my  opposition  to  the  general 
course  of  the  House  was  founded. 

I  am  of  opinion,  that  the  article  of  the  Confederation  itself 
was  ill-judged.  In  the  first  place,  I  do  not  believe  there  is  any 
general  representative  of  the  wealth  of  a  nation,  the  criterion  of 
its  ability  to  pay  taxes.  There  are  only  two  that  can  be  thought 
of,  land  and  numbers. 

The  revenues  of  the  United  Provinces  (general  and  partic 
ular)  were  computed,  before  the  present  war,  to  more  than  half 
as  much  as  those  of  Great  Britain.  The  extent  of  their  terri- 


332  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&T.  26. 

tory  is  not  one-fourth  part  as  great ;  their  population  less  than 
a  third.  The  comparison  is  still  more  striking  between  those 
Provinces  and  the  Swiss  Cantons ;  in  both  of  which,  extent  of 
territory  and  population  are  nearly  the  same :  and  yet  the  reve 
nues  of  the  former  are  five  times  as  large  as  those  of  the  latter ; 
nor  could  any  efforts  of  taxation  bring  them  to  any  thing  like  a 
level.  In  both  cases,  the  advantages  for  agriculture  are  superior 
in  those  countries  which  afford  least  revenue  in  proportion.  I 
have  selected  these  examples  because  they  are  most  familiar; 
but  whoever  will  extend  the  comparison  between  the  nations  of 
the  world,  will  perceive  that  the  position  I  have  laid  down  is 
supported  by  universal  experience. 

The  truth  is,  the  ability  of  a  country  to  pay  taxes  depends  on 
infinite  combinations  of  physical  and  moral  causes,  which  can 
never  be  accommodated  to  any  general  rule ;  climate,  soil,  pro 
ductions,  advantages  for  navigation,  government,  genius  of  the 
people,  progress  of  arts  and  industry,  and  an  endless  variety  of 
circumstances.  The  diversities  are  sufficiently  great,  in  these 
States,  to  make  an  infinite  difference  in  their  relative  wealth ;  the 
proportion  of  which  can  never  be  found  by  any  common  measure 
whatever. 

The  only  possible  way,  then,  of  making  them  contribute  to 
the  general  expense,  in  an  equal  proportion  to  their  means,  is  by 
general  taxes  imposed  under  Continental  authority. 

In  this  mode,  there  would,  no  doubt,  be  inequalities,  and,  for 
a  considerable  time,  material  ones ;  but  experience,  and  the 
constant  operation  of  a  general  interest,  which,  by  the  very 
collision  of  particular  interests,  must,  in  the  main,  prevail  in  a 
Continental  deliberative,  would  at  length  correct  those  inequali 
ties,  and  balance  one  tax  that  should  bear  hard  upon  one  State, 
by  another  that  should  have  proportional  weight  in  others.  This 
idea,  however,  was  not,  at  the  period  of  framing  the  Confedera 
tion,  and  is  not  yet,  agreeable  to  the  spirit  of  the  time.  To 
futurity  we  must  leave  the  discovery,  how  far  this  spirit  is  wise 
or  foolish.  One  thing  only  is  now  certain ;  that  Congress,  having 
the  discretionary  power  of  determining  the  quantum  of  money 
to  be  paid  into  the  general  treasury  towards  defraying  the  com- 


J£T.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  333 

mon  expenses,  have,  in  effect,  the  constitutional  power  of  general 
taxation. 

The  restraints  upon  the  exercise  of  this  power,  amount  to 
perpetuating  a  rule  for  fixing  the  proportions,  which  must  of 
necessity  produce  inequality,  and,  by  refusing  the  Federal  Go 
vernment  a  power  of  specific  taxation  and  of  collection,  without 
substituting  any  other  adequate  means  of  coercion,  do,  in  fact, 
leave  the  compliance  with  Continental  requisitions  to  the  good 
will  of  the  respective  States.  Inequality  is  inherent  in  the  theory 
of  the  Confederation ;  and,  in  the  practice,  that  inequality  must 
increase  in  proportion  to  the  honesty  or  dishonesty  of  the  com 
ponent  parts.  This  vice  will  either,  in  its  consequences,  reform 
the  Federal  Constitution,  or  dissolve  it. 

If  a  general  standard  must  be  fixed,  numbers  were  preferable 
to  land.  Modes  might  be  devised  to  ascertain  the  former  with 
tolerable  precision ;  but  I  am  persuaded  the  experiment  will 
prove,  that  the  value  of  all  the  land  in  each  State  cannot  be 
ascertained  with  any  thing  like  exactness.  Both  these  measures 
have  the  common  disadvantage  of  being  no  equal  representative 
of  the  wealth  of  the  people ;  but  one  is  much  more  simple,  defi 
nite,  and  certain  than  the  other. 

I  have  indulged  myself  in  these  remarks,  to  show  that  I  have 
little  expectation  of  success  from  any  mode  of  carrying  the  article 
in  question  into  execution  upon  equitable  principles.  I  owe  it, 
however,  to  myself,  to  declare,  that  my  opposition  did  not  arise 
from  this  source.  The  Confederation  has  pointed  out  this  mode ; 
and,  though  I  would  heartily  join  in  a  representation  of  the  dif 
ficulties  (of  which  every  man  of  sense  must  be  sensible  on  exa 
mination)  that  occur  in  the  execution  of  the  plan,  to  induce  the 
States  to  consent  to  a  change,  yet,  as  this  was  not  the  disposition 
of  a  majority  of  Congress,  I  would  have  assented  to  any  mode  of 
attempting  it  which  was  not  either  obviously  mischievous  or  im 
practicable. 

The  first  plan  proposed,  as  your  Excellency  will  see,  was  an 
actual  valuation  of  each  State  by  itself.  This  was  evidently 
making  the  interested  party  judge  in  his  own  cause.  Those  who 
have  seen  the  operation  of  this  principle  between  the  counties  in  the 


334  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&T.  26. 

same  State,  and  the  districts  in  the  same  county,  cannot  doubt  a 
moment  that  the  valuations  on  this  plan  would  have  been  alto 
gether  unequal  and  unjust.  Without  supposing  more  liberality 
in  one  State  than  another,  the  degree  of  care,  judgment,  and  me 
thod,  employed  in  the  execution,  would  alone  make  extreme 
differences  in  the  results. 

This  mode  has,  also,  the  further  inconvenience  of  awakening 
all  the  jealousies  of  the  several  States  against  each  other.  Each 
would  suspect  that  its  neighbor  had  favored  itself,  whether  the 
partiality  appeared  or  not.  It  would  be  impossible  to  silence 
these  distrusts,  and  to  make  the  States  sit  down  satisfied  with  the 
justice  of  each  other.  Every  new  requisition  for  money  would 
be  a  new  signal  for  discussion  and  clamor ;  and  the  seeds  of  dis 
union,  already  sown  too  thick,  would  not  be  a  little  multiplied. 

To  guard  against  these  evils,  the  plan  proposes  a  revision  by 
Congress ;  but  it  is  easy  to  be  seen  that  such  a  power  could  not 
be  exercised.  Should  any  States  return  defective  valuations,  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  sufficient  evidence  to  determine  them 
such.  To  alter  would  not  be  admissible ;  for  Congress  could 
have  no  data  which  could  be  presumed  equivalent  to  those  which 
must  have  governed  the  judgment  of  commissioners  under  oath, 
or  an  actual  view  of  the  premises.  To  do  either  this,  or  to  reject, 
would  be  an  impeachment  of  the  honor  of  the  States,  which  it  is 
not  probable  there  would  be  decision  enough  to  hazard ;  and 
which,  if  done,  could  not  fail  to  excite  serious  disgusts.  There  is 
a  wide  difference  between  a  single  State  exercising  such  a  power 
over  its  own  counties,  and  a  Confederated  Government  exercising 
it  over  sovereign  States  which  compose  the  Confederacy.  It 
might  also  happen,  that  too  many  States  would  be  interested  in 
the  defective  valuations,  to  leave  a  sufficient  number  willing, 
either  to  alter  or  to  reject. 

These  considerations  prevailed  to  prevent  the  plan  being 
adopted  by  a  majority. 

The  last  plan  may  be  less  mischievous  than  the  first ;  but  it 
appears  to  me  altogether  ineffectual.  The  mere  quantity  of  land 
granted  and  surveyed,  with  the  general  species  of  buildings  upon 
them,  can  certainly  be  no  criteria  to  determine  their  value.  The 


jEi.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  335 

plan  does  not  even  distinguish,  the  improved  from  the  unimproved 
land ;  the  qualities  of  soil,  or  degrees  of  improvement :  the  quan 
tities  of  the  houses  and  other  buildings,  are  entirely  omitted. 
These,  it  seems,  are  to  be  judged  of  by  the  commissioners  to  be 
appointed  by  each  State.  But  I  am  unable  to  conceive,  how 
any  commissioner  can  form  the  least  estimate  of  these  circum 
stances  with  respect  even  to  his  own  State,  much  less  with  respect 
to  other  States,  which  would  be  necessary  to  establish  a  just  rela 
tive  value.  If  even  there  was  a  distinction  of  improved  from  un 
improved  land,  by  supposing  an  intrinsic  value  in  the  land,  and 
adopting  general  rates,  something  nearer  the  truth  might  be  at 
tained  ;  but  it  must  now  be  all  conjecture  and  uncertainty. 

The  numbers  of  inhabitants,  distinguishing  white  from  black, 
are  called  for.  This  is  not  only  totally  foreign  to  the  Confedera 
tion,  but  can  answer  no  reasonable  purpose.  It  has  been  said, 
that  the  proportion  of  numbers  may  guide  and  correct  the  esti 
mates.  An  assertion,  purely  verbal,  has  no  meaning.  A  judg 
ment  must  first  be  formed  of  the  value  of  the  lands  upon  some 
principles.  If  this  should  be  altered  by  the  proportion  of  num 
bers,  it  is  plain  numbers  would  be  substituted  to  land. 

Another  objection  to  this  plan  is,  that  it  lets  in  the  particular 
interests  of  the  States,  to  operate  in  the  returns  of  the  quantities 
of  land,  number  of  buildings,  and  number  of  inhabitants.  But 
the  principle  of  this  objection  applies  less  forcibly  here  than 
against  the  former  plan. 

Whoever  will  consider  the  plain  import  of  the  eighth  article  of 
the  Confederation,  must  be  convinced,  that  it  intended  an  actual 
and  specific  valuation  of  land,  buildings,  and  improvements,  not  a 
mere  general  estimate,  according  to  the  present  plan.  While  we 
insist,  therefore,  upon  adhering  to  the  Confederation,  we  should 
do  it  in  reality,  not  barely  in  appearance. 

Many  of  those  who  voted  for  this  scheme,  had  as  bad  an  opin 
ion  of  it  as  myself;  but  they  were  induced  to  accede  to  it,  by  a 
persuasion  that  some  plan  for  the  purpose  was  expected  by  the 
States  ;  and  that  none  better,  in  the  present  circumstances  of  the 
country,  could  be  fallen  upon. 

A  leading  rule  which  I  have  laid  down  for  the  direction  of 


336  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JErr.  26. 

my  conduct,  is  this :  that  while  I  would  have  a  just  deference  for 
the  expectations  of  the  States,  I  would  never  consent  to  amuse 
them  by  attempts  which  must  either  fail  in  the  execution,  or  be 
productive  of  evil.  I  would  rather  incur  the  negative  inconve 
niences  of  delay  than  the  positive  mischiefs  of  injudicious  expe 
dients.  A  contrary  conduct  serves  to  destroy  confidence  in  the 
government,  the  greatest  misfortune  that  can  befall  a  nation. 
There  should,  in  my  opinion,  be  a  character  of  wisdom  and  effi 
ciency  in  all  the  measures  of  the  Federal  Council,  the  opposite  of 
a  spirit  of  temporizing  concession. 

I  would  have  sufficient  reliance  on  the  judgments  of  the  seve 
ral  States,  to  hope  that  good  reasons  for  not  attempting  a  thing, 
would  be  more  satisfactory  to  them  than  precipitate  and  fruitless 
attempts. 

My  idea  is,  that,  taking  it  for  granted  the  States  will  expect  an 
experiment  on  the  principle  of  the  Confederation,  the  best  plan 
will  be  to  make  it  by  commissioners  appointed  by  Congress,  and 
acting  under  their  authority.  Congress  might,  in  the  first  in 
stance,  appoint  three  or  more  of  the  principal  characters  in  each 
State  for  probity  and  abilities,  with  a  power  to  nominate  other 
commissioners  under  them,  in  each  subdivision  of  the  State.  Ge 
neral  principles  might  be  laid  down  for  the  regulation  of  their 
conduct,  by  which  uniformity  in  the  manner  of  conducting  the 
business  would  obtain.  Sanctions  of  such  solemnity  might  be 
prescribed,  and  such  notoriety  given  to  every  part  of  the  transac 
tion,  that  the  commissioners  could  neither  be  careless  nor  partial 
without  a  sacrifice  of  reputation. 

To  carry  this  plan,  however,  into  effect,  with  sufficient  care 
and  accuracy,  would  be  a  work  both  of  time  and  expense ;  and, 
unfortunately,  we  are  so  pressed  to  find  money  for  calls  of  im 
mediate  necessity,  that  we  could  not,  at  present,  undertake  a 
measure  which  would  require  so  large  a  sum. 

To  me  it  appears  evident,  that  every  part  of  a  business  which 
is  of  so  important  and  universal  concern,  should  be  transacted  on 
uniform  principles,  and  under  the  direction  of  that  body  which 
has  a  common  interest. 

In  general,  I  regard  the  present  moment,  probably  the  dawn 


^Ei.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  337 

of  peace,  as  peculiarly  critical ;  and  the  measures  which  it  shall 
produce,  as  of  great  importance  to  the  future  welfare  of  these 
States.  I  am,  therefore,  scrupulously  cautious  of  assenting  to 
plans  which  appear  to  me  founded  on  false  principles. 

Your  Excellency  will  observe,  that  the  valuation  of  the 
lands  is  to  be  the  standard  for  adjusting  the  accounts,  for  past 
supplies,  between  the  United  States  and  the  particular  States. 
This,  if  adhered  to,  without  allowance  for  the  circumstances  of 
those  States  which  have  been  more  immediately  the  theatre  of 
the  war,  will  charge  our  State  for  the  past,  according  to  its  future 
ability,  when  in  an  entire  condition,  if  the  valuation  should  be 
made  after  we  regain  possession  of  the  parts  of  the  State  now  in 
the  power  of  the  enemy. 

I  have  heretofore  introduced  a  motion  for  repeating  the  call, 
in  a  more  earnest  manner,  upon  the  States,  to  vest  Congress  with 
a  power  of  making  equitable  abatements,  agreeably  to  the  spirit 
of  the  Kesolution  of  the  twentieth  of  February  last,  which  few  of 
the  States  have  complied  with.  This  motion  has  been  committed. 
I  know  not  what  will  be  its  fate. 

Notwithstanding  the  opposition  I  have  given,  now  the  matter 
has  been  decided  in  Congress,  I  hope  the  State  will  cheerfully 
comply  with  what  is  required.  Unless  each  State  is  governed 
by  this  principle,  there  is  an  end  of  the  Union.  Every  State 
will,  no  doubt,  have  a  right,  in  this  case,  to  accompany  its  com 
pliance  with  such  remarks  as  it  may  think  proper. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  servant, 
A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  After  the  plan  was  agreed  upon,  it  was  committed  to 
be  put  into  form ;  and,  when  reported,  instead  of  commissioners, 
an  alteration  was  carried  for  making  the  estimate  by  a  Grand 
Committee. 

February  27. 

Mr.  Morris  has  signified  to  Congress,  his  resolution  to  resign 
by  the  first  of  June,  if  adequate  funds  are  not  by  that  time  pro- 
VOL.  I.  22 


338  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

vided.  This  will  be  a  severe  stroke  to  our  affairs.  No  man,  fit 
for  the  office,  will  be  willing  to  supply  his  place,  for  the  very 
reason  he  resigns. 

'Tis  happy  for  us  we  have  reasons  to  expect  a  peace.  I  am 
sorry  that,  by  different  accounts,  it  appears  not  to  have  been 
concluded  late  in  December. 

To  His  Excellency  Governor  Clinton. 


GOVERNOR   CLINTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

KINGSTON,  February  24,  1783. 

SIR: 

I  have  been  honored  by  your  letter  of  the  twelfth  of  January. 
You  may  remember,  that  in  July  last,  I  submitted  to  the  con 
sideration  of  our  Legislature,  certain  Eesolutions  of  the  Assembly 
of  New  Hampshire,  making  overtures  for  an  amicable  settlement 
of  a  boundary  line  between  the  two  States ;  which  were  read 
and  committed :  but  as  the  session  was  short,  and  devoted  prin 
cipally  to  the  particular  business  for  which  they  were  convened, 
no  determination  was  had  on  the  subject.  I  had  some  reason  to 
expect  a  consideration  of  these  Eesolutions  would  have  taken 
place  at  the  present  meeting.  This  induced  me  to  defer  answer 
ing  your  letter  until  I  could  inform  you  of  the  result.  I  cannot, 
however,  discover  any  disposition  to  take  up  this  business.  It 
seems  to  be  the  prevailing  opinion,  that  as  Congress  has  engaged 
to  make  a  final  decision  of  the  controversy  respecting  the  district 
called  the  Grants,  a  partial  compromise  of  the  matter  would  be 
improper ;  as  any  measures  for  the  purpose,  might  alienate  the 
affections  of  our  most  zealous  subjects  in  that  quarter,  and  be 
attended  with  other  dangerous  consequences.  Besides,  doubts 
exist  whether  the  Legislature  have  authority,  by  any  act  of 
theirs,  to  consent  to  such  a  dismemberment  of  the  State  as  would 
probably  be  insisted  upon,  on  a  compromise  with  New  Hamp 
shire.  I  am,  nevertheless,  still  persuaded,  should  Congress 


^ET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  339 

determine  the  summit  of  the  mountains  to  be  the  boundary  be 
tween  the  two  States,  this  State  (whatever  our  sentiments  might 
be  of  the  equity  of  the  decision)  would,  for  the  sake  of  peace, 
submit  to  it :  and  there  cannot  be  a  doubt,  but  that  New  Hamp 
shire  would  be  perfectly  satisfied  with  the  jurisdiction  of  so  ex 
tensive  and  valuable  a  territory.  I  take  it  for  granted,  that, 
whatever  may  be  the  decision,  equitable  measures  will  be  adopted 
for  securing  the  property  of  individuals. 

I  congratulate  you,  most  sincerely,  on  the  promising  pros 
pects  of  peace.  I  pray  nothing  may  prevent  the  desirable  event 
soon  taking  place.  Our  friends  from  the  city,  and  Long  Island, 
anxiously  wait  for  the  moment  in  which  they  may  return  to 
their  homes.  The  expectations  of  all  are  so  much  raised  as  to 
obstruct  public  business  not  a  little.  Please  to  offer  my  best  re 
spects  to  Mrs.  Hamilton,  and  believe  me, 

With  great  respect  and  esteem, 

Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

G-EO.  CLINTON. 

P.  S.  It  is  with  great  concern  I  mention,  that  since  writing 
the  above,  I  am  informed  of  the  death  of  your  relation,  Colonel 
John  Yan  Kensselaer.  He  departed  this  life  on  Friday  last. 
General  Schuyler,  who  was  sent  for  when  his  recovery  was 
despaired  of,  is  to  set  out  from  Albany  on  his  return  to  this 
place  on  "Wednesday  next. 

G.  C. 
To  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  March  4,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  received  your  favor  of  February,  and  thank  you  for 
the  information  and  observations  it  has  conveyed  to  me.  I  shall 
always  think  myself  obliged  by  a  free  communication  of  senti- 


340  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J3T.  26. 

ments,  and  have  often  thought  (but  suppose  I  thought  wrong,  as 
it  did  not  accord  with  the  practice  of  Congress),  that  the  public 
interest  might  be  benefited,  if  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
army  was  let  more  into  the  political  and  pecuniary  state  of  our 
affairs  than  he  is.  Enterprises,  and  the  adoption  of  military  and 
other  arrangements  that  might  be  exceedingly  proper  in  some 
circumstances,  would  be  altogether  improper  in  others.  It  fol 
lows,  then,  by  fair  deduction,  that  where  there  is  a  want  of  infor 
mation,  there  must  be  chance-medley ;  and  a  man  may  be  upon 
the  brink  of  a  precipice  before  he  is  aware  of  his  danger,  when  a 
little  foreknowledge  might  enable  him  to  avoid  it.  But  this  by 
the  by. 

The  hint  contained  in  your  letter,  and  the  knowledge  I  have 
derived  from  the  public  gazettes,  respecting  the  non-payment  of 
taxes,  contain  all  the  information  I  have  received  of  the  danger 
that  stares  us  in  the  face  on  account  of  our  funds ;  and  so  far  was 
I  from  conceiving  that  our  finances  were  in  so  deplorable  a  state, 
at  this  time,  that  I  had  imbibed  ideas  from  some  source  or  other, 
that,  with  the  prospect  of  a  loan  from  Holland,  we  should  be 
able  to  rub  along. 

To  you,  who  have  seen  the  danger  to  which  the  army  has 
been  exposed  to  a  political  dissolution  for  want  of  subsistence, 
and  the  unhappy  spirit  of  licentiousness  which  it  imbibed  by 
becoming,  in  one  or  two  instances,  its  own  proveditors,  no  obser 
vations  are  necessary  to  evince  the  fatal  tendency  of  such  a 
measure  ;  but  I  shall  give  it  as  my  opinion,  that  it  would  at  this 
day  be  productive  of  civil  commotions  and  end  in  blood.  Un 
happy  situation  this !  Grod  forbid  we  should  be  involved  in  it. 

The  predicament  in  which  I  stand,  as  citizen  and  soldier,  is 
as  critical  and  delicate  as  can  well  be  conceived.  It  has  been 
the  subject  of  many  contemplative  hours.  The  sufferings  of  a 
complaining  army  on  one  hand,  and  the  inability  of  Congress, 
and  tardiness  of  the  States  on  the  other,  are  the  forebodings  of 
evil,  and  may  be  productive  of  events  which  are  more  to  be  de 
precated  than  prevented  :  but  I  am  not  without  hope,  if  there  is 
such  a  disposition  shown  as  prudence  and  policy  dictate,  to  do 
justice,  your  apprehensions,  in  case  of  peace,  are  greater  than 


^Ex.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  341 

there  is  cause  for.  In  this,  however,  I  may  be  mistaken,  if  those 
ideas  which  you  have  been  informed  are  propagated  in  the  army, 
should  be  extensive,  the  source  of  which  may  be  easily  traced ; 
as  the  old  leaven,  it  is  said,  for  I  have  no  proof  of  it,  is  again 
beginning  to  work,  under  the  mask  of  the  most  perfect  dissimu 
lation  and  apparent  cordiality. 

Be  these  things  as  they  may,  I  shall  pursue  the  same  steady 
line  of  conduct  which  has  governed  me  hitherto;  fully  con 
vinced,  that  the  sensible  and  discerning  part  of  the  army  cannot 
be  unacquainted  (although  I  never  took  pains  to  inform  them) 
of  the  services  I  have  rendered  it  on  more  occasions  than  one. 
This,  and  pursuing  the  suggestions  of  your  letter,  which  I  am 
happy  to  find  coincide  with  my  own  practice  for  several  months 
past,  and  which  was  the  means  of  directing  the  business  of  the 
army  into  the  channel  it  now  is,  leave  me  under  no  great  appre 
hension  of  its  exceeding  the  bounds  of  reason  and  moderation ; 
notwithstanding  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  the  army  is,  that 
the  prospect  of  compensation  for  past  services  will  terminate 
with  the  war. 

The  just  claims  of  the  army  ought,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  will, 
have  their  weight  with  every  sensible  Legislature  in  the  Union, 
if  Congress  point  to  their  demands ;  show  (if  the  case  is  so)  the 
reasonableness  of  them ;  and  the  impracticability  of  complying 
without  their  aid.  In  any  other  point  of  view,  it  would,  in  my 
opinion,  be  impolitic  to  introduce  the  army  on  the  tapis,  lest  it 
should  excite  jealousy  and  bring  on  its  concomitants.  The 
States  cannot,  surely,  be  so  devoid  of  common  sense,  common 
honesty,  and  common  policy,  as  to  refuse  their  aid,  on  a  full, 
clear,  and  candid  representation  of  facts  from  Congress;  more 
especially,  if  these  should  be  enforced  by  members  of  their  own 
body,  who  might  demonstrate  what  the  inevitable  consequences 
of  failure  must  lead  to. 

In  my  opinion  it  is  a  matter  worthy  of  consideration,  how 
far  an  adjournment  of  Congress  for  a  few  months  is  advisable. 
The  delegates,  in  that  case,  if  they  are  in  unison  themselves  re 
specting  the  great  defects  of  their  Constitution,  may  represent  them 
fully  and  boldly  to  their  constituents.  To  me,  who  know  nothing 


342  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  26. 

of  the  business  which,  is  before  Congress,  nor  of  the  arcanum,  it 
appears  that  such  a  measure  would  tend  to  promote  the  public 
weal :  for  it  is  clearly  my  opinion,  unless  Congress  have  powers 
competent  to  all  general  purposes,  that  the  distresses  we  have 
encountered,  the  expenses  we  have  incurred,  and  the  blood  we 
have  spilt,  in  the  course  of  an  eight  years'  war,  will  avail  us 
nothing. 

The  contents  of  your  letter  is  known  only  to  myself;  and 
your  prudence  will  direct  what  should  be  done  with  this. 
"With  great  esteem  and  regard, 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  5,  1783. 

SIR: 

I  had  the  honor  of  writing  to  your  Excellency  lately  on  a 
very  confidential  subject,  and  shall  be  anxious  to  know,  as  soon 
as  convenient,  whether  the  letter  got  safe  to  hand. 

The  bearer,  Shattuck,  thinks  he  can  point  out  means  of 
apprehending  Wells  and  Knowlton,  the  two  persons  whom  your 
Excellency  was  authorized  to  have  taken  into  custody.  I  have 
desired  him  to  call  upon  you  to  disclose  the  plan. 

I  will  not  trouble  your  Excellency  with  any  observation  on 
the  importance  of  getting  hold  of  those  persons. 

The  surmise  that  Mr.  Arnold,  a  member  of  Congress,  gave 
intelligence  to  them  of  the  design  to  take  them,  makes  it  pecu 
liarly  important. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


MT.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  343 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  March  12,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

When  I  wrote  to  you  last,  we  were  in  a  state  of  tranquillity  ; 
but  after  the  arrival  of  a  certain  gentleman,  who  shall  be  name 
less  at  present,  from  Philadelphia,  a  storm  very  suddenly  arose, 
with  unfavorable  prognostics ;  which,  though  diverted  for  a 
moment,  is  not  yet  blown  over ;  nor  is  it  in  my  power  to  point 
to  the  issue. 

The  papers  which  I  send  officially  to  Congress,  will  super 
sede  the  necessity  of  my  remarking  on  the  tendency  of  them. 
The  notification  and  address,  both,  appeared  at  the  same  in 
stant,  on  the  day  preceding  the  intended  meeting.  The  first  of 
these  I  got  hold  of  the  same  afternoon ;  the  other  not  till  next 
morning. 

There  is  something  very  mysterious  in  this  business.  It 
appears  reports  have  been  propagated  in  Philadelphia,  that  dan 
gerous  combinations  were  forming  in  the  army ;  and  this  at  a 
time  when  there  was  not  a  syllable  of  the  kind  in  agitation  in 
camp.  It  also  appears,  that  upon  the  arrival  in  camp  of  the 
gentleman  above  alluded  to,  such  sentiments  as  these  were  im 
mediately  circulated :  That  it  was  universally  expected  the  army 
would  not  disband  until  they  had  obtained  justice ;  that  the 
public  creditors  looked  up  to  them  for  redress  of  their  own  griev 
ances;  would  afford  them  every  aid,  and  even  join  them  in 
the  field,  if  necessary ;  that  some  members  of  Congress  wished 
the  measure  might  take  effect,  in  order  to  compel  the  public, 
particularly  the  delinquent  States,  to  do  justice ;  with  many 
other  suggestions  of  a  similar  nature. 

From  this,  and  a  variety  of  other  considerations,  it  is  firmly 
believed  by  some,  the  scheme  was  not  only  planned,  but  also 
digested  and  matured,  in  Philadelphia  ;*  but  my  opinion  shall 

*  The  words,  "  By  others,  that  it  is  the  illegitimate  offspring  of  a  person  in 
the  army,"  which  came  in  here,  are  obliterated  in  the  original,  but  were  restored 
by  Washington  in  the  postscript. 


344  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [jET.  26. 

be  suspended  till  I  have  better  ground  to  found  one  on.  The 
matter  was  managed  with  great  art ;  for  as  soon  as  the  minds  of 
the  officers  were  thought  to  be  prepared  for  the  transaction,  the 
anonymous  invitations  and  addresses  to  the  officers  were  put  in 
circulation  through  every  State  line  in  the  army.  I  was  obliged, 
therefore,  in  order  to  arrest  on  the  spot,  the  feet  that  stood 
wavering  on  a  tremendous  precipice,  to  prevent  the  officers  from 
being  taken  by  surprise,  while  the  passions  were  all  inflamed, 
and  to  rescue  them  from  plunging  themselves  into  a  gulf  of 
civil  horror  from  which  there  might  be  no  receding,  to  issue  the 
order  of  the  eleventh. 

This  was  done  upon  the  principle  that  it  is  easier  to  divert 
from  a  wrong,  and  point  to  a  right  path,  than  it  is  to  recall  the 
hasty  and  fatal  steps  which  have  been  already  taken. 

It  is  commonly  supposed,  if  the  officers  had  met  agreeably  to 
the  anonymous  summons,  with  their  feelings  all  alive,  resolu 
tions  might  have  been  formed,  the  consequences  of  which  may 
be  more  easily  conceived  than  described.  Now  they  will  have 
leisure  to  view  the  matter  more  calmly,  and  will  act  more  seri 
ously.  It  is  to  be  hoped  they  will  be  induced  to  adopt  more 
rational  measures,  and  wait  a  while  longer  a  settlement  of  their 
accounts,  the  postponing  of  which  appears  to  be  the  most  plau 
sible,  and  almost  the  only  article  of  which  designing  men  can 
make  an  improper  use,  by  insinuating  (which  they  really  do) 
that  it  is  done  with  design  that  peace  may  take  place,  and  pre 
vent  any  adjustment  of  accounts;  which,  say  they,  would  inevi 
tably  be  the  case,  if  the  war  was  to  cease  to-morrow :  or,  suppos 
ing  the  best,  you  would  have  to  dance  attendance  at  public 
offices,  at  great  distances,  perhaps,  and  equally  great  expenses, 
to  obtain  a  settlement,  which  would  be  highly  injurious,  nay, 
ruinous  to  you.  This  is  their  language. 

Let  me  beseech  you,  therefore,  my  good  sir,  to  urge  this  mat 
ter  earnestly,  and  without  further  delay.  The  situation  of  these 
gentlemen,  I  do  verily  believe,  is  distressing  beyond  description. 
It  is  affirmed  to  me,  that  a  large  part  of  them  have  no  better 
prospect  before  them  than  a  jail,  if  they  are  turned  loose  with 
out  liquidation  of  accounts,  and  an  assurance  of  that  justice  to 


MT.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  345 

which  they  are  so  worthily  entitled.  To  prevail  on  the  delegates 
of  those  States,  through  whose  means  these  difficulties  occur,  it 
may,  in  my  opinion,  with  propriety  be  suggested  to  them,  if  any 
disastrous  consequences  should  follow,  by  reason  of  their  delin 
quency,  that  they  must  be  answerable  to  God  and  their  Country 
for  the  ineffable  horrors  which  may  be  occasioned  thereby. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 

P.  S.  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  fifth,  and  have  put 
that  matter  in  train  which  was  mentioned  in  it. 

G.  W. 

I  am  this  instant  informed,  that  a  second  address  to  the 
officers,  distinguished  No.  2,  is  thrown  into  circulation.  The 
contents  evidently  prove,  that  the  author  is  in,  or  near,  camp ; 
and  that  the  following  words,  erased  in  the  second  page  of  this 
letter,  ought  not  to  have  met  with  this  treatment,  viz. — "  By 
others,  that  it  is  the  illegitimate  offspring  of  a  person  in  the 
army." 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  17,  1783. 

SIK: 

I  am  duly  honored  with  your  Excellency's  letters  of  the 
fourth  and  twelfth  instant.  It  is  much  to  be  regretted,  though 
not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  steps  of  so  inflammatory  a  tendency 
have  been  taken  in  the  army.  Your  Excellency  has,  in  my 
opinion,  acted  wisely.  The  best  way  is,  ever,  not  to  attempt  to 
stem  a  torrent,  but  to  divert  it. 

I  am  happy  to  find  you  coincide  in  opinion  with  me  on  the 
conduct  proper  to  be  observed  by  yourself.  I  am  persuaded, 
more  and  more,  it  is  that  which  is  most  consistent  with  your  own 
reputation  and  the  public  safety. 


346  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  26. 

Our  affairs  wear  a  most  serious  aspect,  as  well  foreign  as 
domestic.  Before  this  gets  to  hand,  your  Excellency  will  pro 
bably  have  seen  the  provisional  articles  between  Great  Britain 
and  these  States.  It  might,  at  first  appearance,  be  concluded, 
that  these  will  be  the  prelude  to  a  general  peace ;  but  there  are 
strong  reasons  to  doubt  the  truth  of  such  a  conclusion.  Obstacles 
may  arise  from  different  quarters ;  from  the  demands  of  Spain 
and  Holland ;  from  the  hope,  in  France,  of  greater  acquisitions 
in  the  East ;  and,  perhaps,  still  more  probably,  from  the  insin 
cerity  and  duplicity  of  Lord  Shelburne,  whose  politics,  founded 
in  the  peculiarity  of  his  situation,  as  well  as  in  the  character  of 
the  man,  may  well  be  suspected  of  insidiousness.  I  am  really 
apprehensive,  if  peace  does  not  take  place,  that  the  negotiations 
will  tend  to  sow  distrust  among  the  allies,  and  weaken  the 
force  of  the  common  league.  We  have,  I  fear,  men  among  us, 
and  men  in  trust,  who  have  a  hankering  after  British  connection. 
We  have  others  whose  confidence  in  France  savors  of  credulity. 
The  intrigues  of  the  former,  and  the  incautiousness  of  the  latter, 
may  be  both,  though  in  Afferent  degrees,  injurious  to  the  Ameri 
can  interests,  and  make  it  difficult  for  prudent  men  to  steer  a 
proper  course. 

There  are  delicate  circumstances,  with  respect  to  the  late 
foreign  transactions,  which  I  am  not  at  liberty  to  reveal ;  but 
which,  joined  to  our  internal  weaknesses,  disorders,  follies,  and 
prejudices,  make  this  country  stand  upon  precarious  ground. 

Some  use,  perhaps,  may  be  made  of  these  ideas,  to  induce 
moderation  in  the  army.  An  opinion  that  their  country  does 
not  stand  upon  a  secure  footing,  will  operate  upon  the  patriotism 
of  the  officers  against  hazarding  any  domestic  commotions. 

When  I  make  these  observations,  I  cannot  forbear  adding, 
that  if  no  excesses  take  place,  I  shall  not  be  sorry  that  ill- 
humors  have  appeared.  I  shall  not  regret  importunity,  if  tem 
perate,  from  the  army. 

There  are  good  intentions  in  the  majority  of  Congress,  but 
there  is  not  sufficient  wisdom  or  decision.  There  are  dangerous 
prejudices,  in  the  particular  States,  opposed  to  those  measures 
which  alone  can  give  stability  and  prosperity  to  the  Union. 


JET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  347 

There  is  a  fatal  opposition  to  Continental  views.  Necessity 
alone  can  work  a  reform.  But  how  produce  that  necessity,  how 
apply  it,  and  how  keep  it  within  salutary  bounds  ?  I  fear  we 
have  been  contending  for  a  shadow. 

The  affair  of  accounts  I  considered  as  having  been  put  on  a 
satisfactory  footing.  The  particular  States  have  been  required 
to  settle  till  the  first  of  August,  '80 ;  and  the  Superintendent  of 
Finance  has  been  directed  to  take  measures  for  settling  since  that 
period.  I  shall  immediately  see  him  on  the  subject. 

We  have  had  eight  States  and  a  half  in  favor  of  a  commuta 
tion  of  the  half  pay  for  an  average  of  ten  years'  purchase ;  that 
is,  five  years'  full  pay  instead  of  half  pay  for  life,  which,  on  a 
calculation  of  annuities,  is  nearly  an  equivalent.  I  hope  this 
will  now  shortly  take  place. 

"We  have  made  considerable  progress  in  a  plan  to  be  recom 
mended  to  the  several  States  for  funding  all  the  public*  debts, 
including  those  of  the  army  ;  which  is  certainly  the  only  way  to 
restore  public  credit,  and  enable  us  to  continue  the  war  by  bor 
rowing  abroad,  if  it  should  be  necessary,  to  continue  it. 

I  omitted  mentioning  to  your  Excellency,  that,  from  Euro 
pean  intelligence,  there  is  great  reason  to  believe,  at  all  events, 
peace  or  war,  New- York  will  be  evacuated  in  the  spring.  It 
will  be  a  pity  if  any  domestic  disturbances  should  change  the 
plans  of  the  British  Court. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  the  greatest  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  ob't  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  Your  Excellency  mentions,  that  it  has  been  surmised, 
the  plan  in  agitation  was  formed  in  Philadelphia  ;  that  combina 
tions  have  been  talked  of  between  the  public  creditors  and  the 
army ;  and  that  members  of  Congress  had  encouraged  the  idea. 
This  is  partly  true.  I  have  myself  urged,  in  Congress,  the  pro 
priety  of  uniting  the  influence  of  the  public  creditors,  and  the 
army,  as  a  part  of  them,  to  prevail  upon  the  States  to  enter  into 
their  views.  I  have  expressed  the  same  sentiments  out  of  doors. 


348  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [J&r.  26. 

Several  other  members  of  Congress  have  done  the  same.  The 
meaning,  however,  of  all  this,  was  simply,  that  Congress  should 
adopt  such  a  plan  as  would  embrace  the  relief  of  all  the  public 
creditors,  including  the  army ;  in  order  that  the  personal  influ 
ence  of  some,  the  connections  of  others,  and  a  sense  of  justice  to 
the  army,  as  well  as  the  apprehension  of  ill  consequences,  might 
form  a  mass  of  influence,  in  each  State,  in  favor  of  the  measures 
of  Congress.  In  this  view,  as  I  mentioned  to  your  Excellency 
in  a  former  letter,  I  thought  the  discontents  of  the  army  might 
be  turned  to  a  good  account.  I  am  still  of  opinion,  that  their 
earnest  but  respectful  applications  for  redress  will  have  a  good 
effect.  As  to  any  combination  of  force,  it  would  only  be  produc 
tive  of  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  might  end  in  the  ruin  of  the 
country,  and  would  certainly  end  in  the  ruin  of  the  army. 

A.  H. 
To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  24,  1783. 

SIR: 

Your  Excellency  will,  before  this  reaches  you,  have  received 
a  letter  from  the  Marquis  De  La  Fayette,  informing  you,  that  the 
preliminaries  of  peace  between  all  the  belligerent  powers  have 
been  concluded.  I  congratulate  your  Excellency  on  this  happy 
conclusion  of  your  labors.  It  now  only  remains  to  make  solid 
establishments  within,  to  perpetuate  our  Union,  to  prevent  our 
being  a  ball  in  the  hands  of  European  powers,  banded  against 
each  other  at  their  pleasure  ;  in  fine,  to  make  our  independence 
truly  a  blessing.  This,  it  is  to  be  lamented,  will  be  an  arduous 
work ;  for,  to  borrow  a  figure  from  mechanics,  the  centrifugal  is 
much  stronger  than  the  centripetal  force  in  these  States ;  the 
seeds  of  disunion  much  more  numerous  than  those  of  union. 

I  will  add,  that  your  Excellency's  exertions  are  as  essential 


.ET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  349 

to  accomplish  this  end,  as  they  have  been  to  establish  indepen 
dence.  I  will,  upon  a  future-  occasion,  open  myself  upon  this 
subject. 

Your  conduct  in  the  affair  of  the  officers  is  highly  pleasing 
here.  The  measures  of  the  army  are  such  as  I  could  have  wished 
them,  and  will  add  new  lustre  to  their  character,  as  well  as 
strengthen  the  hands  of  Congress. 

I  am,  with  great  truth  and  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  his  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  25,  1783. 

SIR: 

I  wrote  to  your  Excellency  a  day  or  two  ago  by  express. 
Since  that,  a  committee,  appointed  on  the  communications  from 
you,  have  had  a  meeting,  and  find  themselves  embarrassed.  They 
have  requested  me  to  communicate  our  embarrassments  to  you 
in  confidence,  and  to  ask  your  private  opinion.  The  army,  by 
their  resolutions,  express  an  expectation  that  Congress  will  not 
disband  them  previous  to  a  settlement  of  accounts,  and  the  estab 
lishment  of  funds.  Congress  may  resolve  upon  the  first,  but  the 
general  opinion  is,  that  they  cannot  constitutionally  declare  the 
second.  They  have  no  right,  by  the  Confederation,  to  demand 
funds ;  they  can  only  recommend :  and  to  determine,  that  the 
army  shall  be  continued  in  service  till  the  States  grant  them, 
would  be  to  determine,  that  the  whole  present  army  shall  be  a 
standing  army  during  peace,  unless  the  States  comply  with  the 
requisition  for  funds.  This,  it  is  supposed,  would  excite  the 
alarms  and  jealousies  of  the  States,  and  increase,  rather  than  les 
sen,  the  opposition  to  the  funding  scheme.  It  is  also  observed, 
that  the  longer  the  army  is  kept  together,  the  more  the  payment 
of  past  dues  is  procrastinated ;  the  abilities  of  the  States  being 


350  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  26. 

exhausted  for  their  immediate  support,  and  a  new  debt  every 
day  incurred.  It  is  further  suggested,  that  there  is  danger  in 
keeping  the  army  together,  in  a  state  of  inactivity,  and  that  a 
separation  of  the  several  lines  would  facilitate  the  settlement  of 
accounts,  diminish  present  expense,  and  avoid  the  danger  of 
union.  It  is  added,  that  the  officers  of  each  line,  being  on  the 
spot,  might,  by  their  own  solicitations,  and  those  of  their  friends, 
forward  the  adoption  of  funds  in  the  different  States. 

A  proposition  will  be  transmitted  to  you  by  Colonel  Bland, 
in  the  form  of  a  resolution,  to  be  adopted  by  Congress,  framed 
upon  the  principles  of  the  foregoing  reasoning. 

Another  proposition  is  contained  in  the  following  resolution : 

"  That  the  Commander-in-Chief  be  informed,  it  is  the  inten 
tion  of  Congress  to  effect  the  settlement  of  the  accounts  of  the 
respective  lines  previous  to  their  reduction ;  and  that  Congress 
are  doing,  and  will  continue  to  do,  every  thing  in  their  power 
towards  procuring  satisfactory  securities  for  what  shall  be  found 
due  on  such  settlement." 

The  scope  of  this  your  Excellency  will  perceive  without  com 
ment. 

I  am  to  request  you  will  favor  me  with  your  sentiments  on 
both  the  propositions ;  and,  in  general,  with  your  ideas  of  what 
had  best  be  done  with  reference  to  the  expectation  expressed  by 
the  officers ;  taking  into  view  the  situation  of  Congress.  On  one 
side,  the  army  expect  they  will  not  be  disbanded  till  accounts 
are  settled  and  funds  established.  On  the  other  hand,  they  have 
no  constitutional  power  of  doing  any  thing  more  than  to  recom 
mend  funds,  and  are  persuaded  that  these  will  meet  with  moun 
tains  of  prejudice  in  some  of  the  States. 

A  considerable  progress  has  been  made  in  a  plan  for  funding 
the  public  debts ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  it  will  ere  long  go  forth 
to  the  States,  with  every  argument  that  can  give  it  success. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  sincere  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  his  Excellency  General  Washington. 


vET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  351 

HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  March  25,  1783. 

SIR: 

The  inclosed  I  write  more  in  a  public  than  in  a  private  capa 
city.  Here  I  write  as  a  citizen,  zealous  for  the  true  happiness  of 
this  country;  as  a  soldier  who  feels  what  is  due  to  an  army 
which  has  suffered  every  thing,  and  done  much  for  the  safety  of 
America. 

I  sincerely  wish  ingratitude  was  not  so  natural  to  the  human 
heart  as  it  is.  I  sincerely  wish  there  were  no  seeds  of  it  in  those 
who  direct  the  councils  of  the  United  States.  But  while  I  urge 
the  army  to  moderation,  and  advise  your  Excellency  to  take  the 
direction  of  their  discontents,  and  endeavor  to  confine  them 
within  the  bounds  of  duty,  I  cannot,  as  an  honest  man,  conceal 
from  you,  that  I  am  afraid  their  distrusts  have  too  much  founda 
tion.  Kepublican  jealousy  has  in  it  a  principle  of  hostility  to  an 
army,  whatever  be  their  merits,  whatever  be  their  claims  to  the 
gratitude  of  the  community.  It  acknowledges  their  services  with 
unwillingness,  and  rewards  them  with  reluctance.  I  see  this 
temper,  though  smothered  with  great  care,  involuntarily  breaking 
out  upon  too  many  occasions.  I  often  feel  a  mortification,  which 
it  would  be  impolitic  to  express,  that  sets  my  passions  at  variance 
with  my  reason.  Too  many,  I  perceive,  if  they  could  do  it  with 
safety  or  color,  would  be  glad  to  elude  the  just  pretensions  of  the 
army.  I  hope  this  is  not  the  prevailing  disposition. 

But  supposing  the  country  ungrateful,  what  can  the  army  do  ? 
It  must  submit  to  its  hard  fate.  To  seek  redress  by  its  arms 
would  end  in  its  ruin.  The  army  would  moulder  by  its  own 
weight,  and  for  want  of  the  means  of  keeping  together :  the  sol 
diery  would  abandon  their  officers :  there  would  be  no  chance  of 
success,  without  having  recourse  to  means  that  would  reverse  our 
revolution.  I  make  these  observations,  not  that  I  imagine  your 
Excellency  can  want  motives  to  continue  your  influence  in  the 
path  of  moderation ;  but  merely  to  show  why  I  cannot,  myself, 
enter  into  the  views  of  coercion  which  some  gentlemen  entertain. 


252  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  26. 

For  I  confess,  could  force  avail,  I  should  almost  wish  to  see  it 
employed.  I  have  an  indifferent  opinion  of  the  honesty  of  this 
country,  and  ill  forebodings  as  to  its  future  system. 

Your  Excellency  will  perceive  I  have  written  with  sensations 
of  chagrin,  and  will  make  allowance  for  coloring :  but  the  general 
picture  is  too  true.     God  send  us  all  more  wisdom. 
I  am,  with  very  sincere  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  his  Excellency  General  Washington. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  March  31.  1783. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  duly  received  your  favors  of  the  seventeenth  and 
twenty-fourth  ultimo.  I  rejoice,  most  exceedingly,  that  there  is 
an  end  to  our  warfare ;  and  that  such  a  field  is  opening  to  our 
view,  as  will,  with  wisdom  to  direct  the  cultivation  of  it,  make 
us  a  great,  a  respectable,  and  happy  people :  but  it  must  be  im 
proved  by  other  means  than  State  politics  and  unreasonable 
jealousies  and  prejudices ;  or  (it  requires  not  the  second  sight  to 
see  that)  we  shall  be  instruments  in  the  hands  of  our  enemies, 
and  those  European  powers  who  may  be  jealous  of  our  greatness 
in  union,  to  dissolve  the  Confederation.  But  to  attain  this, 
although  the  way  seems  extremely  plain,  is  not  so  easy. 

My  wish  to  see  the  union  of  these  States  established  upon 
liberal  and  permanent  principles,  and  inclination  to  contribute 
my  mite  in  pointing  out  the  defects  of  the  present  constitution, 
are  equally  great.  All  my  private  letters  have  teemed  with 
these  sentiments  ;  and  whenever  this  topic  has  been  the  subject 
of  conversation,  I  have  endeavored  to  diffuse  and  enforce  them ; 
but  how  far  any  further  essay,  by  me,  might  be  productive  of  the 


JET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  353 

wished  for  end,  or  appear  to  arrogate  more  than  belongs  to  me, 
depends  so  much  upon  popular  opinion,  and  the  temper  and  dis 
position  of  people,  that  it  is  not  easy  to  decide.  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  you,  however,  for  the  thoughts  which  you  have 
promised  me  on  this  subject,  and  as  soon  as  you  can  make  it 
convenient. 

No  man  in  the  United  States,  is,  or  can  be,  more  deeply  im 
pressed  with  the  necessity  of  a  reform  in  our  present  Confedera 
tion,  than  myself;  no  man,  perhaps,  has  felt  the  bad  effects  of  it 
more  sensibly :  for,  to  the  defects  thereof,  and  want  of  powers  in 
Congress,  may  justly  be  ascribed  the  prolongation  of  the  war, 
and,  consequently,  the  expenses  occasioned  by  it.  More  than 
half  the  perplexities  I  have  experienced  in  the  course  of  my 
command,  and  almost  the  whole  of  the  difficulties  and  distress  of 
the  army,  have  their  origin  here:  but  still,  the  prejudices  of 
some,  the  designs  of  others,  and  the  mere  machinery  of  the 
majority,  make  address  and  management  necessary,  to  give 
weight  to  opinions  which  are  to  combat  the  doctrines  of  these 
different  classes  of  men,  in  the  field  of  politics. 

I  would  have  been  more  full  on  this  subject,  but  the  bearer 
(in  the  clothing  department)  is  waiting.  I  wish  you  may  under 
stand  what  I  have  written. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  April  4,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  same  post  which  gave  me  your  two  letters  of  the  twenty- 
fifth  of  March,  handed  me  one  from  Colonel  Bland  on  the  same 
point. 

Observing  that  both  have  been  written  at  the  desire  of  a  com- 

VOL.  i.  23 


354  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  26. 

mittee  of  which  you  are  both  members,  I  have  made  a  very  full 
reply  to  their  subject  in  my  letter  which  is  addressed  to  Colonel 
Bland ;  and,  supposing  it  unnecessary  to  enter  into  a  complete 
detail  to  both,  I  must  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  Colonel  Eland's 
(a  sight  of  which  I  have  desired  him  to  give  you),  for  a  full  ex 
planation  of  my  ideas  and  sentiments. 

I  read  your  private  letter  of  the  twenty-fifth  with  pain,  and 
contemplated  the  picture  it  had  drawn  with  astonishment  and 
horror :  but  I  will  yet  hope  for  the  best.  The  idea  of  redress,  by 
force,  is  too  chimerical  to  have  had  a  place  in  the  imagination  of 
any  serious  mind  in  this  army ;  but  there  is  no  telling  what  un 
happy  disturbances  may  result  from  distress,  and  distrust  of 
justice  :  and  as  the  fears  and  jealousies  of  the  army  are  alive,  I 
hope  no  resolution  will  be  come  to,  for  disbanding  or  separating 
the  lines,  till  the  accounts  are  liquidated.  You  may  rely  upon 
it,  sir,  that  unhappy  consequences  would  follow  the  attempt. 
The  suspicions  of  the  officers  are  afloat,  notwithstanding  the 
resolutions  which  have  passed  on  both  sides.  Any  act,  there 
fore,  which  can  be  construed  into  an  attempt  to  separate  them 
before  the  accounts  are  settled,  will  convey  the  most  unfavorable 
ideas  of  the  rectitude  of  Congress :  whether  well  or  ill  founded, 
matters  not;  the  consequences  will  be  the  same. 

I  will  now,  in  strict  confidence,  mention  a  matter  which  may 
be  useful  for  you  to  be  informed  of.  It  is,  that  some  men  (and 
leading  ones,  too)  in  this  army,  are  beginning  to  entertain  sus 
picions  that  Congress,  or  some  members  of  it,  regardless  of  the 
past  sufferings  and  present  distress,  maugre  the  justice  which  is 
due  to  them,  and  the  returns  which  a  grateful  people  should 
make  to  men  who  certainly  have  contributed,  more  than  any 
other  class,  to  the  establishment  of  Independency,  are  to  be 
made  use  of  as  mere  puppets  to  establish  Continental  funds; 
and  that,  rather  than  not  succeed  in  this  measure,  or  weaken 
their  ground,  they  would  make  a  sacrifice  of  the  army  and  all  its 
interests. 

I  have  two  reasons  for  mentioning  this  matter  to  you :  the 
one  is,  that  the  army  (considering  the  irritable  state  it  is  in,  its 
sufferings,  and  composition)  is  a  dangerous  instrument  to  play 


JET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  355 

with ;  the  other,  that  every  possible  means,  consistent  with  their 
own  views  (which  certainly  are  moderate),  should  be  essayed  to 
get  it  disbanded  without  delay.  I  might  add  a  third :  it  is,  that 
the  Financier  is  suspected  to  be  at  the  bottom  of  this  scheme.  If 
sentiments  of  this  sort  should  become  general,  their  operation 
will  be  opposed  to  this  plan,  at  the  same  time  that  it  would 
increase  the  present  discontents.  Upon  the  whole,  disband  the 
army  as  soon  as  possible,  but  consult  the  wishes  of  it,  which 
really  are  moderate  in  the  mode,  and  perfectly  compatible  with 
the  honor,  dignity,  and  justice,  which  is  due  from  the  country 
to  it. 

I  am,  with  great  esteem  and  regard, 
Dear  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 
To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

April  11,  1783. 

Sm: 

I  have  received  your  Excellency's  letters  of  the  thirty -first  of 
March,  and  fourth  of  April;  the  last  to-day.  The  one  to  Colonel 
Bland,  as  member  of  the  committee,  has  been  read  in  com 
mittee  confidentially,  and  gave  great  satisfaction.  The  idea  of 
not  attempting  to  separate  the  army  before  the  settlement  of 
accounts,  corresponds  with  my  proposition.  That  of  endeavor 
ing  to  let  them  have  some  pay,  had  also  appeared  to  me  indis 
pensable.  The  expectations  of  the  army,  as  represented  by 
your  Excellency,  are  moderation  itself.  To-morrow  we  confer 
with  the  Superintendent  of  Finance  on  the  subject  of  money. 
There  will  be  difficulty,  but  not,  we  hope,  insurmountable. 

I  thank  your  Excellency  for  the  hints  you  are  so  obliging  as 
to  give  me  in  your  private  letter.  I  do  not  wonder  at  the  suspi 
cions  that  have  been  infused ;  nor  should  I  be  surprised  to  hear, 
that  I  have  been  pointed  out  as  one  of  the  persons  concerned  in 


356  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [jEi.  26. 

playing  the  game  described.  But  facts  must  speak  for  them 
selves.  The  gentlemen  who  were  here  from  the  army,  General 
McDougal,  who  is  still  here,  will  be  able  to  give  a  true  account 
of  those  who  have  supported  the  just  claims  of  the  army,  and  of 
those  who  have  endeavored  to  elude  them. 

There  are  two  classes  of  men,  sir,  in  Congress,  of  very  differ 
ent  views :  one  attached  to  State,  the  other  to  Continental 
politics.  The  last  have  been  strenuous  advocates  for  funding  the 
public  debt  upon  solid  securities ;  the  former  have  given  every 
opposition  in  their  power ;  and  have  only  been  dragged  into  the 
measures  which  are  now  near -being  adopted,  by  the  clamors  of 
the  army  and  other  public  creditors. 

The  advocates  for  Continental  funds,  have  blended  the  inter 
ests  of  the  army  with  other  creditors,  from  a  conviction,  that  no 
funds,  for  partial  purposes,  will  go  through  those  States  to 
whose  citizens  the  United  States  are  largely  indebted ;  or  if  they 
should  be  carried  through,  from  impressions  of  the  moment, 
would  have  the  necessary  stability :  for  the  influence  of  those 
unprovided  for,  would  always  militate  against  a  provision  for 
others,  in  exclusion  of  them.  It  is  in  vain  to  tell  men,  who 
have  parted  with  a  large  part  of  their  property  on  the  public 
faith,  that  the  services  of  the  army  are  entitled  to  a  preference : 
they  would  reason  from  their  interest  and  their  feelings  :  these 
would  tell  them,  that  they  had  as  great  a  title  as  any  other  class 
of  the  community  to  public  justice ;  and  that  while  this  was 
denied  to  them,  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  make  them  bear 
their  part  of  a  burthen  for  the  benefit  of  others.  This  is  the 
way  they  would  reason ;  and  as  their  influence  in  some  of  the 
States  was  considerable,  they  would  have  been  able  to  prevent 
any  partial  provision. 

But  the  question  was  not  merely  how  to  do  justice  to  the 
creditors,  but  how  to  restore  public  credit.  Taxation,  in  this 
country,  it  was  found,  would  not  supply  a  sixth  part  of  the 
public  necessities.  The  loans  in  Europe  were  far  short  of  the 
balance,  and  the  prospect  every  day  diminishing ;  the  Court  of 
France  telling  us,  in  plain  terms,  she  could  not  even  do  as  much 
as  she  had  done ;  individuals  in  Holland,  and  every  where  else, 


^ET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  357 

refusing  to  part  with  their  money,  on  the  precarious  tenure  of 
the  mere  faith  of  this  country,  without  any  pledge  for  the  pay 
ment  either  of  principal/ or  interest. 

In  this  situation  what  was  to  be  done  ?  It  was  essential  to 
our  cause,  that  vigorous  efforts  should  be  made  to  restore  public 
credit ;  it  was  necessary  to  combine  all  the  motives  to  this  end, 
that  could  operate  upon  different  descriptions  of  persons  in  the 
different  States  :  the  necessities  and  discontents  of  the  army  pre 
sented  themselves  as  a  powerful  engine. 

But,  sir,  these  gentlemen  would  be  puzzled  to  support  their 
insinuations  by  a  single  fact.  It  was,  indeed,  proposed  to  appro 
priate  the  intended  impost  on  trade  to  the  army  debt ;  and,  what 
was  extraordinary,  by  gentlemen  who  had  expressed  their  dis 
like  to  the  principle  of  the  fund.  I  acknowledge  I  was  one  that 
opposed  this,  for  the  reasons  already  assigned,  and  for  these 
additional  ones  :  That  was  the  fund  on  which  we  most  counted  ; 
to  obtain  further  loans  in  Europe,  it  was  necessary  we  should 
have  a  fund  sufficient  to  pay  the  interest  of  what  had  been 
borrowed,  and  what  was  to  be  borrowed.  The  truth  was,  these 
people,  in  this  instance,  wanted  to  play  off  the  army  against  the 
funding  system. 

As  to  Mr.  Morris,  I  will  give  your  Excellency  a  true  expla 
nation  of  his  conduct.  He  had  been  for  some  time  pressing 
Congress  to  endeavor  to  obtain  funds,  and  had  found  a  great 
backwardness  in  the  business.  He  found  the  taxes  unproductive 
in  the  different  States ;  he  found  the  loans,  in  Europe,  making  a 
very  slow  progress ;  he  found  himself  pressed  on  all  hands  for 
supplies ;  he  found  himself,  in  short,  reduced  to  this  alternative, 
either  of  making  engagements  which  he  could  not  fulfil,  or  de 
claring  his  resignation  in  case  funds  were  not  established  by  a 
given  time.  Had  he  followed  the  first  course,  the  bubble  must 
soon  have  burst;  he  must  have  sacrificed  his  credit  and  his 
character :  and  public  credit,  already  in  a  ruinous  condition, 
would  have  lost  its  last  support. 

He  wisely  judged  it  better  to  resign :  this  might  increase  the 
embarrassments  of  the  moment ;  but  the  necessity  of  the  case,  it 
was  to  be  hoped,  would  produce  the  proper  measures ;  and  he 


358  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [l&i.  26. 

might  then  resume  the  direction  of  the  machine  with  advantage 
and  success. 

He  also  had  some  hope  that  his  resignation  would  prove  a 
stimulus  to  Congress. 

He  was,  however,  ill  advised  in  the  publication  of  his  letters 
of  resignation.  This  was  an  imprudent  step,  and  has  given  a 
handle  to  his  personal  enemies,  who,  by  playing  upon  the 
passions  of  others,  have  drawn  some  well-meaning  men  into  the 
cry  against  him.  But  Mr.  Morris  certainly  deserves  a  great 
deal  from  his  country.  I  believe  no  man  in  this  country,  but 
himself,  could  have  kept  the  money  machine  agoing  during  the 
period  he  has  been  in  office.  From  every  thing  that  appears, 
his  administration  has  been  upright  as  well  as  able. 

The  truth  is,  the  old  leaven  of  Deane  and  Lee,  is,  at  this  day, 
working  against  Mr.  Morris.  He  happened,  in  that  dispute,  to 
have  been  on  the  side  of  Deane ;  and  certain  men  can  never 
forgive  him.  A  man  whom  I  once  esteemed,  and  whom  I  will 
rather  suppose  duped  than  wicked,  is  the  second  actor  in  this 
business. 

The  matter,  with  respect  to  the  army,  which  has  occasioned 
most  altercation  in  Congress,  and  most  dissatisfaction  in  the 
army,  has  been  the  half  pay.  The  opinions  on  this  head  have 
been  two :  one  party  was  for  referring  the  several  lines  to  their 
States,  to  make  such  commutation  as  they  should  think  proper ; 
the  other,  for  making  the  commutation  by  Congress,  and  funding 
it  on  Continental  security.  I  was  of  this  last  opinion ;  and  so 
were  all  those  who  will  be  represented  as  having  made  use  of 
the  army  as  puppets.  Our  principal  reasons  were,  Firstly:  By 
referring  the  lines  to  their  respective  States,  those  which  were 
opposed  to  the  half  pay,  would  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
officers'  necessities,  to  make  the  commutation  far  short  of  an 
equivalent.  Secondly :  The  inequality  which  would  have  arisen 
in  the  different  States  when  the  officers  came  to  compare  (as  has 
happened  in  other  cases),  would  have  been  a  new  source  of  dis 
content.  Thirdly:  Such  a  reference  was  a  continuance  of  the 
old  wretched  State  system,  by  which  the  ties  between  Congress 
and  the  army  have  been  nearly  dissolved;  by  which  the  re- 


jET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  359 

sources  of  the  States  have  been  diverted  from  the  common  trea 
sury,  and  wasted ;  a  system  which  your  Excellency  has  often 
justly  reprobated. 

I  have  gone  into  these  details,  to  give  you  a  just  idea  of  the 
parties  in  Congress.  I  assure  you,  upon  my  honor,  sir,  I  have 
given  you  a  candid  state  of  facts,  to  the  best  of  my  judgment. 
The  men  against  whom  the  suspicions  you  mention  must  be 
directed,  are,  in  general,  the  most  sensible,  the  most  liberal,  the 
most  independent,  and  the  most  respectable  characters  in  our 
body,  as  well  as  the  most  unequivocal  friends  to  the  army.  In 
a  word,  they  are  the  men  who  think  continentally. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

With  sincere  respect  and  esteem, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  I  am  chairman  of  a  committee  for  peace  arrange 
ments.  We  shall  ask  your  Excellency's  opinion  at  large,  on  a 
proper  military  peace  establishment.  I  will  just  hint  to  your 
Excellency,  that  our  prejudices  will  make  us  wish  to  keep  up  as 
few  troops  as  possible. 

We  this  moment  learn,  an  officer  is  arrived  from  Sir  Guy 
Carjeton  with  dispatches ;  probably  official  accounts  of  peace. 

A.  H. 

To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  April  15,  1783. 

SIR: 

There  are  two  resolutions  passed  relative  to  the  restoration 
of  the  British  prisoners,  and  to  making  arrangements  for  the  sur 
render  of  the  posts  in  the  possession  of  the  British  troops ;  the 
first  of  which  is  to  be  transacted  by  you  in  conjunction  with  the 


360  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  26. 

Secretary  at  War ;  the  latter  by  yourself  alone.  I  will  explain 
to  you  some  doubts  which  have  arisen  in  Congress,  with  regard 
to  the  true  construction  of  the  provisional  treaty ;  which  may  be 
of  use  to  you  in  transacting  the  buiness  above-mentioned. 

The  sixth  article  declares,  that  there  shall  be  no  future  con 
fiscations,  etc.,  after  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty  in  America  •  and 
the  seventh  article  makes  the  surrender  of  prisoners,  evacuation  of 
posts,  cessation  of  hostilities,  etc.,  to  depend  on  that  event,  to 
wit,  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  in  America. 

Now  the  doubt  is,  whether  the  treaty  means  the  provisional 
treaty  already  concluded,  or  the  definitive  treaty  to  be  concluded. 
The  last  construction  is  most  agreeable  to  the  letter  of  the  pro 
visional  articles ;  the  former,  most  agreeable  to  the  usual  practice 
of  nations :  for  hostilities  commonly  cease  on  the  ratification  of 
the  preliminary  treaty. 

There  is  a  great  diversity  of  opinion  in  Congress.  It  will  be, 
in  my  opinion,  advisable,  at  the  same  time  that  we  do  not  com 
municate  our  doubts  to  the  British,  to  extract  their  sense  of  the 
matter  from  them. 

This  may  be  done  by  asking  them,  at  what  periods  they  are 
willing  to  stipulate  the  surrender  of  posts ;  at  the  same  time  that 
they  are  asked,  in  what  manner  it  will  be  the  most  convenient  to 
them  to  receive  the  prisoners. 

If  they  postpone  the  evacuation  of  the  different  posts  to  the 
definitive  treaty,  we  shall  then  be  justified  in  doing  the  same 
with  respect  to  prisoners.  The  question  will  then  arise,  Whether, 
on  principles  of  humanity,  economy,  and  liberality,  we  ought 
not  to  restore  the  prisoners,  at  all  events,  without  delay  ?  Much 
may  be  said  on  both  sides.  I  doubt  the  expedience  of  a  total 
restoration  of  prisoners,  till  they  are  willing  to  fix  the  epochs  at 
which  they  will  take  leave  of  us.  It  will  add  considerably  to 
their  strength ;  and  accidents,  though  improbable,  may  happen. 

I  confess,  however,  I  am  not  clear  in  my  opinion. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


jET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  361 

P.  S.     The  provisional  or  preliminary  treaty,  is  ratified  by 
us — for  the  greater  caution. 

A.  H. 
To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  April  16,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

My  last  letter  to  you  was  written  in  a  hurry,  when  I  was 
fatigued  by  the  more  public,  yet  confidential,  letter,  which  (with 
several  others)  accompanied  it.  Possibly,  I  did  not,  on  that 
occasion,  express  myself  (in  what  I  intended  as  a  hint)  with  so 
much  perspicuity  as  I  ought :  possibly,  too,  what  I  then  dropped, 
might  have  conveyed  more  than  I  intended ;  for  I  do  not,  at  this 
time,  recollect  the  force  of  my  expression. 

My  meaning,  however,  was  only  to  inform,  that  there  were 
different  sentiments  in  the  army,  as  well  as  in  Congress,  respect 
ing  Continental  and  State  funds:  some  wishing  to  be  thrown 
upon  their  respective  States,  rather  than  the  Continent  at  large, 
for  payment ;  and  that,  if  an  idea  should  prevail,  generally,  that 
Congress,  or  part  of  its  members,  or  ministers,  bent  upon  the 
latter,  should  delay  doing  them  justice,  or  hazard  it  in  pursuit 
of  their  favorite  object ;  it  might  create  such  divisions  in  the 
army,  as  would  weaken,  rather  than  strengthen,  the  hands  of 
those  who  were  disposed  to  support  Continental  measures ;  and 
might  tend  to  defeat  the  end  they  themselves  had  in  view  by 
endeavoring  to  involve  the  army. 

For  these  reasons  I  said,  or  meant  to  say,  the  army  was  a 
dangerous  engine  to  work  with,  as  it  might  be  made  to  cut 
both  ways ;  and,  considering  the  sufferings  of  it,  would,  more 
than  probably,  throw  its  weight  into  that  scale  which  seemed 
most  likely  to  preponderate  towards  its  immediate  relief,  without 
looking  forward  (under  the  pressure  of  present  wants)  to  future 
consequences  with  the  eyes  of  politicians.  In  this  light,  also, 


362  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

I  meant  to  apply  my  observations  to  Mr.  Morris,  to  whom,  or 

rather  to  Mr.  Gr M ,  is  ascribed,  in  a  great  degree,  the 

groundwork  of  the  superstructure  which  was  intended  to  be 
raised  in  the  army  by  the  anonymous  addresses. 

That  no  man  can  be  more  opposed  to  State  funds  and  local 
prejudices  than  myself,  the  whole  tenor  of  my  conduct  has  been 
one  continual  evidence  of.  No  man,  perhaps,  has  had  better 
opportunities  to  see,  and  to  feel,  the  pernicious  tendency  of  the 
latter  than  I  have;  and  I  endeavor  (I  hope  not  altogether 
ineffectually)  to  inculcate  them  upon  the  officers  of  the  army, 
upon  all  proper  occasions :  but  their  feelings  are  to  be  attended 
to  and  soothed ;  and  they  assured,  that  if  Continental  funds  can 
not  be  established,  they  will  be  recommended  to  their  respective 
States  for  payment.  Justice  must  be  done  them. 

I  should  do  injustice  to  reports,  and  what  I  believe  to  be  the 
opinion  of  the  army,  were  I  not  to  inform  you,  that  they  con 
sider  you  as  a  friend,  zealous  to  serve  them,  and  one  who  has 
espoused  their  interests  in  Congress,  upon  every  proper  occasion. 
It  is  to  be  wished,  as  I  observed  in  my  letter  to  Colonel  Bland, 
that  Congress  would  send  a  committee  to  the  army  with  pleni 
potentiary  powers.  The  matters  requested  of  me,  in  your  letter 
of  the  ,  as  chairman  of  a  committee,  and  many  other 

things,  might  then  be  brought  to  a  close,  with  more  despatch, 
and  in  a  happier  manner,  than  it  is  likely  they  will  be  by  an 
intercourse  of  letters  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles:  which  takes  our  Expresses,  a  week,  at  least,  to  go  and 
come.  At  this  moment,  being  without  any  instructions  from 
Congress,  I  am  under  great  embarrassment  with  respect  to  the 
soldiers  for  the  war ;  and  shall  be  obliged,  more  than  probably, 
from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  to  exercise  my  own  judgment 
without  waiting  for  orders,  as  to  the  discharge  of  them.  If  I 
should  adopt  measures  which  events  may  approve,  all  will  be 
well.  If  otherwise,  Why  and  by  what  authority  did  you  do  so  ? 

How  far  a  strong  recommendation  from  Congress,  to  observe 
all  the  Articles  of  Peace,  as  well  as  the  ,  may  imply  a 

suspicion  of  good  faith  in  the  people  of  this  country,  I  pretend 
not  to  judge :  but  I  am  much  mistaken,  if  something  of  the  kind 


^ET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  363 

will  not  be  found  wanting ;  as  I  already  perceive  a  disposition 
to  carp  at,  and  to  elude,  such  parts  of  the  treaty  as  affect  their 
different  interests ;  although  you  do  not  find  a  man,  who,  when 
pushed,  will  not  acknowledge,  that,  upon  the  whole,  it  is  a  more 
advantageous  Peace  than  we  could  possibly  have  expected. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

With  great  esteem  and  regard, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 
To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO   HAMILTON. 

NEWBURGH,  April  22,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  did  not  receive  your  letter  of  the  fifteenth,  till  after  my 
return  from  Eingwood,  where  I  had  a  meeting  with  the  Sec 
retary  at  War,  for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  for  the 
release  of  our  prisoners,  agreeably  to  the  resolve  of  Congress  of 
the  fifteenth  instant. 

Finding  a  diversity  of  opinion  respecting  the  treaty,  and  the 
line  of  conduct  we  ought  to  observe  with  the  prisoners,  I  re 
quested,  in  precise  terms,  to  know  from  General  Lincoln  (before 
I  entered  on  the  business),  whether  we  were  to  exercise  our  own 
judgment  with  respect  to  the  time,  as  well  as  the  mode,  of  releas 
ing  them ;  or  were  to  be  confined  to  the  latter :  being  informed 
that  we  had  no  option  in  the  first,  Congress  wishing  to  be  eased 
of  the  expense  as  soon  as  possible,  I  acted  solely  on  that  ground. 

At  the  same  time,  I  scruple  not  to  confess  to  you,  that  if  this 
measure  was  not  dictated  by  necessity,  it  is,  in  my  opinion,  an 
impolitic  one ;  as  we  place  ourselves  in  the  power  of  the  British, 
before  the  treaty  is  definitive.  The  manner  in  which  Peace  was 
first  announced,  and  the  subsequent  declarations  of  it,  have  led 
the  country  and  army  into  a  belief,  that  it  was  final.  The  ratifi 
cation  of  the  preliminary  articles,  on  the  third  of  February,  so 


364  HAMILTON'S     WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

far  confirmed  this,  that  one  consequence  resulting  from  it,  is,  the 
soldiers  for  the  war,  conceive  the  term  of  their  services  has  actu 
ally  expired ;  and  I  believe  it  is  not  in  the  power  of  Congress,  or 
their  officers,  to  hold  them  much,  if  any,  longer  ;  for  we  are  ob 
liged,  at  this  moment,  to  increase  our  guards,  to  prevent  rioting, 
and  the  insults  which  the  officers  meet  with,  in  attempting  to 
hold  them  to  their  duty.  The  proportion  of  these  men,  amount 
to  seven-elevenths  of  this  army :  these  we  shall  lose  at  the  mo 
ment  the  British  army  will  receive,  by  their  prisoners,  an  aug 
mentation  of  five  or  six  thousand  men. 

It  is  not  for  me  to  investigate  the  causes  which  induced  this 
measure ;  nor  the  policy  of  those  letters  (from  authority)  which 
gave  the  ton  to  the  present  sentiment ;  but  since  they  have  been 
adopted,  we  ought,  in  my  opinion,  to  put  a  good  face  upon  mat 
ters  ;  and,  by  a  liberal  conduct  throughout,  on  our  part  (freed 
from  appearances  of  distrust)  try  if  we  cannot  excite  similar  dis 
positions  on  theirs.  Indeed,  circumstanced  as  things  now  are, 
I  wish,  most  fervently,  that  all  the  troops  which  are  not  retained 
for  a  Peace  Establishment,  were  to  be  discharged  immediately, 
or  such  of  them,  at  least,  as  do  not  incline  to  await  the  settlement 
of  their  accounts.  If  they  continue  here,  their  claims,  I  can 
plainly  perceive,  will  increase;  and  our  perplexities  multiply. 
A  petition  is  this  moment  handed  to  me,  from  the  non-commis 
sioned  officers  of  the  Connecticut  line,  soliciting  half  pay.  It  is 
well  drawn,  I  am  told,  but  I  did  not  read  it.  I  sent  it  back, 
without  appearing  to  understand  the  contents,  because  it  did  not 
come  through  the  channel  of  their  officers.  This  may  be  fol 
lowed  by  others :  and  I  mention  it,  to  show  the  necessity,  the 
absolute  necessity,  of.  discharging  the  Warsmen  as  soon  as  pos 
sible. 

I  have  taken  much  pains  to  support  Mr.  Morris's  administra 
tion  in  the  army ;  and,  in  proportion  to  its  numbers,  I  believe  he 
had  not  more  friends  any  where :  but  if  he  will  neither  adopt  the 
mode  which  has  been  suggested,  point  out  any  other,  nor  show 
cause  why  the  first  is  either  impracticable  or  impolitic  (I  have 
heard  he  objects  to  it),  they  will  certainly  attribute  their  disap 
pointment  to  a  lukewarmness  in  him,  or  some  design  incompa- 


jET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  365 

tible  with  their  interests.  And  here,  my  dear  Colonel  Hamilton, 
let  me  assure  you,  that  it  would  not  be  more  difficult  to  still  the 
raging  billows  in  a  tempestuous  gale,  than  to  convince  the  offi 
cers  of  this  army,  of  the  justice,  or  policy,  of  paying  men,  in  civil 
offices,  full  wages,  when  they  cannot  obtain  a  sixtieth  part  of  their 
dues. 

I  am  not  unapprised  of  the  arguments  which  are  made  use  of, 
upon  this  occasion,  to  discriminate  the  cases :  but  they  really  are 
futile ;  and  may  be  summed  up  in  this :  that  though  both  are 
contending  for  the  same  rights,  and  expect  equal  benefits,  yet, 
both  cannot  submit  to  the  same  inconveniences  to  obtain  them : 
otherwise,  to  adopt  the  language  of  simplicity  and  plainness,  a 
ration  of  salt  pork,  with  or  without  pease,  as  the  case  often  is, 
would  support  the  one  as  well  as  the  other ;  and,  in  such  a  strug 
gle  as  ours,  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  alike  honorable  in  both. 

My  anxiety  to  get  home,  increases  with  the  prospect  of  it. 
But  when  is  it  to  happen  ?  I  have  not  heard  that  Congress  have 
yet  had  under  consideration,  the  lands,  and  other  gratuities, 
which,  at  different  periods  of  the  war,  have  been  promised  to  the 
army.  Do  not  these  things  evince  the  necessity  of  a  committee's 
repairing  to  camp,  in  order  to  arrange  and  adjust  matters  with 
out  spending  time  in  a  tedious  exchange  of  letters?  Unless 
something  of  this  kind  is  adopted,  business  will  be  delayed,  and 
expenses  accumulated;  or  the  army  will  break  up  in  disorder, 
go  home  enraged,  complaining  of  injustice,  and  committing  enor 
mities  on  the  innocent  inhabitants  in  every  direction. 

I  write  to  you  unreservedly.  If,  therefore,  contrary  to  my 
apprehension,  all  these  matters  are  in  a  proper  train,  and  Mr. 
Morris  has  devised  means  to  give  the  army  three  months'  pay, 
you  will,  I  am  persuaded,  excuse  my  precipitancy  and  solicitude, 
by  ascribing  it  to  an  earnest  wish  to  see  the  war  happily  and  ho 
norably  terminated ;  to  my  anxious  desire  of  enjoying  some  re 
pose  ;  and  the  necessity  of  my  paying  a  little  attention  to  my 
private  concerns,  which  have  suffered  considerably  in  eight 
years'  absence. 

M'Henry,  expressing,  in  a  letter  I  have  lately  received  from 
him,  a  wish  to  be  appointed  official  Secretary  to  the  Court  of 


366  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [>ET.  26. 

Versailles,  or  London,  I  have,  by  this  opportunity,  written  to 
Mr.  Livingston,  and  Mr.  Madison,  speaking  of  him  in  warm 
terms ;  and  wish  him  success  with  all  my  heart. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

With  great  esteem  and  regard, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

Gr.  WASHINGTON. 
Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  GOY.   CLINTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  May  14,  1783. 

SIR: 

The  President  of  Congress  will  of  course  have  transmitted  to 
your  Excellency,  the  plan  lately  adopted  by  Congress  for  fund 
ing  the  public  debt.  This  plan  was  framed  to  accommodate  it 
to  the  objections  of  some  of  the  States;  but  this  spirit  of  accom 
modation  will  only  serve  to  render  it  less  efficient,  without  ma 
king  it  more  palatable.  The  opposition  of  the  State  of  Ehode 
Island,  for  instance,  is  chiefly  founded  upon  these  two  considera 
tions  :  the  merchants  are  opposed  to  any  revenue  from  trade ; 
and  the  State,  depending  almost  wholly  on  commerce,  wants  to 
have  credit  for  the  amount  of  the  duties. 

Persuaded  that  the  plan  now  proposed  will  have  little  more 
chance  of  success  than  a  better  one ;  and  that,  if  agreed  to  by  all 
the  States,  it  will,  in  a  great  measure,  fail  in  the  execution,  it  re 
ceived  my  negative.  My  principal  objections  were, 

Firstly:  That  it  does  not  designate  the  funds  (except  the  im 
post)  on  which  the  whole  interest  is  to  arise  ;  and  by  which  (se 
lecting  the  capital  articles  of  visible  property)  the  collection 
would  have  been  easy,  the  funds  productive,  and  necessarily  in 
creasing  with  the  increase  of  the  country. 

Secondly  :  That  the  duration  of  the  funds  is  not  coextensive 
with  the  debt,  but  limited  to  twenty -five  years ;  though  there  is 


JET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  367 

'-  ^ 
a  moral  certainty,  that,  in  that  period,  the  principal  will  not,  by 

the  present  provision,  be  fairly  extinguished. 

Thirdly :  That  the  nomination  and  appointment  of  the  col 
lectors  of  the  revenue  are  to  reside  in  each  State,  instead  of,  at 
least  the  nomination,  being  in  the  United  States;  the  conse 
quence  of  which  will  be,  that  those  States  which  have  little  inte 
rest  in  the  funds,  by  having  a  small  share  of  the  public  debt  due 
to  their  own  citizens,  will  take  care  to  appoint  such  persons  as 
are  least  likely  to  collect  the  revenue. 

The  evils  resulting  from  these  defects,  will  be,  that  in  many 
instances  the  objects  of  the  revenues  will  be  improperly  chosen, 
and  will  consist  of  a  multitude  of  little  articles,  which  will,  on 
experiment,  prove  insufficient ;  that  for  want  of  a  vigorous  col 
lection  in  each  State,  the  revenue  will  be  unproductive  in  many, 
and  will  fall  chiefly  upon  those  States  which  are  governed  by 
most  liberal  principles;  that /or  want  of  an  adequate  security,  the 
evidences  of  the  public  debt,  will  not  be  transferable  for  any 
thing  like  their  value ;  that  this  not  admitting  an  incorporation 
of  the  creditors  in  the  nature  of  Banks,  will  deprive  the  public  of 
the  benefit  of  an  increased  circulation,  and  of  course  will  disable 
the  people  from  paying  the  taxes  for  want  of  a  sufficient  medium. 

I  shall  be  happy  to  be  mistaken  in  my  apprehensions ;  but 
the  experiment  must  determine. 

I  hope  our  State  will  consent  to  the  plan  proposed  ;  because 
it  is  her  interest,  at  all  events,  to  promote  the  payment  of  the 
public  debt  on  Continental  funds  (independent  of  the  general 
considerations  of  union  and  propriety). 

I  am  much  mistaken  if  the  debts  due  from  the  United  States 
to  the  citizens  of  the  State  of  New- York,  do  not  considerably 
exceed  its  proportion  of  the  necessary  funds :  of  course  it  has 
an  immediate  interest  that  there  should  be  a  Continental  pro 
vision  for  them.  But  there  are  superior  motives  that  ought  to 
operate  in  every  State ;  the  obligations  of  national  faith,  honor, 
and  reputation. 

Individuals  have  been  already  too  long  sacrificed  to  public 
convenience.  It  will  be  shocking,  'and  indeed  an  eternal  re 
proach  to  this  country,  if  we  begin  the  peaceable  enjoyment  of 


368  HAMILTON'S     WORKS.  [^Ex.  26. 

our  independence  by  a  violation  of  all  the  principles  of  honesty 
and  true  policy. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  at  least  four-fifths  of  the  do 
mestic  debt,  are  due  to  the  citizens  of  the  States  (from  Penn 
sylvania  inclusively)  northward. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

P.  S.  It  is  particularly  interesting  that  the  State  should 
have  a  representation  here.  Not  only  many  matters  are  de 
pending  which  require  a  full  representation  in  Congress  (and 
there  is  now  a  thin  one),  but  those  matters  are  of  a  nature  so 
particularly  interesting  to  our  State,  that  we  ought  not  to  be 
without  a  voice  in  them.  I  wish  two  other  gentlemen  of  the 
delegation  may  appear  as  soon  as  possible ;  for  it  would  be  very 
injurious  for  me  to  remain  much  longer  here.  Having  no  future 
views  in  public  life,  I  owe  it  to  myself,  without  delay  to  enter 
upon  the  care  of  my  private  concerns  in  earnest. 

A.  H. 

To  His  Excellency  Governor  Clinton. 


HAMILTON  TO  GOVEKNOB  CLINTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  1,  1783. 

SIR: 

In  my  last  letter  to  your  Excellency,  I  took  occasion  to 
mention,  that  it  was  of  great  importance  to  the  State,  at  this 
time,  to  have  a  representation  here,  as  points  in  which,  by  its 
present  situation,  it  is  particularly  interested,  are  daily,  and  will 
be  daily,  agitated. 

It  is  also  of  importance,  at  this  moment,  to  the  United  States ; 
(not  only  from  general  considerations,  but)  because  we  have  a 
very  thin  representation  in  Congress,  and  are  frequently  unable 
to  transact  any  of  those  matters  which  require  nine  States.  I 


vEx.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  369 

wish  your  Excellency  would  urge  a  couple  of  gentlemen  to 
come  on,  as  it  becomes  highly  inconvenient  to  me  to  remain 
here,  and  as  I  have  staid  the  full  time  to  be  expected. 

I  observe,  with  great  regret,  the  intemperate  proceedings 
among  the  people  in  different  parts  of  the  State,  in  violation  of 
a  treaty,  the  faithful  observance  of  which  so  deeply  interests  the 
United  States. 

Surely,  the  State  of  New- York,  with  its  capital  and  its  fron 
tier  posts  (on  which  its  important  fur  trade  depends)  in  the  hands 
of  the  British  troops,  ought  to  take  care  that  nothing  is  done  to 
furnish  a  pretext  on  the  other  side,  even  for  delaying,  much  less 
for  refusing,  the  execution  of  the  treaty.  We  may  imagine 
that  the  situation  of  Great  Britain  puts  her  under  a  necessity, 
at  all  events,  of  fulfilling  her  engagements,  and  cultivating  the 
good  will  of  this  country. 

This  is,  no  doubt,  her  true  policy ;  but  when  we  feel  that 
passion  makes  us  depart  from  the  dictates  of  reason ;  when  we 
have  seen  that  passion  has  had  so  much  influence  in  the  conduct 
of  the  British  Councils,  in  the  whole  course  of  the  war ;  when 
we  recollect,  that  those  who  govern  them,  are  men  like  our 
selves,  and  alike  subject  to  passions  and  resentments  ;  when  we 
reflect,  also,  that  all  the  great  men  in  England  are  not  united  in 
the  liberal  scheme  of  policy  with  respect  to  this  country,  and 
that  in  the  anarchy  which  prevails,  there  is  no  knowing  to 
whom  the  reins  of  government  may  be  committed ;  when  we 
recollect  how  little  in  a  condition  we  are,  to  enforce  a  compli 
ance  with  our  claims ;  we  ought,  certainly,  to  be  cautious  in 
what  manner  we  act,  especially  when  we,  in  particular,  have  so 
much  at  stake  ;  and  should  not  openly  provoke  a  breach  of  faith 
on  the  other  side,  by  setting  the  example. 

An  important  distinction  is  not  sufficiently  attended  to.  The 
fifth  article  is  recommendatory  ;  the  sixth  positive.  There  is  no 
option,  on  the  part  of  the  particular  States,  as  to  any  future  con 
fiscations,  prosecutions,  or  injuries  of  any  kind,  to  person,  liberty, 
or  property,  on  account  of  any  thing  done  in  the  war.  It  is 
matter  of  discretion  in  the  States,  whether  they  will  comply 
with  the  recommendations  contained  in  the  fifth  article ;  but  no 

VOL.  i.  24 


370  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

part  of  the  sixth  can  be  departed  from  by  them,  without  a  direct 
breach  of  public  faith,  and  of  the  Confederation.  The  power  of 
making  treaties  is  exclusively  lodged  in  Congress.  That  power 
includes  whatever  is  essential  to  the  termination  of  the  war,  and 
to  the  preservation  of  the  general  safety.  Indemnity  to  indi 
viduals  in  similar  cases,  is  a  usual  stipulation  in  treaties  of  peace, 
of  which  many  precedents  are  to  be  produced. 

Should  it  be  said,  that  the  associations  of  the  people,  without 
legal  authority,  do  not  amount  to  a  breach  of  the  public  faith ; 
the  answer  is,  If  the  government  does  not  repress  them,  and 
prevent  their  having  effect,  it  is  as  much  a  breach,  as  a  formal 
refusal  to  comply  on  its  part.  In  the  eye  of  a  foreign  nation,  if 
our  engagements  are  broken,  it  is  of  no  moment  whether  it  is 
for  the  want  of  good  intention  in  the  government,  or  for  want 
of  power  to  restrain  its  subjects. 

Suppose  a  violence  committed  by  an  American  vessel  on  the 
vessel  of  another  nation,  upon  the  high  seas,  and  after  complaint 
made  there  is  no  redress  given :  Is  not  this  a  hostility  against 
the  injured  nation  which  will  justify  reprisals  ? 

But  if  I  am  not  misinformed,  there  are  violations  going  on 
in  form  of  law.  I  am  told  that  indictments  continue  to  be 
brought  under  the  former  confiscation  laws :  A  palpable  in 
fraction,  if  true,  of  the  sixth  article  of  the  treaty ;  to  which  an 
immediate  stop  ought,  no  doubt,  to  be  put. 

It  has  been  said  by  some  men,  that  the  operation  of  this 
treaty  is  suspended  till  the  definitive  treaty :  A  plain  subterfuge. 
Whatever  is  clearly  expressed  in  the  provisional  or  preliminary 
treaty,  is  as  binding  from  the  moment  it  is  made,  as  the  definitive 
treaty ;  which,  in  fact,  only  developes,  explains  and  fixes,  more 
precisely,  what  may  have  been  too  generally  expressed  in  the 
former. 

Suppose  the  British  should  now  send  away,  not  only  the 
negroes,  but  all  other  property,  and  all  the  public  records  in 
their  possession  belonging  to  us,  on  the  pretence  above  stated : 
should  we  not  justly  accuse  them  with  breaking  faith  ?  Is  this 
not  already  done  in  the  case  of  the  negroes  who  have  been 
carried  away,  though  founded  upon  a  very  different  principle,  a 


jE-r.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  371 

doubtful  construction  of  the  treaty,  not  a  denial  of  its  imme 
diate  operation  ? 

In  fine,  Is  it  our  interest  to  advance  this  doctrine,  and  to 
countenance  the  position,  that  nothing  is  binding  till  the  defi 
nitive  treaty,  when  there  are  examples  of  years  intervening  be 
tween  the  preliminary  and  definitive  treaties  ? 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  in  his  correspondence,  has  appeared  to 
consider  the  treaty  as  immediately  obligatory :  and  it  has  been 
the  policy  which  I  have  pursued,  to  promote  the  same  idea. 

I  am  not,  indeed,  apprehensive  of  a  renewal  of  the  war,  for 
peace  is  necessary  to  Great  Britain.  I  think  it  also  most  pro 
bable,  her  disposition  to  conciliate  this  country  will  outweigh 
the  resentments  which  a  breach  of  our  engagements  is  calculated 
to  inspire.  But  with  a  treaty  which  has  exceeded  the  hopes  of 
the  most  sanguine ;  which,  in  the  articles  of  boundary  and  the 
fisheries,  is  even  better  than  we  asked;  circumstanced,  too,  as 
this  country  is,  with  respect  to  the  means  of  making  war ;  I 
think  it  the  height  of  imprudence  to  run  any  risk.  Great 
Britain,  without  recommencing  hostilities,  may  evade  parts  of 
the  treaty.  She  may  keep  possession  of  the  frontier  posts ;  she 
may  obstruct  the  free  enjoyment  of  the  fisheries;  she  may  be 
indisposed  to  such  extensive  concessions,  in  matters  of  com 
merce,  as  it  is  our  interest  to  aim  at.  In  all  this  she  would  find 
no  opposition  from  any  foreign  power :  and  we  are  not  in  a  con 
dition  to  oblige  her  to  any  thing.  If  we  imagine  that  France, 
obviously  embarrassed  herself,  in  her  finances,  would  renew  the 
war  to  oblige  Great  Britain  to  the  restoration  of  frontier  posts ; 
or  to  a  compliance  with  the  stipulations  respecting  the  fisheries 
(especially  after  a  manifest  breach  of  the  treaty  on  our  part) ; 
we  speculate  much  at  random.  Observations  might  be  made  on 
the  last  article,  which  would  prove,  that  it  is  not  the  policy  of 
France  to  support  our  interest  there.  Are  we  prepared,  for  the 
mere  gratification  of  our  resentments,  to  put  those  great  national 
objects  to  the  hazard;  to  leave  our  western  frontier  in  a  state  of 
insecurity ;  to  relinquish  the  fur  trade ;  and  to  abridge  our  pre 
tensions  to  the  fisheries?  Do  we  think  national  character  so 
light  a  thing,  as  to  be  willing  to  sacrifice  the  public  faith  to  indi 
vidual  animosity  ? 


372  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

Let  the  case  be  fairly  stated :  Great  Britain  and  America, 
two  independent  nations,  at  war.  The  former  in  possession  of 
considerable  posts  and  districts  of  territory,  belonging  to  the  lat 
ter  ;  and  also  of  the  means  of  obstructing  certain  commercial  ad 
vantages  in  which  it  is  deeply  interested. 

But  it  is  not  -uncommon,  in  treaties  of  peace,  for  the  uti  possi- 
detis  to  take  place.  Great  Britain,  however,  in  the  present  in 
stance,  stipulates  to  restore  all  our  posts  and  territories  in  her 
possession.  She  even  adds  an  extent,  not  within  our  original 
claims,  more  than  a  compensation  for  a  small  part  ceded  in  ano 
ther  quarter.  She  agrees  to  re-admit  us  to  a  participation  in  the 
fisheries.  What  equivalent  do  we  give  for  this  ?  Congress  are 
to  recommend  the  restoration  of  property  to  those  who  have  ad 
hered  to  her  ;  and  expressly  engage,  that  no  future  injury  shall 
be  done  them,  in  person,  liberty,  or  property.  This  is  the  sole 
condition,  on  our  part,  where  there  is  not  an  immediate  recipro 
city  (the  recovery  of  debts,  and  liberation  of  prisoners,  being 
mutual ;  the  former,  indeed,  only  declaring  what  the  rights  of 
private  faith,  which  all  civilized  nations  hold  sacred,  would  have 
declared  without  it),  and  stands  as  the  single  equivalent  for  all 
the  restitutions  and  concessions  to  be  made  by  Great  Britain. 
Will  it  be  honest  in  us  to  violate  this  condition,  or  will  it  be 
prudent  to  put  it  in  competition  with  all  the  important  matters 
to  be  performed  on  the  other  side  ? 

Will  foreign  nations  be  willing  to  undertake  any  thing  with 
us,  or  for  us,  when  they  find  that  the  nature  of  our  governments 
will  allow  no  dependence  to  be  placed  upon  our  engagements  ? 
I  have  omitted  saying  any  thing  of  the  impolicy  of  inducing,  by 
our  severity,  a  great  number  of  useful  citizens,  whose  situations 
do  not  make  them  a  proper  object  of  resentment,  to  abandon  the 
country,  to  form  settlements  that  will  hereafter  become  our  ri 
vals,  animated  .with  a  hatred  to  us,  which  will  descend  to  their 
posterity.  Nothing,  however,  can  be  more  unwise  than  to  con 
tribute,  as  we  are  doing,  to  people  the  shores  and  wilderness  of 
Nova  Scotia ;  a  colony  'which,  by  its  position,  will  become  a  com 
petitor  with  us,  among  other  things,  in  that  branch  of  commerce 
on  which  our  navigation  and  navy  will  essentially  depend:  I 


jEi.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  373 

mean  the  fisheries ;  in  which,  I  have  no  doubt,  the  State  of  New 
York  will,  hereafter,  have  a  considerable  share. 

To  your  Excellency  I  freely  deliver  my  sentiments,  because 
I  am  persuaded  you  cannot  be  a  stranger  to  the  force  of  these 
considerations.  I  fear  not  even  to  hazard  them  to  the  justice 
and  good  sense  of  those  whom  I  have  the  honor  to  represent.  I 
esteem  it  my  duty  to  do  it,  because  the  question  is  important  to 
the  interests  of  the  State,  in  its  relation  to  the  United  States. 

Those  who  consult  only  their  passions,  might  choose  to  con 
strue  what  I  say,  as  too  favorable  to  a  set  of  men  who  have  been 
the  enemies  of  the  public  liberty :  but  those  for  whose  esteem  I 
am  most  concerned,  will  acquit  me  of  any  personal  considera 
tions  ;  and  will  perceive  that  I  only  urge  the  cause  of  national 
honor,  safety,  and  advantage.  We  have  assumed  an  independent 
station :  we  ought  to  feel,  and  to  act,  in  a  manner  consistent 
with  the  dignity  of  that  station. 

I  anxiously  wish  to  see  every  prudent  measure  taken  to  pre 
vent  those  combinations  which  will  certainly  disgrace  us,  if  they 
do  not  involve  us  in  other  calamities.  Whatever  distinctions  are 
judged  necessary  to  be  made,  in  the  cases  of  those  persons  who 
have  been  in  opposition  to  the  common  cause,  let  them  be  made 
by  legal  authority,  on  a  fair  construction  of  the  treaty,  consistent 
with  national  faith  and  national  honor. 

Your  Excellency  will  have  been  informed,  that  Congress 
have  instructed  General  Washington  to  garrison  the  frontier 
posts,  when  surrendered,  with  the  three  years'  Continental  troops. 
This  is  more  for  the  interest  of  the  State,  than  to  have  them  gar 
risoned  at  its  particular  expense :  and  I  should  wish  that  perma 
nent  provision  might  be  made  on  the  same  principle.  I  wait  to 
see  whether  any  Continental  peace  establishment  for  garrisons, 
etc.,  will  take  place,  before  I  engage  the  consent  of  Congress  to  a 
separate  provision. 

I  cannot  forbear  adding  a  word  on  the  subject  of  money.  The 
only  reliance  we  now  have  for  redeeming  a  large  anticipation  on 
the  public  credit,  already  made,  and  making,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  army,  is  on  the  taxes  coming  in.  The  collection,  hitherto,  is 
out  of  all  proportion  to  the  demand.  It  is  of  vast  consequence,  at 


374  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  MT.  26. 


this  juncture,  that  every  thing  possible  should  be  done  to  forward 
it.     I  forbear  entering  into  details  which  would  be  very  striking 
upon  this  subject.     I  will  only  say,  that  unless  there  is  a  serious 
exertion  in  the  States,  public  credit  must  ere  long  receive  another 
shock  very  disagreeable  in  its  consequences. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  perfect  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  His  Excellency  Governor  Clinton. 


HAMILTON  TO  REED. 

1783. 

SIR: 

Having  always  entertained  an  esteem  for  you  personally,  I 
could  not,  without  reluctance,  yield  to  impressions  that  might 
weaken  that  sentiment :  and  it  is  with  pain  I  find  myself  drawn, 
by  circumstances,  to  animadvert  upon  the  late  message  from  the 
Executive  Council  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  relative  to 
the  mutiny,  in  a  manner  which  may  seem  to  impeach  the  candor 
of  those  who  were  the  authors  of  it. 

But  it  will  be  impossible  for  persons  who  have  read  the  re 
port  of  the  committee,  and  the  message  of  the  Council,  however 
inclined  to  make  allowances  for  the  force  of  involuntary  bias, 
not  to  conclude,  that  on  one  side  or  the  other,  the  facts  have  been 
wilfully  discolored.  I  decline  any  attempt  to  set  the  public 
opinion  right  upon  this  subject ;  because,  after  all  that  can  be 
said,  the  judgments  of  men  will  eventually  be  determined  by 
personal  and  party  prepossessions.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned, 
I  persuade  myself  those  who  are  acquainted  with  me,  will  place 
entire  confidence  in  my  fairness  and  veracity.  I  doubt  not  your 
Excellency's  friends  will  be  equally  partial  to  you,  and  those  of 
the  Council  to  them.  But  though  I  should  despair  of  rectifying 
or  fixing  the  public  opinion,  by  an  appeal  to  the  public ;  and 


^ET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  375 

though  I  have  seen  too  much  of  the  ridicule  thrown  upon  such 
appeals,  from  men  in  official  stations,  and  of  the  ill  effect  they 
have  had  upon  the  national  character,  not  to  be  willing  to  sacri 
fice  the  desire  of  justifying  myself  to  considerations  of  prudence 
and  propriety ;  yet  I  cannot  forbear  indulging  my  feelings  so 
far  as  to  enter  into  a  few  explanations  with  your  Excellency ; 
submitting  the  justness  of  them  to  the  testimony  of  your  own 
mind. 

As  this  is  a  mere  private  discussion,  I  address  myself  to  your 
Excellency  in  particular ;  and  the  rather,  as,  from  the  style  and 
manner  of  the  message,  I  take  it  for  granted  you  had  the  prin 
cipal  agency  in  it :  and  I  shall  consider,  on  the  same  grounds, 
the  notes  in  *  paper  of  the  *, 

as  a  comment  on  the  report  of  the  committee  by  yourself,  in  aid 
of  the  message. 

I  take  up  the  matter  individually,  because  I  mean  to  treat 
it  on  a  private  footing ;  and  because,  though  I  do  not  acknow 
ledge  any  peculiar  responsibility,  it  happened  to  be  my  lot,  as 
chairman,  principally  to  conduct  the  conferences  on  the  part 
of  the  committee. 

I  regard  the  whole  of  this  business  as  a  most  unfortunate 
one ;  in  which,  probably,  none  of  the  actors  will  acquire  great 
credit.  I  deplore  it,  as  tending  to  interrupt  the  harmony  be 
tween  Congress  and  a  respectable,  a  meritorious  member  of  the 
Union.  Who  were  right,  or  who  were  wrong,  is  a  question  of 
less  importance,  than  how  mutual  irritations  may  be  best  healed. 
"Whatever  revives,  or  continues,  the  former,  is  to  be  regretted. 
I  lament  to  be  under  an  inducement  to  discuss  circumstances 
that  relate  to  it  in  the  remotest  degree.  Nothing  but  an  attack 
upon  the  ingenuousness  of  my  conduct,  could  have  called  me  to 
it.  Its  prudence,  either  collectively  or  individually,  would 
patiently  have  been  consigned  to  the  lash  of  censure  and  criti 
cism,  merited  or  unmerited. 

Happily,  in  the  present  case,  the  members  of  the  committee 
have  a  strong  ground,  from  which  they  cannot  easily  be  forced. 

*  These  blanks  are  in  the  manuscript. 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [1&T.  26. 

Apprehensive  of  misconception,  I  will  not  say  of  misrepresenta 
tion,  they  tried  to  render  it  impossible  by  written  documents. 
The  presumption,  with  impartial  minds,  cannot  fail  to  be  in  favor 
of  that  side  which  gave  so  decisive  a  proof  of  its  disposition  to 
fairness,  as  to  endeavor  to  put  it  out  of  its  own  power  to  misre 
present. 

The  professed  scruples  of  the  Council,  cannot  be  admitted  to 
have  any  weight.  Usage,  and  the  plainest  rules  of  propriety, 
will  dictate,  that  it  never  could  have  wounded  the  dignity,  or 
delicacy,  of  the  executive  of  any  State,  to  have  given  to  a  com 
mittee  of  Congress,  appointed  to  confer  on  a  subject  of  moment, 
a  written  answer  to  a  request  in  writing  after  previous  explana 
tions.  The  fact  stated  speaks  for  itself.  The  consequences 
show,  that  the  precaution  of  the  committee  was  well  judged; 
and  that  it  would  have  been  well  for  the  Council  to  have  con 
curred. 

In  the  present  case  it  might  be  observed,  that  there  was, 
in  the  first  instance,  a  written  application  from  Congress  to 
the  Council,  in  the  customary  form  of  resolutions :  and  though  a 
committee  was  authorized  to  confer  and  explain,  a  formal  and 
authentic  answer  might  reasonably  have  been  expected  by  Con 
gress  ;  and,  when  desired  by  the  committee,  should  have  been 
understood  as  desired  on  their  behalf. 

There  is  an  awkwardness  in  reasoning  upon  self-evident  posi 
tions;  but  as  the  Council  have,  by  their  conduct  in  the  first 
instance,  and  by  their  message  since,  put  forward  a  doubt  upon 
the  subject,  and  made  it  a  point  of  importance,  I  shall  be  excused 
for  examining  it  a  little  further.  On  what  could  the  objection  of 
the  Council  be  founded  ?  They  say  it  had  been  unusual.  Ad 
mitting  the  fact,  was  the  mere  novelty  of  the  thing  a  sufficient 
reason  against  it  ?  If  there  was  no  apparent  inconvenience  in 
making  a  new  precedent ;  if,  on  the  contrary,  there  was  a  mani 
fest  convenience  in  it ;  ought  not  such  a  punctilio  to  have  given 
way  to  considerations  of  utility  ? 

Was  it  derogatory  to  the  dignity  of  the  Council  ?  Surely,  if 
they  communicate  in  writing  with  the  executive  servants  of  Con 
gress,  even  those  in  subordinate  stations,  as  is  the  practice  of 


jEx.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  3<T7 

^ 

every  day,  and  as  is  indispensable  to  the  prosecution  of  public 
business,  they  might,  at  less  expense  of  dignity,  pursue  the  same 
mode  with  a  part  of  that  body  itself. 

The  distinction  taken  by  the  Council,  in  their  message  to  the 
Assembly,  respecting  the  responsibility  of  such  executive  officers, 
as  not  applicable  to  a  committee,  if  it  amounts  to  any  thing, 
proves  only  this :  That  such  officers  ought,  in  prudence,  to  take 
greater  precautions  for  their  own  justification  than  a  committee 
of  Congress  need  to  do.  It  is  not  to  be  inferred,  if  a  committee  of 
Congress,  acting  ministerially,  think  it  expedient  to  use  circum 
spection,  that  those  with  whom  they  are  transacting  business, 
can,  with  propriety,  refuse  to  join  with  them  in  that  mode  which 
is  best  adapted  to  precision  and  certainty. 

But,  indeed,  the  ground  of  distinction  is  erroneous.  A  com 
mittee  of  Congress  act  in  a  ministerial  capacity,  and  are  there 
fore  responsible  to  the  body  to  which  they  belong,  as  well  as  the 
servants  of  that  body,  though  in  a  different  manner.  If  it  be 
said  they  do  not  act  ministerially,  but  stand  in  the  place  of  Con 
gress  ;  then  the  Council,  upon  their  own  principles,  ought  to 
have  complied  with  their  request. 

To  diminish  the  exceptionableness  of  their  refusal,  it  is  true, 
as  stated  by  the  Council,  that  though  they  said  they  could  not 
condescend  to  do  what  the  committee  had  asked ;  yet  they  de 
clared  themselves  willing  to  grant  an  answer  in  writing,  if  Con 
gress  should  request  it ;  and  that  they  proposed,  that  the  com 
mittee  should  put  their  verbal  answer  in  writing,  to  be  after 
wards  perused  and  examined  by  them. 

The  answer  of  the  committee,  as  I  doubt  not  your  Excellency 
will  recollect,  was,  as  to  the  first  point,  that  Congress  in  all  prob 
ability  would  not  make  the  request,  having  determined  (as  the 
Council  had  been  already  informed)  not  to  resume  their  delijpe- 
rations  in  the  city,  till  effectual  measures  had  been  taken  to  sup 
press  the  mutiny ;  and  should  they  assemble,  would  naturally 
feel  a  delicacy  in  requesting  what  had  been  denied  to  their  com 
mittee.  And  as  to  the  second  point,  that  the  Council  having  judged 
it  inexpedient  to  give  a  written  answer,  the  committee  would 
content  themselves  with  making  the  most  accurate  report  in  their 


378  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  26. 

f 

power,  relying  upon  the  confidence  of  the  body  to  which  they 
belonged,  and  upon  the  candor  of  the  Council. 

Your  Excellency  is  too  good  a  judge  of  human  nature,  as  well 
as  of  the  force  of  language,  not  to  have  perceived  at  the  time,  the 
effect  which  the  refusal  of  the  Council  had  upon  my  mind.  I 
own  it  struck  me,  either  as  an  uncandid  reserve,  or  an  unbecoming 
stateliness ;  and,  in  either  supposition,  a  disrespect  to  the  body  of 
which  the  committee  were  members. 

Though  nothing  enters  less  into  my  temper  than  an  inclina 
tion  to  fetter  business  by  punctilio,  after  the  Council  had  disco 
vered  such  overweening  nicety,  I  should  have  thought  it  a  de 
gradation  to  my  official  character,  to  have  consented  to  their  pro 
posal. 

The  desire  of  self-justification  is  so  natural,  that  I  should  not 
have  been  surprised  to  have  seen  the  transactions  which  are 
the  subject  of  the  Council's  message,  receive  a  coloring  favorable 
to  their  purpose :  but  I  did  not  expect  to  find  material  facts  either 
suppressed  or  denied. 

The  report  made  by  the  committee  on  the  first  interview  with 
the  Council,  was,  I  acknowledge,  from  memory,  and  therefore  I 
admit  a  possibility  of  error ;  but,  so  far  as  my  memory  can  be 
relied  on,  the  representation  was  just.  And  I  am  certain  that 
there  is  a  mistake  in  the  insinuation,  that  the  circumstance  of  the 
message  sent  to  Congress  by  the  Board  of  Sergeants,  was  not 
mentioned  at  all  to  the  Council ;  for  I  have  a  note  of  it,  taken 
immediately  after  the  first  conference  subsequent  to  the  mutiny. 
The  affair,  by  the  event  of  ,  having  assumed  a  more 

serious  aspect,  I  kept  a  regular  minute  of  the  proceedings ;  a 
summary  of  which,  made  up  our  report  to  Congress,  and  which  I 
shall  annex,  at  large,  to  this  letter  for  your  Excellency's  perusal. 
^The  message  entirely  omits  the  declaration  of  the  Council, 
that 


and  the  note  says,  that  the  Council  only  declared,  "  That  they 
*  This  blank  is  in  the  manuscript. 


^ET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  379 

could  not  be  sure,  that  such  another  insult  would  produce  those 
exertions."*  The  difference  in  this  article  is  of  great  impor 
tance.  The  declaration  made  so  deep  an  impression  at  the  time, 
that  almost  the  precise  words  remained  in  my  memory.  They 
were  twice  repeated,  as  well  when  we  saw  your  Excellency  alone, 
in  your  own  house,  in  the  morning,  as  when  you  delivered  to  us, 
in  the  Council  chamber,  the  determination  of  the  Council. 

Mr.  Ellsworthf,  in  half  an  hour  afterwards,  repeated  them  to 
several  members  of  Congress  assembled  at  the  President's  house ; 
and  in  a  few  hours  from  that  time  I  committed  them  to  writing. 
I  cannot  suppose  your  Excellency's  recollection  fails  you  in  this 
particular  ;  and  I  must  pointedly  appeal  to  your  candor. 

To  show  the  inaccuracy  with  which  the  report  of  the  commit 
tee  was  composed,  it  is  observed,  in  the  notes  with  respect  to  that 
part  which  relates  to  the  commission  given  by  the  mutineers  to 
the  officers  whom  they  had  chosen  to  represent  them,  that  only 
two  hours  had  intervened  between  that  event  and  the  conference 
with  the  Council ;  and  that  it  was  very  improbable  the  knowledge 
of  it  could  have  so  early  reached  the  committee.  It  is  added, 
that  none  of  the  Council  remembers  to  have  heard  a  single  syl 
lable  respecting  it,  during  the  whole  conference. 

As  to  the  argument  drawn  from  the  short  interval  between 
the  delivery  of  the  commission  and  the  conference,  it  will  be  suf 
ficient  to  say,  that  the  committee  held  a  constant  communication 
with  General  St.  Clair,  and  that  he  kept  a  vigilant  eye  upon  all 
the  motions  of  the  mutineers ;  that  his  access  to  them  was  easy ; 
that  the  fact  in  question  was  a  matter  of  immediate  notoriety ; 
that  two  hours  were  abundant  time  for  a  thing  of  that  nature  to 
be  conveyed  from  the  barracks  to  General  St.  Clair's  quarters ; 
and  that  one  of  the  committee  had  actually  seen,  and  obtained 
the  intelligence  from  him,  a  little  time  before  the  interview  with 
the  Council  commenced. 

It  is  much  more  extraordinary  that  the  Council  should  have 

*  "The  words,  as  reported  by  the  committee  to  Congress,  were,    '  It,'  i.  e.,  the 
arming  of  the  citizens  to  suppress  the  mutineers,  '  was  not  to  be  expected,  merely 
from  a  repetition  of  the  insult  which  had  happened.'  " — NOTE  BY  COL.  PICKERING. 
"  Mr.  Ellsworth  was  the  other  member  of  the  committee. — T.  P." 


380  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  26. 

been  apprised  of  it  so  late,  than  that  the  committee  should  have 
known  it  so  early.  As  to  the  memory  of  the  Council,  it  is  un 
fortunate  it  should  have  been  so  fallible  as  it  is  said  to  have  been : 
but  I  would  rather  suppose,  "in  the  quick  succession  of  circum 
stances,"  the  matter  had  escaped  recollection,  than  that  my  min 
utes,  as  well  as  my  memory,  should  have  deceived  me.  I  well 
recollect,  also,  that  your  Excellency,  when  it  was  mentioned,  ac 
knowledged  that  it  rather  contradicted  the  pacific  appearance 
which  the  conduct  of  the  troops,  in  other  respects,  wore. 

These  are  the  essential  differences,  in  point  of  fact,  between 
the  report  of  the  committee,  and  the  message  of  Council :  the 
whole  complexion,  indeed,  of  one,  materially  varies  from  the 
other ;  Lut  the  most  common  observer  must  have  noticed,  how 
different  an  aspect  the  same  facts  will  bear,  differently  dressed 
and  arranged.  It  was  to  avoid  this,  we  proposed  to  reduce  them 
to  writing:  but  as  this  has  not  been  done,  spectators  must  judge, 
from  the  situation  of  the  parties,  and  the  course  of  the  transac 
tions,  which  side  has  given  the  justest  relation. 

I  cannot,  however,  forbear  remarking,  that  I  see  expressions 
of  civility,  on  the  part  of  the  committee,  making  a  figure  in  the 
message,  very  different  from  their  genuine  intention ;  being  in 
troduced  in  a  manner  that  gives  them  the  air  of  concessions  in 
favor  of  the  conduct  of  the  Council.  Your  Excellency  will  cer 
tainly  recollect,  that  the  committee  were  very  remote  from  a  con 
currence  in  sentiment  with  the  Council ;  and  though  they  did  not 
presume  to  judge  of  the  disposition  of  the  citizens,  strongly 
urged  the  expedience  and  necessity  of  calling  out  the  militia,  and 
facility  of  employing  them  with  success  against  an  unofncered 
and  disorderly  body  of  mutinous  soldiers.  It  is  true,  also,  that 
they  acknowledged  the  candor  with  which  the  Council  exposed 
to  them,  what  they  deemed  the  temper  of  their  citizens,  and 
their  own  difficulties  and  embarrassments ;  which  were,  no  doubt, 
delineated  with  great  energy  of  language,  and  display  of  circum 
stances  :  but  they  certainly  never  admitted  the  candor  of  refu 
sing  an  answer  in  writing,  which  was  a  part  of  the  business 
transacted  with  the  Council;  nor  did  they  withdraw,  without 
giving  an  intelligible  intimation  of  their  sense  of  this  proceeding. 


jET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  381 

I  was  also  surprised  to  see  any  part  of  the  private  and  confi 
dential  conversation  I  had  with  your  Excellency,  ushered  into 
the  message  from  the  Council ;  and  moulded  into  such  a  shape} 
as  to  imply,  by  an  obvious  construction,  an  approbation  of  their 
reasons.  Your  Excellency  will  admit  the  following  state  of  this 
transaction  to  be  a  just  one. 

I  waited  upon  the  Council  to  correct  a  piece  of  information  I 
had  given  them  respecting  ammunition :  but  even  this  is  mis 
stated,  as  will  be  seen  by  my  minutes.  Having  done  this,  my 
official  business  ended ;  when  I  was  taken  aside  by  your  Excel 
lency,  and  a  conversation  passed  in  declared  confidence.  You 
informed  me,  that  a  meeting  of  the  militia  officers  was  then  hold 
ing,  and  in  consultation  with  the  Council  about  eventual  mea 
sures  (in  consequence,  as  I  conjectured,  of  a  communication  to 
you,  the  preceding  evening,  from  the  delegates  of  the  State,  of 
the  intention  of  Congress  to  remove  from  the  city,  in  case  they 
did  not  receive  satisfactory  assurances  of  support).  You  added, 
that  you  hoped  nothing  would  be  precipitated ;  but  that  proper 
allowances  would  be  made  for  the  situation  of  the  Council. 

I  understood  your  observations  with  reference  to  the  depart 
ure  of  Congress,  and  replied  to  this  effect :  That  I  viewed  the 
departure  of  Congress  as  a  delicate  measure,  including  conse 
quences  important  to  the  national  character  abroad,  and  critical 
with  respect  to  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and,  in  particular,  the 
city  of  Philadelphia ;  that  the  triumph  of  a  handful  of  mutinous 
soldiers,  permitted  in  a  place  which  is  considered  as  the  capital 
of  America,  to  surround,  and,  in  fact,  imprison  Congress,  with 
out  the  least  effort,  on  the  part  of  the  citizens,  to  uphold  their 
dignity  and  authority,  so  as  to  oblige  them  to  remove  from  the 
place  which  had  been  their  residence  during  the  Kevolution, 
would,  it  was  to  be  feared,  be  viewed  at  a  distance,  as  a  general 
disaffection  of  the  citizens  to  the  Federal  Government ;  might 
discredit  its  negotiations,  and  affect  the  national  interests :  that, 
at  home,  it  might  give  a  deep  wound  to  the  reputation  of  Penn 
sylvania  ;  might  draw  upon  it  the  resentments  of  the  other 
States,  and  sow  discord  between  Congress  and  the  State ;  that 
the  removal  of  Congress  would  probably  bring  the  affair  to  a 


382  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  26. 

crisis ;  and,  by  convincing  the  mutineers  that  extremities  were 
intended,  would  either  intimidate  them  into  a  submission,  or 
determine  them  to  immediate  excesses ;  that,  impressed  with 
these  considerations,  and  still  hoping,  notwithstanding  some 
appearances  to  the  contrary,  that  the  mutineers  might  be  sincere 
in  their  professions  of  submission,  or  that  the  Council,  on  further 
examination,  would  find  it  in  their  power  to  act  with  vigor,  I 
had  declined  giving  my  assent  to  a  report  in  writing,  which 
would  necessarily  be  followed  by  the  departure  of  Congress; 
that  though  the  committee  had  no  discretion,  by  the  powers 
under  which  they  acted,  but  were  bound  by  the  tenor  of  their 
instructions,  the  moment  they  did  not  receive  "satisfactory 
assurances  of  prompt  and  adequate  exertions,  on  the  part  of  the 
State,  for  supporting  the  public  authority,"  to  advise  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress  to  Trenton  or  Princeton ;  and  I  therefore  con 
sidered  the  delay  of  this  advice  as  at  their  extreme  peril ;  yet,  as 
to  myself,  I  should  persist  in  it,  till  the  result  of  the  present  con 
sultation  with  the  militia  officers,  or  till  some  new  circumstance 
should  turn  up,  to  explain  the  designs  of  the  mutineers ;  and  in 
pursuing  this  line  of  conduct,  I  should  counteract  the  sense  of 
some  gentlemen,  whose  feelings  upon  the  occasion  were  keen, 
and  the  opinions  of  others,  who  thought  the  situation  of  Con 
gress,  under  the  existing  circumstances,  extremely  awkward, 
precarious,  and  unjustifiable  to  their  constituents. 

Your  Excellency  approved  my  intention ;  wished  for  time ; 
and  promised,  if  any  new  resolution  should  be  taken,  to  give  me 
immediate  notice  of  it. 

The  meeting  of  the  militia  officers  dissolved.  I  heard  nothing 
from  your  Excellency.  General  St.  Clair,  about  two  in  the 
afternoon,  informed  the  committee,  that  the  officers  appointed  by 
the  soldiers  to  manage  their  business,  had,  in  the  first  instance, 
refused  to  give  him  an  account  of  their  transactions  ;  the  which 
was  only  extracted  from  them  by  a  peremptory  demand.  He 
mentioned  to  us  the  instructions  they  had  received  from  the 
soldiers,  which  contained  faint  and  affected  concessions,  mixed 
with  new  and  inadmissible  claims. 

The  whole  affair  wore  the  complexion  of  collusion  between 


J3T.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  383 

the  officers  of  the  committee  and  the  soldiery ;  and  of  a  mere 
amusement  on  their  part,  till  they  could  gain  fresh  strength  and 
execute  their  project,  whatever  it  might  be,  with  greater  advan 
tage. 

This  behavior  of  the  officers  gave  the  affair  a  new  and  more 
serious  aspect,  and  overcame  my  opposition  to  the  report.  Mr. 
Peters,  on  hearing  the  relation  of  General  St.  Clair,  declared,  at 
once,  that  he  thought  the  committee  had  then  no  alternative ;  at 
least,  what  he  said  was  understood  in  this  sense  by  General  St. 
Clair,  Mr.  Ellsworth,  and  myself.  If  I  am  not  much  mistaken, 
General  St.  Clair  also  expressed  his  opinion  that  Congress  were 
unsafe  in  the  city. 

The  ideas  I  suggested  to  your  Excellency,  in  the  conversa 
tion  I  have  mentioned,  were  substantially  expressed  to  several 
members  of  Congress  as  the  motives  of  my  delay  ;  and  particu 
larly,  I  recollect,  to  Mr.  Madison,  with  these  observations  in 
addition :  That  though  I  was  fully  convinced  Congress,  under 
an  immediate  view  of  circumstances,  would,  in  reality,  be  justi 
fied  in  withdrawing  from  a  place  where  such  an  outrage  to  gov 
ernment  had  been  with  impunity  perpetrated,  by  a  body  of 
armed  mutineers,  still,  for  several  days,  in  complete  command  of 
the  city,  and  where  either  the  feebleness  of  public  councils,  or  the 
indisposition  of  the  citizens,  afforded  no  assurance  of  protection 
and  support;  yet,  as  the  opinions  of  men  would  be  governed  by 
events,  and  as  the  most  probable  event  was,  that  the  removal  of 
Congress,  announcing  decisive  measures  of  coercion  to  the  sol 
diery,  would  awe  them  into  submission,  there  was  great  danger 
that  the  reputation  of  Congress  would  suffer  by  the  easy  termina 
tion  of  the  business ;  and  that  they  would  be  accused  of  levity, 
timidity,  or  rashness. 

Though  not  within  the  scope  of  my  original  intention,  I  will 
indulge  a  few  additional  reflections  on  this  subject.  I  am  sensi 
ble  that  the  Council,  in  some  respects,  stand  upon  advantageous 
ground  in  this  discussion.  Congress  left  the  city,  because  they 
had  no  forces  at  hand,  no  jurisdiction  over  the  militia,  and  no 
assurances  of  effectual  support  from  those  who  had.  The  Coun 
cil,  as  the  Executive  of  the  State,  were  necessitated  to  remain 


384  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  26. 

on  the  spot.     Soon  after  Congress  removed,  the  mutineers  were 
deserted  by  their  leaders,  and  surrendered  at  discretion. 

The  multitude  will  be  very  apt  to  conclude,  that  the  affair 
was  of  trifling  consequence ;  that  it  vanished  under  its  own  in. 
significance  ;  that  Congress  took  up  the  matter  in  too  high  a 
tone  of  authority ;  that  they  discovered  a  prudish  nicetv  and 
irritability  about  their  own  dignity :  that  Council  were  more 
temperate,  more  humane,  and  possessed  of  greater  foresight. 

The  bias  in  favor  of  an  injured  army  ;  the  propensity  of  the 
human  mind  to  lean  to  the  speciousness  of  professed  humanity, 
rather  than  to  the  necessary  harshness  of  authority ;  the  vague 
and  imperfect  notions  of  what  is  due  to  public  authority,  in  an 
infant  popular  government ;  and  the  insinuating  plausibility  of 
a  well-constructed  message ;  will  all  contribute  to  that  conclu 
sion. 

But  let  us  suppose  an  impartial  man  of  sense,  well  acquainted 
with  facts,  to  form  an  argument  upon  the  subject.  It  appears  to 
me,  he  might  naturally  fall  into  this  train  of  combination. 

It  is  a  well  known  fact,  that,  from  the  necessities  of  the  war, 
or  the  delinquencies  of  the  several  States,  Congress  were  not 
enabled  to  comply  with  their  engagements  to  the  army,  which, 
after  a  glorious  and  successful  struggle  for  their  country,  much 
suffering,  exemplary  patience,  and  signal  desert,  they  were  com 
pelled,  by  the  irresistible  dictates  of  an  empty  treasury  and  a 
ruined  credit,  to  disband,  after  having  given  strong  indications 
of  their  discontent,  and  resentment  of  the  public  neglect.  A 
large  part  of  the  army  suffer  themselves  to  be  patiently  dis 
missed  ;  a  particular  corps  of  four  or  five  hundred  men,  sta 
tioned  in  the  place  where  Congress  reside,  refuse  to  accept  their 
discharges  but  on  certain  specified  conditions. 

They  even  go  further,  and,  stimulated  by  their  injuries,  or 
encouraged  and  misled  by  designing  persons,  are  emboldened 
to  send  a  threatening  message  to  Congress,  declaring  to  them, 
that  unless  they  would  do  them  justice  immediately,  they  would 
find  means  of  redress  for  themselves.  Measures  are  indirectly 
taken  to  appease  this  disorder,  and  give  the  discontented  soldiers 


^ET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  385 

as  much  satisfaction  as  the  situation  of  things  will  permit. 
Shortly  after,  accounts  are  received,  that  another  corps,  at 
miles  distance,  have  also  mutinied ;  and  that  a  part  of  them,  to 
the  number  of  about  eighty  men,  are  on  their  march  to  join 
those  who  had  already  discovered  so  refractory  a  disposition. 
A  committee  of  Congress  is  immediately  appointed  to  confer 
with  the  Executive  of  the  State,  on  the  measures  proper  to  be 
pursued  in  this  exigency.  That  committee,  in  the  first  instance, 
suggest  to  the  Council,  the  expedience  of  calling  out  a  body  of 
militia,  to  intercept  the  detachment  of  mutineers  on  its  march, 
and  represent  the  danger  of  the  progress  of  the  spirit  of  mutiny, 
and  of  future  outrages,  should  those  on  their  march  be  suffered, 
without  molestation,  to  join  a  more  numerous  corps  in  the  same 
temper  with  themselves. 

The  Council  urge  a  variety  of  difficulties :  the  shortness  of 
the  time  to  collect  the  militia  before  the  mutineers  would  arrive ; 
the  reluctance  with  which  the  citizens  would  obey  a  call  against 
men  whom  they  consider  as  meritorious,  and  injured,  and  the 
like.  The  committee,  perceiving  the  unwillingness  of  the  Coun 
cil  to  employ  the  militia,  desist  from  pressing,  and  recur  to  ex 
pedients.  The  day  after,  the  mutineers  march  in  triumph  into 
the  city,  and  unite  themselves  with  those  who  are  already  there ; 
and  the  following  day,  the  whole  body  assemble  in  arms,  throw 
off  all  obedience  to  their  officers,  and,  in  open  defiance  of  gov 
ernment,  march  to  the  place  which  is  the  usual  seat  of  Congress 
and  the  Council  of  the  State,  while  both  are  actually  sitting ; 
surround  it  with  guards,  and  send  a  message  to  the  Council,  de 
manding  authority  to  appoint,  themselves,  officers  to  command 
them,  with  absolute  discretion  to  take  such  measures  as  those 
officers  should  think  proper,  to  redress  their  grievances  ;  accom 
panied  with  a  threat,  that  if  there  was  not  a  compliance  in 
twenty  minutes,  they  would  let  in  an  injured  soldiery  upon 
them,  and  abide  the  consequence. 

The  members  of  Congress  who  were  at  the  time  assembled, 

request  General  St.  Clair,  who  happened  to  be  present,  to  take 

such  measures  as  he  should  judge  expedient,  without  committing 

the  honor  of  government,  to  divert  the  storm,  and  induce  the 

VOL.  i.  25 


386  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [ISi.  26. 

troops  to  return  to  their  quarters  without  perpetrating  acts  of 
violence.  General  St.  Glair,  in  concert  with  the  Council,  grants 
the  mutineers  permission  to  elect,  out  of  officers  then,  or  for 
merly,  in  commission,  such  as  they  should  confide  in,  to  repre 
sent  their  grievances  to  the  Council,  with  a  promise,  that  the 
Council  would  confer  with  the  persons  elected  for  that  purpose. 
Having  obtained  this  promise,  the  mutineers  return  to  their 
quarters,  in  military  parade,  and  continue  in  open  defiance  of 
government. 

The  concession  made  was  a  happy  compromise  between  an 
attention  to  dignity,  and  a  prudent  regard  to  safety, 

Men  who  had  dared  to  carry  their  insolence  to  such  an  ex 
treme,  and  who  saw  no  opposition  to  their  outrages,  were  not  to 
be  expected  to  retreat  without  an  appearance,  at  least,  of  grati 
fying  their  demands.  The  slightest  accident  was  sufficient  to 
prompt  men,  in  such  a  temper  and  situation,  to  tragical  excesses. 

But  however  it  might  become  the  delicacy  of  government  not 
to  depart  from  the  promise  it  had  given,  it  was  its  duty  to  pro 
vide  effectually  against  a  repetition  of  such  outrages ;  and  to 
put  itself  in  a  situation  to  give,  instead  of  receiving,  the  law ; 
and  to  manifest  that  its  compliance  was  not  the  effect  of  neces 
sity,  but  of  choice. 

This  was  not  to  be  considered  as  the  disorderly  riot  of  an 
unarmed  mob,  but  as  the  deliberate  mutiny  of  an  incensed 
soldiery,  carried  to  the  utmost  point  of  outrage  short  of  assassi 
nation.  The  licentiousness  of  an  army  is  to  be  dreaded  in  every 
government;  but,  in  a  republic,  it  is  more  particularly  to  be 
restrained ;  and  when  directed  against  the  civil  authority,  to  be 
checked  with  energy,  and  punished  with  severity.  The  merits 
and  sufferings  of  the  troops  might  be  a  proper  motive  for  miti 
gating  punishment,  when  it  was  in  the  power  of  the  government 
to  inflict  it ;  but  it  was  no  reason  for  relaxing  in  the  measures 
necessary  to  put  itself  in  that  situation.  Its  authority  was  first 
to  be  vindicated,  and  then  its  clemency  to  be  displayed. 

The  rights  of  government  are  as  essential  to  be  defended,  as 
the  rights  of  individuals.  The  security  of  the  one  is  insepara 
ble  from  that  of  the  other.  And,  indeed,  in  every  new  govern- 


JET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  387 

ment,  especially  of  the  popular  kind,  the  great  danger  is,  that 
public  authority  will  not  be  sufficiently  respected. 

But  upon  this  occasion,  there  were  more  particular  reasons 
for  decision. 

Congress  knew  there  were,  within  two  or  three  days'  march 
of  the  city,  a  more  considerable  body  of  the  same  corps,  part  of 
which  had  mutinied  and  come  to  town,  and  had  been  the  chief 
actors  in  the  late  disorder ;  that  those  men  had,  with  difficulty, 
been  kept,  by  the  exertions  of  their  officers,  from  joining  the  in 
surgents  in  the  first  instance ;  that  there  was  another  corps  in 
their  neighborhood  which,  a  little  time  before,  had  also  disco 
vered  symptoms  of  mutiny ;  that  a  considerable  part  of  the  same 
line  which  were  in  mutiny  in  town,  was  every  moment  expected 
to  arrive  from  the  southward,  and,  there  was  the  greatest  reason 
to  conclude,  would  be  infected  with  the  same  spirit,  on  their 
arrival,  as  had  presently  happened  in  the  case  of  a  small  detach 
ment  which  had  joined  a  few  days  before ;  that  there  were,  be 
sides,  large  numbers  of  disbanded  soldiers,  scattered  through  the 
country,  in  want,  and  who  had  not  yet  had  time  to  settle  down 
to  any  occupation,  and  exchange  their  military  for  private  habits ; 
that  some  of  these  were  really  coming  in,  and  adding  themselves 
to  the  revolters ;  that  an  extensive  accession  of  strength  might 
be  gained  from  these  different  quarters ;  and  that  there  were  all 
the  sympathies  of  like  common  wrongs,  distresses,  and  resent 
ments,  to  bring  them  together,  and  to  unite  them  in  one  cause. 
The  partial  success  of  those  who  had  already  made  an  experi 
ment,  would  be  a  strong  encouragement  to  others ;  the  rather, 
as  the  whole  line  had  formerly  mutinied,  not  only  with  impunity, 
but  with  advantage  to  themselves. 

In  this  state  of  things,  decision  was  most  compatible  with  the 
safety  of  the  community,  as  well  as  the  dignity  of  government. 
Though  no  general  convulsion  might  be  to  be  apprehended, 
serious  mischiefs  might  attend  the  progress  of  the  disorder.  In 
deed,  it  would  have  been  meanness,  to  have  negotiated  and  tem 
porized  with  an  armed  banditti  of  four  or  five  hundred  men ; 
who,  in  any  other  situation  than  surrounding  a  defenceless  sen 
ate,  could  only  become  formidable  by  being  feared.  This  was 


388  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^T.  26. 


not  an  insurrection  of  a  whole  people  :  it  was  not  an  army  with 
their  officers  at  their  head,  demanding  the  justice  of  their 
country  ;  either  of  which  might  have  made  caution  and  conces 
sion  respectable  :  it  was  a  handful  of  mutinous  soldiers,  who  had 
equally  violated  the  laws  of  discipline,  as  the  rights  of  public 
authority. 

Congress,  therefore,  wisely  resolve,  that  "  it  is  necessary  that 
effectual  measures  be  immediately  taken  for  supporting  the  pub 
lic  authority;"  and  call  upon  the  State  in  which  they  reside,  for 
the  assistance  of  its  militia,  at  the  same  time  that  they  send 
orders  for  the  march  of  a  body  of  regular  forces  as  an  eventual 
resource. 

There  was  a  propriety  in  calling  for  the  aid  of  the  militia  in 
the  first  place,  for  different  reasons.  Civil  government  may 
always,  with  more  peculiar  propriety,  resort  to  the  aid  of  the 
citizens,  to  repel  military  insults  or  encroachments. 

'Tis  there,  it  ought  to  be  supposed,  where  it  may  seek  its 
surest  dependence,  especially  in  a  democracy,  which  is  the  crea 
ture  of  the  people.  The  citizens  of  each  State  are,  in  an  aggre 
gate  light,  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  bound,  as  much 
to  support  the  representatives  of  the  whole,  as  their  own  imme 
diate  representatives.  The  insult  was  not  to  Congress  personally  ; 
it  was  to  the  government,  to  public  authority  in  general  ;  and 
was  very  properly  put  upon  that  footing.  The  regular  forces, 
which  Congress  could  command,  were  at  a  great  distance,  and 
could  not,  but  in  a  length  of  time,  be  brought  to  effectuate  their 
purpose.  The  disorder  continued  to  exist  on  the  spot  where 
they  were  ;  was  likely  to  increase  by  delay  ;  and  might  be  pro 
ductive  of  sudden  and  mischievous  effects  by  being  neglected. 

The  city  and  the  Bank  were  in  immediate  danger  of  being 
rifled  ;  and,  perhaps,  of  suffering  other  calamities.  The  citizens, 
therefore,  were  the  proper  persons  to  make  the  first  exertion. 

The  objection,  that  these  were  not  the  objects  of  the  care  of 
Congress,  can  only  serve  to  mislead  the  vulgar.  The  peace  and 
safety  of  the  place  which  was  the  immediate  residence  of  Con 
gress,  endangered,  too,  by  the  troops  of  the  United  States,  demanded 
their  interposition.  The  President  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania 


^ET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  389 

was  himself  of  this  opinion ;  having  declared  to  a  member  of 
that  body,  that  as  their  troops  were  the  offenders,  it  was  proper 
for  them  to  declare  the  necessity  of  calling  out  the  militia,  as  a 
previous  step  to  its  being  done. 

Nor  is  there  more  weight  in  the  supposition  that  the  danger 
was  inconsiderable ;  and  that,  from  the  pacific  appearances  of  the 
troops,  it  was  to  be  expected,  the  disorder  would  subside  of 
itself.  The  facts  were,  that  the  troops  still  continued  in  a  state 
of  mutiny ;  had  made  no  submissions,  nor  offered  any ;  and  that 
they  affected  to  negotiate  with  their  arms  in  their  hands. 

A  band  of  mutinous  soldiers,  in  such  a  situation,  uncon 
trolled,  and  elated  with  their  own  power,  was  not  to  be  trusted. 

The  most  sudden  vicissitudes  and  contradictory  changes  were 
to  be  expected ;  and  a  fit  of  intoxication  was  sufficient,  at  any 
moment,  with  men  who  had  already  gone  such  length,  to  make 
the  city  a  scene  of  plunder  and  massacre.  It  was  the  height 
of  rashness  to  leave  the  city  exposed  to  the  bare  possibility  of 
such  mischiefs.  -.-4.  A 

The  only  question,  in  this  view,  is,  Whether  there  was 
greater  danger  to  the  city,  in  attempting  their  reduction  by 
force,  than  in  endeavoring,  by  palliatives,  to  bring  them  /to  a 
sense  of  duty  ?  It  has  been  urged,  and  appeared  to  have  ope 
rated  strongly  upon  the  minds  of  the  Council,*  that  the  soldiers 
being  already  embodied,  accustomed  to  arms,  and  ready  to  act  at 
a  moment's  warning,  it  would  be  extremely  hazardous  to  attempt 
to  collect  the  citizens  to  subdue  them,  as  the  mutineers  might 
have  taken  advantage  of  the  first  confusion  incident  to  the 
measure,  to  do  a  great  deal  of  mischief,  before  this  militia  could 
have  assembled  in  equal  or  superior  force. 

It  is  not  to  be  denied,  but  that  a  small  body  of  disciplined 
troops,  headed  and  led  by  their  officers,  with  a  plan  of  conduct, 
could  have  effected  a  great  deal  in  similar  circumstances  ;  but  it 
is  equally  certain,  that  nothing  can  be  more  contemptible,  than 
a  body  of  men,  used  to  be  commanded  and  to  obey,  when  de- 

*  Your  Excellency  will  recollect,  that,  in  our  private  conversation,  you  urged 
this  consideration,  and  appealed  to  my  military  experience ;  and  that  I  made,  sub 
stantially,  the  observations  which  follow. 


390  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

prived  of  the  example  and  direction  of  their  officers.  They  are 
infinitely  less  to  be  dreaded  than  an  equal  number  of  men  who 
have  never  been  broken  to  command,  nor  exchanged  their 
natural  courage  for  that  artificial  kind  which  is  the  effect  of  dis 
cipline  and  habit.  Soldiers  transfer  their  confidence  from  them 
selves  to  their  officers,  face  danger  by  the  force  of  example,  the 
dread  of  punishment,  and  the  sense  of  necessity.  Take  away 
these  inducements  and  leave  them  to  themselves,  they  are  no 
longer  resolute  than  till  they  are  opposed. 

In  the  present  case,  it  was  to  be  relied  upon,  that  the  appear 
ance  of  opposition  would  instantly  bring  the  mutineers  to  a 
sense  of  their  insignificance,  and  to  submission.  Conscious  of 
their  weakness,  from  the  smallness  of  their  numbers ;  in  a  popu 
lous  city,  and  in  the  midst  of  a  populous  country ;  awed  by  the 
consequences  of  resisting  government  by  arms,  and  confounded 
by  the  want  of  proper  leaders  and  proper  direction ;  the  com 
mon  soldiers  would  have  thought  of  nothing  but  making  their 
peace  by  the  sacrifice  of  those  who  had  been  the  authors  of  their 
misconduct. 

The  idea,  therefore,  of  coercion,  was  the  safest  and  most  pru 
dent:  for  more  was  to  be  apprehended  from  leaving  them  to 
their  own  passions,  than  from  attempting  to  control  them  by 
force.  It  will  be  seen,  by  and  by,  how  far  the  events,  justly 
appreciated,  corresponded  with  this  reasoning. 

Congress  were  not  only  right  in  adopting  measures  of  coer 
cion  ;•  but  they  were  also  right  in  resolving  to  change  their  situa 
tion,  if  proper  exertions  were  not  made  by  the  particular  govern 
ment  and  citizens  of  the  place  where  they  resided.  The  want  of 
such  exertions  would  evince  some  defect,  no  matter  where,  that 
would  prove  they  ought  to  have  no  confidence  in  their  situation. 
They  were,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  in  the  power  of  a  law 
less,  armed  banditti,  enraged,  whether  justly,  or  not,  against 
them.  However  they  might  have  had  a  right  to  expose  their 
own  persons  to  insult  and  outrage,  they  had  no  right  to  expose 
the  character  of  representatives,  or  the  dignity  of  the  States  they 
represented,  or  of  the  Union.  It  was  plain,  they  could  not,  with 
propriety,  in  such  a  state  of  things,  proceed  in  their  deliberations 


JET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  391 

where  they  were ;  and  it  was  right  they  should  repair  to  a  place 
where  they  could  do  it.  It  was  far  from  impossible,  that  the 
mutineers  might  have  been  induced  to  seize  their  persons,  as 
hostages  for  their  own  security,  as  well  as  with  a  hope  of  extort 
ing  concessions.  Had  such  an  event  taken  place,  the  whole 
country  would  have  exclaimed,  Why  did  not  Congress  withdraw 
from  a  place  where  they  found  they  could  not  be  assured  of  sup 
port;  where  the  government  was  so  feeble,  or  the  citizens  so 
indisposed,  as  to  suffer  three  or  four  hundred  mutinous  soldiers 
to  violate,  with  impunity,  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
and  of  their  own  State  ? 

When  they  resolved  to  depart,  on  the  want  of  adequate  ex 
ertions,  they  had  reason  to  doubt  their  being  made,  from  the  dis 
inclination  shown  by  the  Council  to  call  out  the  militia  in  the 
first  instance :  and  when  they  did  actually  depart,  they  were  in 
formed  by  the  Council,  that  the  efforts  of  the  citizens  were  not 
to  be  looked  for,  even  from  a  repetition  of  the  outrage  which 
had  already  happened  ;  and  it  was  to  be  doubted  what  measure 
of  outrage  would  produce  them.  They  had  also  convincing  proof, 
that  the  mutiny  was  more  serious  than  it  had  even  at  first  ap 
peared,  by  the  participation  of  some  of  the  officers. 

To  throw  the  blame  of  harshness  and  precipitancy  upon  Con 
gress,  it  is  said,  that  their  dignity  was  only  accidentally  and  unde- 
signedly  offended.  Much  stress  has  been  laid  upon  the  message, 
from  the  soldiery  being  directed  to  the  Council,  and  not  to  them. 
All  this,  however,  is  very  immaterial  to  the  real  merits  of  the 
question.  Whatever  might  have  been  the  first  intention  of  the 
mutineers  in  this  particular  act,  whether  it  proceeded  from  arti 
fice  or  confusion  of  ideas,  the  indignity  to  Congress  was  the  same. 
They  knew  that  Congress  customarily  held  their  deliberations  at 
the  State  House :  and  if  it  even  be  admitted,  that  they  knew 
Saturday  to  be  a  day  of  usual  recess,  which,  perhaps,  is  not  alto 
gether  probable :  when  they  came  to  the  place  they  saw,  and 
knew,  Congress  to  be  assembled  there.  They  did  not  desist  in 
consequence  of  this ;  but  proceeded  to  station  their  guards,  and 
execute  their  purposes.  Members  of  Congress  went  out  to  them ; 
remonstrated  with  them ;  represented  the  danger  of  their  pro- 


392  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

ceedings  to  themselves,  and  desired  them  to  withdraw :  but  they 
persisted  till  they  obtained  what  they  supposed  a  part  of  their 
object.  A  majority  of  the  same  persons  had,  some  days  before, 
sent  a  message,  almost  equally  exceptionable,  to  Congress ;  and 
at  the  time  they  scarcely  spoke  of  any  other  body  than  Congress  ; 
who,  indeed,  may  naturally  be  supposed  to  have  been  the  main 
object  of  their  resentments :  for  Congress,  having  always  appear 
ed  to  the  soldiery,  to  be  the  body  who  contracted  with  them,  and 
who  had  broken  faith  with  them,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  they 
were  capable  of  investigating  the  remote  causes  of  the  failures, 
so  as  to  transfer  the  odium  from  Congress  to  the  State. 

But  the  substantial  thing  to  be  considered  in  this  question,  is 
the  violation  of  public  authority.  It  cannot  be  disputed,  that 
the  mutiny  of  troops  is  a  violation  of  that  authority  to  which 
they  owe  obedience.  This  was,  in  the  present  case,  aggravated 
to  a  high  degree  of  atrociousness,  by  the  gross  insult  to  the  gov 
ernment  of  Pennsylvania,  in  the  face  of  Congress,  and  in  defi 
ance  of  their  displeasure.  It  was  further  aggravated  by  contin 
uing  in  that  condition  for  a  series  of  time. 

The  reasons  have  been  assigned,  that  made  it  incumbent  upon 
Congress  to  interpose  ;  and  when  they  called  upon  the  State  of 
Pennsylvania,  not  only  to  vindicate  its  own  rights,  but  to  sup 
port  their  authority,  the  declining  a  compliance  was  a  breach  of 
the  Confederation,  and  of  the  duty  which  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania  owed  to  the  United  States.  The  best  apology  for  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania,  in  this  case,  is,  that  they  could  not 
command  the  services  of  their  citizens.  But  so  improper  a  dis 
position  in  the  citizens,  if  admitted,  must  operate  as  an  additional 
justification  to  Congress,  in  their  removal. 

The  subsequent  events,  justly  appreciated,  illustrate  the  pro 
priety  of  their  conduct.  The  mutineers  did  not  make  voluntary 
submissions  in  consequence  of  negotiation,  persuasion,  or  convic 
tion.  They  did  not  submit  till  after  Congress  had  left  the  city, 
publishing  their  intentions  of  coercion ;  till  after  there  had  been 
an  actual  call  upon  the  militia ;  till  their  leaders  and  instigators, 
alarmed  by  the  approach  of  force,  and  the  fear  of  being  betrayed 
by  the  men,  fled.  They  were  reduced  by  coercion,  not  overcome 
by  mildness. 


jET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  393 

It  appears,  too,  that  while  they  were  professing  repentance, 
and  a  return  to  their  duty,  they  were  tampering  with  the  troops 
at  Yorktown  and  Lancaster,  to  increase  their  strength;  and 
that  two  officers,  at  least,  were  concerned  in  the  mutiny,  who,  by 
their  letters  since,  have  confessed,  that  some  project  of  impor 
tance  was  in  contemplation. 

The  call  for  the  militia  was  made  the  day  after  it  had  been 
pronounced  ineligible  by  the  Council.  There  could  have  been 
little  change,  in  that  time,  either  in  the  temper  or  preparations  of 
the  citizens.  The  truth  is,  that  the  departure  of  Congress  brought 
the  matter  to  a  crisis ;  and  that  the  Council  were  compelled,  by 
necessity,  to  do  what  they  ought  to  have  done  before,  through 
choice. 

It  is  to  be  lamented  they  did  not,  by  an  earlier  decision,  pre 
vent  the  necessity  of  Congress  taking  a  step  which  may  have 
many  disagreeable  consequences.  They  then  would 

[The  residue  of  the  manuscript  is  not  found.] 


HAMILTON  TO  MADISON. 

PRINCETON,  June  29,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  am  informed,  that,  among  other  disagreeable  things  said 
about  the  removal  of  Congress  from  Philadelphia,  it  is  insinu 
ated,  that  it  was  a  contrivance  of  some  members,  to  get  them 
out  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  into  one  of  those  to  which 
they  belonged ;  and  I  am  told,  that  this  insinuation  has  been 
pointed  at  me  in  particular. 

Though  I  am  persuaded,  that  all  disinterested  persons  will 
justify  Congress  in  quitting  a  place  where  they  were  told  they 
were  not  to  expect  support  (for  the  conduct  of  the  Council 
amounted  to  that),  yet,  I  am  unwilling  to  be  held  up  as  having 
had  an  extraordinary  agency  in  the  measure  for  interested  pur 
poses,  when  the  fact  is  directly  the  reverse.  As  you  were  a 


394  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [>ET.  26. 

witness  to  my  conduct  and  opinions  through  the  whole  of  the 
transaction,  I  am  induced  to  trouble  you  for  your  testimony 
upon  this  occasion.  I  do  not  mean  to  make  a  public  use  of  it ; 
but,  through  my  friends,  to  vindicate  myself  from  the  imputa 
tions  I  have  mentioned. 

I  will  therefore  request  your  answers  to  the  following  ques 
tions  : 

Did  that  part  of  the  resolutions,  which  related  to  the  removal 
of  Congress,  originate  with  me,  or  not  ? 

Did  I,  as  a  member  of  the  committee,  appear  to  press  the 
departure ;  or  did  I  not  rather  manifest  a  strong  disposition  to 
postpone  that  event  as  long  as  possible,  even  against  the  general 
current  of  opinion  ? 

I  wish  you  to  be  as  particular  and  full  in  your  answer  as 
your  memory  will  permit.  I  think  you  will  recollect,  that  my  idea 
was  clearly  this :  That  the  mutiny  ought  not  to  be  terminated 
by  negotiation ;  that  Congress  were  justifiable  in  leaving  a  place 
where  they  did  not  receive  the  support  which  they  had  a  right 
to  expect ;  but,  as  their  removal  was  a  measure  of  a  critical  and 
delicate  nature;  might  have  an  ill  appearance  in  Europe;  and 
might,  from  events,  be  susceptible  of  an  unfavorable  interpre 
tation  in  this  country ;  it  was  prudent  to  delay  it  till  its  necessity 
became  apparent:  not  only  till  it  was  manifest  there  would  be 
no  change  in  the  spirit  which  seemed  to  actuate  the  Council ; 
but  till  it  was  evident,  complete  submission  was  not  to  be  ex 
pected  from  the  troops ;  that,  to  give  full  time  for  this,  it  would 
be  proper  to  delay  the  departure  of  Congress  till  the  latest  period 
which  would  be  compatible  with  the  idea  of  meeting  at  Trenton 
or  Princeton  on  Thursday — perhaps  even  till  Thursday  morning. 
I  am,  Sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  James  Madison,  Junior,  Esq. 


JJT.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  395 

HAMILTON  TO  JAMES  MADISON,   JE. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  6,  1783. 

DEAK  SIR: 

On  my  arrival  in  this  city  I  am  more  convinced  than  I  was 
of  the  necessity  of  giving  a  just  state  of  facts  to  the  public.  The 
current  runs  strongly  against  Congress,  and  in  a  great  measure 
for  want  of  information.  When  facts  are  explained  they  make 
an  impression,  and  incline  to  conclusions  more  favorable  to  us. 

I  have  no  copy  of  the  Keports  in  my  possession,  which  puts 
it  out  of  my  power  to  publish  them.  Will  you  procure  and 
send  me  one  without  loss  of  time  ?  Without  appearing,  I  intend 
to  give  them  to  the  public  with  some  additional  exp]anations. 
This  done  with  moderation  will  no  doubt  have  a  good  effect. 

The  prevailing  idea  is,  that  the  actors  in  the  removal  of  Con 
gress  were  influenced  by  the  desire  of  getting  them  oilt  of  the 
city,  and  the  generality  of  the  remainder  by  timidity — some  say 
passion.  Few  give  a  more  favorable  interpretation. 

I  will  thank  you  in  your  letter  to  me  to  answer  the  follow 
ing  question : 

What  appeared  to  be  my  ideas  and  disposition  respecting  the 
removal  of  Congress  ?  Did  I  appear  to  wish  to  hasten  it,  or  did 
I  not  rather  show  a  strong  disposition  to  procrastinate  it  ? 

I  will  be  obliged  to  you  in  answering  this  question  to  do  it 
fully.  I  do  not  intend  to  make  any  public  use  of  it,  but  through 
my  friends  to  vindicate  myself  from  the  insinuation  I  have  men 
tioned,  and  in  that  to  confute  the  supposition  that  the  motive 
assigned  did  actuate  the  members  on  whom  it  fell  to  be  more 
particularly  active. 

Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


396  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 


HAMILTON  TO  MKS.   HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  22, 1783. 

I  wrote  you,  my  beloved  Eliza,  by  the  last  post,  which  I 
hope  will  not  meet  with  the  fate  that  many  others  of  my  letters 
must  have  met  with.  I  count  upon  setting  out  to  see  you  in 
four  days ;  but  I  have  been  so  frequently  disappointed  by  un 
foreseen  events,  that  I  shall  not  be  without  apprehensions  of 
being  detained,  till  I  have  begun  my  journey.  The  members  of 
Congress  are  very  pressing  with  me  not  to  go  away  at  this  time, 
as  the  House  is  thin,  and  as  the  definitive  treaty  is  momently 
expected. 

Tell  your  father  that  Mr.  Eivington,  in  a  letter  to  the  South 
Carolina  delegates,  has  given  information,  coming  to  him  from 
Admiral  Arbuthnot,  that  the  Mercury  frigate  is  arrived  at  New- 
York  with  the  definitive  treaty,  and  that  the  city  was  to  be 
evacuated  yesterday,  by  the  treaty. 

I  am  strongly  urged  to  stay  a  few  days  for  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty ;  at  all  events,  however,  I  will  not  be  long  absent. 

I  give  you  joy  of  the  happy  conclusion  of  this  important 
work  in  which  your  country  has  been  engaged.  Now,  in  a  very 
short  time,  I  hope  we  shall  be  happily  settled  in  New- York. 

My  love  to  your  father.     Kiss  my  boy  a  thousand  times. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  GOVERNOR  CLINTON. 

PRINCETON,  July  27,  1783. 

SIR: 

A  few  days  since  I  was  honored  with  your  Excellency's 
letter  of  the  ;  and  was  glad  to  find  your  ideas  on  the  subject 
corresponded  with  mine. 

As  I  shall,  in  a  day  or  two,  take  leave  of  Congress,  I  think 
it  my  duty  to  give  my  opinion  to  the  Legislature,  on  a  matter  of 


^T.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  397 

importance  to  the  State,  which  has  been  long  depending,  and  is 
still  without  a  prospect  of  termination  in  the  train  in  which  it 
has  been  placed:  I  mean  the  affair  of  the  Grants.  It  is  hazard 
ous  to  pass  a  positive  judgment  on  what  will  happen  in  a  body 
so  mutable  as  that  of  Congress ;  but  from  all  I  have  seen,  I  hav& 
come  to  a  settled  opinion,  that  no  determination  will  be  taken 
and  executed  by  them  in  any  other  manner,  than  in  that  pre 
scribed  by  the  Confederation.  There  is  always  such  a  diversity 
of  views  and  interests ;  so  many  compromises  to  be  made  be 
tween  different  States ;  that,  in  a  question  of  this  nature,  the 
embarrassments  of  which  have  been  increased  by  the  steps  that 
have  preceded,  and  in  which  the  passions  of  the  opposite  sides 
have  taken  a  warm  part,  decision  must  be  the  result  of  necessity. 
While  Congress  have  a  discretion,  they  will  procrastinate  :  when 
they  are  bound  by  the  Constitution,  they  must  proceed. 

It  is,  therefore,  my  opinion,  that  it  will  be  advisable  for  the 
Legislature,  when  they  meet,  to  review  the  question  ;  and  either 
to  relinquish  their  pretensions  to  the  country  in  dispute,  or  to 
instruct  their  delegates,  if  a  decision  is  not  had  within  a  limited 
time,  to  declare  the  submission  to  Congress  revoked,  and  to  insti 
tute  a  claim  according  to  the  principles  of  the  Confederation. 

It  would  be  out  of  my  province  to  discuss  which  side  of  the 
alternative  ought,  in  policy,  to  prevail :  but  I  will  take  the  liberty 
to  observe,  that  if  the  last  should  be  preferred,  it  would  be  ex 
pedient  to  remove  every  motive  of  opposition  from  private 
claims ;  not  only  by  confirming,  in  their  full  latitude,  previous 
to  the  trial,  the  possessions  of  the  original  settlers,  but  even  the 
grants  of  the  usurped  government.  It  may  happen,  that  it  will 
be  eventually  necessary  to  employ  force ;  and,  in  this  case,  it 
would  be  of  great  importance  that  neither  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Grants,  nor  powerful  individuals  in  other  States,  should  find 
their  private  interest  in  contradiction  to  that  of  the  State.  This 
has  already  had  great  influence  in  counteracting  our  wishes ; 
would  continue  to  throw  impediments  in  the  way  of  ulterior 
measures  ;  and  might  at  last  kindle  a  serious  flame  between  the 
States.  * 

I  communicated  to  your  Excellency,  in  a  former  letter,  that 


398  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

I  had  declined  pressing  the  application  of  the  Legislature  to  Con 
gress,  respecting  the  State  troops  for  garrisoning  the  frontier 
posts,  because  temporary  provision  had  been  made  in  another 
way,  which  would  save  the  State  the  immediate  expense ;  and 
because  there  was  a  prospect  of  some  general  provision  for  the 
defence  of  the  frontiers  on  a  Continental  establishment,  which 
was  to  be  preferred  on  every  account.  A  report  for  this  purpose 
is  now  before  Congress ;  but  the  thinness  of  representation  has, 
for  some  time,  retarded,  and  still  retards,  its  consideration. 

The  definitive  treaty  is  not  yet  arrived ;  but  from  accounts 
which,  though  not  official,  appear  to  deserve  credit,  it  may  be 
daily  expected.  A  gentleman,  known  and  confided  in,  has 
arrived  at  Philadelphia,  who  informs,  that  he  saw  a  letter  from 
Dr.  Franklin  to  Mr.  Barkeley,  telling  him  that  the  definitive 
treaties  were  signed  the  twenty-seventh  of  May,  between  all  the 
parties ;  that  New- York  was  to  be  evacuated  in  six  months  from 
the  ratification  of  the  preliminaries  in  Europe,  which  will  be  the 
twelfth  or  fifteenth  of  next  month. 

As  it  is  not  my  intention  to  return  to  Congress,  I  take  this 
opportunity  to  make  my  respectful  acknowledgments  to  the  Legis 
lature,  for  the  honorable  mark  of  their  confidence  conferred  upon 
me,  by  having  chosen  me  to  represent  the  State  in  that  body. 
I  shall  be  happy  if  my  conduct  has  been  agreeable  to  them. 
With  perfect  respect, 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  his  Excellency  General  "Washington. 


CLINTON  TO  DUANE  AND  L'HOMMEDIEU. 

Aug.  23,  1783. 

I  would  take  this  opportunity  also  of 

calling  your  attention  to  concurrent  resolutions  of  the  Legisla 
ture,  respecting  the  garrisoning  of  the  Western  posts  in  this 


JET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  399 

State,  which,  by  the  provisional  treaty,  are  to  be  evacuated  by 
the  British.  These  resolutions  were  in  the  tenor  of  instructions 
to  our  delegates,  and  were  immediately  transmitted  to  them ;  but 
as  I  have  not  been  favored  with  any  official  information  of  the 
result,  I  submit  it  to  you  whether  some  report  on  a  subject  so 
interesting  to  the  State,  may  not  be  necessary  for  the  satisfaction 
of  the  Legislature.  From  informal  communications  made  to  me 
by  the  Commander-in-Chief,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  that  he 
has  directions  from  Congress  for  garrisoning  those  posts  with 
continental  troops,  and  that  he  is  making  arrangements  for  that 
purpose.  But  as  you  will  observe,  that  as  it  was  the  sense  of 
the  Legislature,  that  those  posts  should  have  been  garrisoned  by 
the  State,  an  explanation  on  the  subject  becomes  the  more  neces 
sary  ;  and  it  is  now  for  this  reason  alone,  I  would  request,  that 
you  would  be  pleased  to  favor  me  with  a  particular  detail  of  the 
motives  which  influenced  the  determination  of  Congress  on  this 
occasion.  For  it  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  should  Con 
gress,  at  this  late  day,  accede  to  the  propositions  made  by  the 
State,  it  might  be  impracticable  to  carry  them  into  execution, 
especially,  as  I  have  not  ventured,  in  the  state  of  uncertainty  in 
which  I  was  left,  to  incur  the  expense  which  the  necessary  pre 
parations  for  the  purpose  would  have  required 

GEO.  CLINTON. 


DUANE  AND  L'HOMMEDIEU  TO  FLOYD  AND  HAMILTON. 

PRINCETON,  1783. 

HONORABLE  GENTLEMEN  : 

We  inclose  you  an  extract  of  Dispatches  from  His  Excellency 
our  Governor,  received  this  day,  respecting  the  instructions  of 
the  Legislature,  at  their  last  session,  for  the  security  of  the  West 
ern  posts. 

You  will  be  pleased  to  observe,  that  an  official  Keport,  on  a 
subject  so  interesting  to  the  State,  is  deemed  to  be  necessary ;  as 
well  as  a  particular  detail  of  the  motives  which  influenced  Con- 


400  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  26. 

gress  against  the  declared  sense  of  the  State ;  to  give  directions 
to  the  Commander-in-Chief  for  garrisoning  those  posts  with 
Continental  troops.  This  is  a  duty  to  which,  not  having  been 
present  at  the  debates,  we  find  ourselves  incompetent.  We  can 
therefore,  only  refer  His  Excellency  and  the  Legislature  to  you, 
our  worthy  colleagues,  who,  being  fully  possessed  of  the  facts, 
can  alone  give  the  necessary  official  information. 

With  sentiments  of  the  most  perfect  esteem  and  regard, 
We  have  the  honor  to  be, 
Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  servants, 
JAS.  DUANE. 
EZEA  L'HOMMEDIEU. 
The  Honorable 

Cols.  William  Floyd  and 
Alexander  Hamilton. 


JAY  TO  HAMILTON. 

PASSY,  Sept.  28,  1783. 

DEAK  SIR: 

You  was  always  of  the  number  of  those  I  esteemed,  and  your 
correspondence  would  both  be  interesting  and  agreeable.  I 
had  heard  of  your  marriage,  and  it  gave  me  pleasure,  as  well 
because  it  added  to  your  happiness,  as  because  it  tended  to  fix 
your  residence  in  a  State  of  which  I  long  wished  you  to  be  and 
remain  a  citizen. 

The  character  and  talents  of  delegates  to  Congress  daily  be 
come  more  and  more  important,  and  I  regret  your  declining  that 
appointment  at  this  interesting  period.  Kespect,  however,  is 
due  to  the  considerations  which  influence  you,  but  as  they  do 
not  oppose  your  accepting  a  place  in  the  Legislature,  I  hope  the 
State  will  still  continue  to  draw  advantage  from  your  services ; 
much  remains  to  be  done,  and  laborers  do  not  abound. 

I  am  happy  to  hear  that  terms  of  peace,  and  the  conduct 


;ET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  401 

of  jour  negotiators,  give  general  satisfaction :  but  there  are 
some  of  our  countrymen,  it  seems,  who  are  not  content;  and 
that,  too,  with  an  article  which  I  thought  to  be  very  unex 
ceptionable  ;  viz.,  the  one  ascertaining  our  boundaries.  Per 
haps  those  gentlemen  are  latitudinarians. 

The  American  newspapers,  for  some  months  past,  contain 
advices  which  do  us  harm.  Violences  and  associations  against 
the  tories,  pay  an  ill  compliment  to  government,  and  impeach 
our  good  faith  in  the  opinion  of  some,  and  our  magnanimity 
in  the  opinion  of  many.  Our  reputation  also  suffers,  from  the 
apparent  reluctance  to  taxes,  and  the  ease  with  which  we  incur 
debts  without  providing  for  their  payment.  The  complaints 
of  the  army;  the  jealousies  respecting  Congress;  the  circum 
stances  which  induced  their  leaving  Philadelphia ;  and  the  too 
little  appearance  of  a  national  spirit  pervading,  uniting,  and 
invigorating  the  Confederacy,  are  considered  as  omens  which 
portend  the  diminution  of  our  respectability,  power,  and  felicity. 
I  hope  that,  as  the  wheel  turns  round,  other  and  better  indi 
cations  will  soon  appear.  I  am  persuaded  that  America  possesses 
too  much  wisdom  and  virtue,  to  permit  her  brilliant  prospects  to 
fade  away  for  want  of  either. 

The  tories  are  almost  as  much  pitied  in  these  countries  as 
they  are  execrated  in  ours.  An  undue  degree  of  severity  to 
wards  them,  would,  therefore,  be  impolitic,  as  well  as  unjustifi 
able.  They  who  incline  to  involve  that  whole  class  of  men  in 
indiscriminate  punishment  and  ruin,  certainly  carry  the  matter 
too  far.  It  would  be  an  instance  of  unnecessary  rigor,  and  un 
manly  revenge,  without  a  parallel,  except  in  the  annals  of  reli 
gious  rage  in  times  of  bigotry  and  blindness.  "What  does  it 
signify  where  nine-tenths  of  these  people  are  buried  ?  I  would 
rather  see  the  sweat  of  their  brows  fertilize  our  fields  than  those 
of  our  neighbors. 

Yictory  and  Peace  should,  in  my  opinion,  be  followed  by  Cle 
mency,  Moderation,  and  Benevolence  :  and  we  should  be  careful 
not  to  sully  the  glory  of  the  Eevolution,  by  licentiousness  and 
cruelty.  These  are  my  sentiments :  and  however  unpopular 

VOL.  i.  26 


402  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

they  may  be,  I  have  not  the  least  desire  to  conceal  or  disguise 
them. 

Believe  me  to  be, 

With  great  regard  and  esteem,  dear  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

JOHN  JAY. 
Colonel  A.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

ALBANY,  September  30,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR: 

As  I  flatter  myself  I  may  indulge  a  consciousness  that  my 
services  have  been  of  some  value  to  the  public,  at  least  enough  to 
merit  the  small  compensation  I  wish,  I  will  make  no  apology  to 
your  Excellency,  for  conveying,  through  you,  that  wish  to  Con 
gress.  You  are  able  to  inform  them,  if  they  wish  information, 
in  what  degree  I  may  have  been  useful :  and  I  have  entire  con 
fidence  that  you  will  do  me  justice. 

In  a  letter  which  I  wrote  to  you  several  months  ago,  I  inti 
mated  that  it  might  be  in  your  power  to  contribute  to  the  estab 
lishment  of  our  Federal  Union  upon  a  more  solid  basis.  I  have 
never  since  explained  myself.  At  the  time,  I  was  in  hopes 
Congress  might  have  been  induced  to  take  a  decisive  ground ; 
to  inform  their  constituents  of  the  imperfections  of  the  present 
system,  and  of  the  impossibility  of  conducting  the  public  affairs, 
with  honor  to  themselves  and  advantage  to  the  community,  with 
powers  so  disproportioned  to  their  responsibility;  and,  having 
done  this,  in  a  full  and  forcible  manner,  to  adjourn  the  moment 
the  definitive  treaty  was  ratified.  In  retiring  at  the  same  junc 
ture,  I  wished  you,  in  a  solemn  manner,  to  declare  to  the  people, 
your  intended  retreat  from  public  concerns ;  your  opinion  of  the 
present  government,  and  of  the  absolute  necessity  of  a  change. 

Before  I  left  Congress  I  despaired  of  the  first ;  and  your  cir 
cular  letter  to  the  States  had  anticipated  the  last.  I  trust  it  will 


JET.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  403 

not  be  without  effect ;  though  I  am  persuaded  it  would  have  had 
more,  combined  with  what  I  .have  mentioned.  At  all  events, 
without  compliment,  sir,  it  will  do  you  honor  with  the  sensible 
and  well  meaning ;  and,  ultimately,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  with  the 
people  at  large,  when  the  present  epidemic  frenzy  has  subsided. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

With  sincere  esteem, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

ALBANY,  September  30,  1783. 

SIR: 

I  think  I  may  address  the  subject  of  this  letter  to  your  Ex 
cellency  with  more  propriety  than  to  any  other  person,  as  it  is 
purely  of  a  military  nature ;  as  you  are  best  acquainted  with  my 
services  as  an  officer ;  and  as  you  are  now  engaged  in  assisting 
to  form  the  arrangements  for  the  future  peace  establishment. 

Your  Excellency  knows,  that  in  March,  '82,  I  relinquished 
all  claim  to  any  future  compensation  for  my  services,  either 
during  the  residue  of  the  war,  or  after  its  conclusion — simply 
retaining  my  rank.  On  this  foundation  I  build  a  hope,  that  I 
may  be  permitted  to  preserve  my  rank,  on  the  peace  establish 
ment,  without  emoluments  and  unattached  to  any  corps — as  an 
honorary  reward  for  the  time  I  have  devoted  to  the  public.  As 
I  may  hereafter  travel,  I  may  find  it  an  agreeable  circumstance 
to  appear  in  the  character  I  have  supported  in  the  Revolution. 

I  rest  my  claim  solely  on  the  sacrifice  I  have  made ;  because 
I  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  my  services  have  appeared  of 
any  value  to  Congress ;  as  they  declined  giving  them  any  marks 
of  their  notice,  on  an  occasion  which  appeared  to  my  friends  to 
entitle  me  to  it,  as  well  by  the  common  practice  of  sovereigns, 


404  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JErr.  26. 

as  by  the  particular  practice  of  this  country  in  repeated  in 
stances. 

Your  Excellency  will  recollect,  that  it  was  my  lot  at  York 
Town  to  command,  as  senior  officer,  a  successful  attack  upon  one 
of  the  enemy's  redoubts ;  that  the  officer  who  acted  in  a  similar 
capacity  in  another  attack,  made  at  the  same  time  by  the  French 
troops,  has  been  handsomely  distinguished,  in  consequence  of  it, 
by  the  government  to  which  he  belongs;  and  that  there  are 
several  examples  among  us,  where  Congress  have  bestowed 
honors  upon  actions,  perhaps  not  more  useful  nor,  apparently 
more  hazardous. 

These  observations  are  inapplicable  to  the  present  Congress, 
further  than  as  they  may  possibly  furnish  an  additional  motive 
to  a  compliance  with  my  wish. 

The  only  thing  I  ask  of  your  Excellency,  is,  that  my  appli 
cation  may  come  into  view  in  the  course  of  the  consultations  on 
the  peace  establishment. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  sincere  esteem, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO  GOVERNOR  CLINTON. 

ALBANY,  October  3,  1783. 

SSL: 

I  have  lately  received  from  Messrs.  Duane  and  L'Homme- 
dieu,  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  your  Excellency  to  the  dele 
gates,  of  the  twenty -third  of  August  last,  requesting  "  a  partic 
ular  detail  of  the  motives  which  influenced  the  determination  of 
Congress,"  respecting  the  application  of  the  Legislature  to  have 
their  State  troops  released  from  Continental  pay,  for  the  purpose 
of  garrisoning  the  frontier  posts. 


jEi.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  405 

In  my  letters  to  your  Excellency,  of  the  first  of  June  and 
twenty-seventh  of  July,  which  were  intended  to  be  official,  I 
summarily  informed  you,  that  Congress  had  made  temporary 
provision  for  garrisoning  the  frontier  posts,  and  that  a  plan  was 
under  deliberation  relative  to  a  peace  establishment,  which  would, 
of  course,  embrace  that  object  permanently;  that  such  tempo 
rary  provision  being  made  at  the  common  expense,  and  a  general 
plan  being  under  consideration  for  the  future,  I  had  declined 
pressing  a  compliance  with  the  application  of  the  Legislature ; 
conceiving  it  to  be  more  for  the  interest  of  the  State,  that  the 
expense  should  be  jointly  borne,  than  that  it  should  fall  exclu 
sively  upon  itself. 

I  did  not  enter  into  a  more  full  detail  upon  the  subject,  be 
cause  the  business  continued,  .to  the  time  I  left  Congress,  in  an 
undecided  state;  and  it  was  impossible  to  judge  what  views 
would  finally  prevail. 

The  concurrent  resolutions  of  the  two  Houses  had  been 
immediately,  on  their  receipt,  referred  to  a  committee  appointed 
to  report  on  a  peace  establishment,  who  had  suspended  their 
report  on  these  resolutions,  till  it  should  appear,  what  would  be 
the  fate  of  a  general  plan  which  had  been  submitted. 

As  to  the  motives  that  influenced  Congress  in  making  the 
provision  they  did  make,  rather  than  immediately  assenting  to 
the  application  of  the  State ;  as  far  as  I  was  able  to  collect  them, 
they  were  these  :  The  opinions  of  many  were  unsettled  as  to  the 
most  eligible  mode  of  providing  for  the  security  of  the  frontiers, 
consistent  with  the  Constitution,  as  well  with  respect  to  the 
general  policy  of  the  Union,  as  to  considerations  of  justice  to 
those  States  whose  frontiers  were  more  immediately  exposed. 
A  considerable  part  of  the  House  appeared  to  think,  from  reasons 
of  a  very  cogent  nature,  that  the  well-being  of  the  Union  re 
quired  a  federal  provision  for  the  security  of  the  different  parts ; 
and  that  it  would  be  a  great  hardship  to  individual  States,  pecu 
liarly  circumstanced,  to  throw  the  whole  burthen  of  expense 
upon  them,  by  recurring  to  separate  provisions,  in  a  matter,  the 
benefit  of  which  would  be  immediately  shared  by  their  neigh 
bors,  and,  ultimately,  by  the  Union  at  large :  that,  indeed,  it  was 


406  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEn.  26. 

not  probable  particular  States  would  be  either  able,  or,  upon 
experiment,  willing,  to  make  competent  provision  at  their  sepa 
rate  expense;  and  that  the  principle  might  eventually  excite 
jealousies  between  the  States  unfriendly  to  the  common  tran 
quillity. 

I  freely  confess  I  was  one  who  held  this  opinion. 

Questions  naturally  arose  as  to  the  true  construction  of  the 
articles  of  Confederation  upon  this  head ;  questions  as  delicate 
as  interesting,  and  as  difficult  of  solution. 

On  one  hand,  it  was  doubted  whether  Congress  were  autho 
rized  by  the  Confederation,  to  proceed  upon  the  idea  of  a  federal 
provision :  on  the  other,  it  was  perceived  that  such  a  contrary 
construction  would  be  dangerous  to  the  Union,  including,  among 
other  inconveniences,  this  consequence  :  That  the  United  States, 
in  Congress,  cannot  raise  a  single  regiment,  nor  equip  a  single 
ship,  for  the  general  defence,  till  after  a  declaration  of  war,  or 
an  actual  commencement  of  hostilities. 

In  this  dilemma,  on  an  important  constitutional  question ; 
other  urgent  matters  depending  before  Congress ;  and  the  ad 
vanced  season  requiring  a  determination  upon  the  mode  of  secur 
ing  the  western  posts  in  case  of  a  surrender  this  fall ;  all  sides 
of  the  House  concurred  in  making  a  temporary  provision,  in  the 
manner  which  has  been  communicated. 

My  apprehension  of  the  views  of  the  Legislature  was  simply 
this :  That,  looking  forward  to  a  surrender  of  the  posts,  and 
conceiving,  from  some  expressions  in  the  articles  of  Confedera 
tion,  that  separate  provision  was  to  be  made  for  the  frontier 
garrisons ;  they  had  thought  it  expedient  to  apply  the  troops 
already  on  foot  to  that  purpose,  and  to  propose  to  Congress  to 
give  their  sanction  to  it. 

Under  this  apprehension ;  reflecting,  besides,  that  those  troops 
were  engaged  only  for  a  short  period,  upon  a  very  improper 
establishment  to  continue,  on  account  of  the  enormous  pay  to 
the  private  men ;  and  that  the  expense  which  is  now  shared  by 
all,  and  which  would  have  fallen  solely  upon  the  State,  had  the 
application  been  complied  with ;  would  probably  be  at  the  rate 
of  nearly  eighty  thousand  dollars  per  annum,  a  considerable 


-ffiT.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  407 

sum  for  the  State  in  its  present  situation ;  I  acknowledge  to  your 
Excellency,  that  I  saw  with  pleasure,  rather  than  regret,  the 
turn  which  the  affair  took.  I  shall  be  sorry,  however,  if  it  has 
contravened  the  intentions  of  the  Legislature. 

I  will  take  the  liberty  to  add,  upon  this  occasion,  that  it  has 
always  appeared  to  me  of  great  importance,  to  this  State  in  par 
ticular,  as  well  as  to  the  Union  in  general,  that  Federal,  rather 
than  State,  provision  should  be  made  for  the  defence  of  every 
part  of  the  Confederacy,  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war. 

Without  entering  into  arguments  of  general  policy,  it  will 
be  sufficient  to  observe,  that  this  State  is,  in  all  respects  critically 
situated. 

Its  relative  position,  shape,  and  intersections,  viewed  on  the 
map,  strongly  speak  this  language. — Strengthen  the  Confedera 
tion ;  give  it  exclusively  the  power  of  the  sword :  let  each  State 
have  no  forces  but  its  militia. 

As  a  question  of  mere  economy,  the  following  considerations 
deserve  great  weight. 

The  North  Eiver  facilitates  attacks  by  sea  and  by  land  :  and, 
besides  the  frontier  forts,  all  military  men  are  of  opinion,  that  a 
strong  post  should  be  maintained  at  West  Point,  or  some  other 
position  on  the  lower  part  of  the  river. 

If  Canada  is  well  governed,  it  may  become  well  peopled, 
and  by  inhabitants  attached  to  its  government.  The  British 
nation,  while  it  preserves  the  idea  of  retaining  possession  of  that 
country,  may  be  expected  to  keep  on  foot  there,  a  large  force. 
The  position  of  that  force,  either  for  defence  or  offence,  will 
necessarily  be  such  as  will  afford  a  prompt  and  easy  access  to  us. 

Our  precautions  for  defence,  must  be  proportioned  to  their 
means  of  annoying  us :  and  we  may  hereafter  find  it  indispen 
sable  to  increase  our  frontier  garrisons. 

The  present  charge  of  a  competent  force  in  that  quarter, 
thrown  additionally,  into  the  scale  of  those  contributions  which 
we  must  make  to  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  and  to  other 
objects  of  general  expense,  if  the  Union  lasts,  would,  I  fear,  en 
large  our  burthen  beyond  our  ability :  that  charge,  hereafter 
increased,  as  it  may  be,  would  be  oppressively  felt  by  the  people. 


408  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  26. 

It  includes,  not  only  the  expense  of  paying  and  subsisting  the 
necessary  number  of  troops,  but  of  keeping  the  fortifications  in 
repair ;  probably  of  creating  .others ;  and  of  furnishing  the  re 
quisite  supplies  of  military  stores.  I  say  nothing  of  the  Indian 
nations,  because,  though  it  will  be  always  prudent  to  be  upon 
our  guard  against  them,  yet,  I  am  of  opinion  we  diminish  the 
necessity  of  it  by  making  them  our  friends :  and  I  take  it  for 
granted,  there  cannot  be  a  serious  doubt,  any  where,  as  to  the 
obvious  policy  of  endeavoring  to  do  it.  Their  friendship,  alone, 
can  keep  our  frontiers  in  peace.  It  is  essential  to  the  improve 
ment  of  the  fur  trade ;  an  object  of  immense  importance  to  the 
State.  The  attempt  at  the  total  expulsion  of  so  desultory  a  peo 
ple,  is  as  chimerical  as  it  would  be  pernicious.  War  with  them 
is  as  expensive  as  it  is  destructive:  it  has  not  a  single  object; 
for,  the  acquisitions  of  their  lands  is  not  to  be  wished,  till  those 
now  vacant  are  settled :  and  the  surest,  as  well  as  the  most  just 
and  humane  way  of  removing  them,  is  by  extending  our  settle 
ments  to  their  neighborhood. 

Indeed,  it  is  not  impossible  they  may  be  already  willing  to  ex 
change  their  former  possessions  for  others  more  remote. 

The  foregoing  considerations  would  lose  all  force,  if  we  had 
full  security  that  the  rest  of  the  world  would  make  our  safety 
and  prosperity  the  first  object  of  their  reverence  and  care  :  but  an 
expectation  of  this  kind  would  be  too  much  against  the  ordinary 
course  of  human  affairs ;  too  visionary  to  be  a  rule  for  national 
conduct. 

It  is  true,  our  situation  secures  us  from  conquest,  if  internal 
dissensions  do  not  open  the  way  :  but  when  nations  now  make 
war  upon  each  other,  the  object  seldom  is  total  conquest.  Par 
tial  acquisitions  ;  the  jealousy  of  power  ;  the  rivalship  of  domin 
ion,  or  of  commerce;  sometimes  national  emulation  and  anti 
pathy  ;  are  the  motives. 

Nothing  shelters  us  from  the  operation  of  either  of  these 
causes.  The  fisheries ;  the  fur  trade ;  the  navigation  of  the 
lakes  and  of  the  Mississippi ;  the  western  territory ;  the  Islands 
of  the  "West  Indies,  with  reference  to  traffic ;  in  short,  the  pas 
sions  of  human  nature,  are  abundant  sources  of  contention  and 
hostility. 


JET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  409 

I  will  not  trespass  further  on  your  Excellency's  patience.  I 
expected,  indeed,  that  my  last  letter  would  have  finished  my 
official  communications ;  but  Messrs.  Duane  and  L'Hommedieu 
having  transmitted  the  extract  of  yonr  letter  to  Mr.  Floyd  and 
myself,  in  order  that  we  might  comply  with  what  your  Excel 
lency  thought  would  be  expected  by  the  Legislature,  it  became 
my  duty  to  give  this  explanation.  Mr.  Floyd  having  been  at 
Congress  but  a  little  time  after  the  concurrent  resolutions  arrived, 
and  being  now  at  a  great  distance  from  me,  occasions  a  separate 
communication. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  perfect  respect, 

Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

N.  B.  I  did  not  at  the  time  inclose  the  resolution,  directing 
the  General  to  provide  for  garrisoning  the  frontier  posts,  because 
I  understood  it  would  in  course  be  transmitted  to  you  by  the 
President,  or  the  Secretary  at  War. 

A.  H. 
To  his  Excellency  Governor  Clinton. 


MADISON"  TO  HAMILTON. 

PRINCETON,  October  16,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  favor  of  the  sixth  of  July,  by  some  singular  ill  luck, 
never  found  its  way  to  my  hands  till  yesterday  evening. 

The  only  part  that  now  needs  attention,  is  a  request  that  I 
would  answer  the  following  question  :  "  What  appeared  to  be 
my  ideas  and  disposition  respecting  the  removal  of  Congress : 
did  I  appear  to  wish  to  hasten  it,  or  did  I  not  rather  show  a 
strong  disposition  to  procrastinate  it  ?"  If  this  request  had  been 


410  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [M?.  26. 

received  at  the  time  it  ought,  it  might  have  been  answered  as 
fully  as  you  then  wished.  Even  after  the  delay  which  has  taken 
place,  my  recollection  enables  me,  with  certainty,  to  witness, 
that  the  uniform  strain  of  your  sentiments,  as  they  appeared, 
both  from  particular  conversations  with  myself,  and  incidental 
ones  with  others  in  my  presence,  was  opposed  to  the  removal  of 
Congress,  except  in  the  last  necessity;  that  when  you  finally 
yielded  to  the  measure,  it  appeared  to  be  more  in  compliance 
with  the  peremptory  expostulations  of  others  than  with  any  dis 
position  of  your  own  mind ;  and  that  after  the  arrival  of  Con 
gress  at  Princeton,  your  conversation  showed  that  you  reviewed 
the  removal,  rather  with  regret  than  with  pleasure. 

Perhaps  this  obedience  to  your  wishes  may  be  too  late  to 
answer  the  original  object  of  them.  But  I  could  not  omit  such 
an  opportunity  of  testifying  the  esteem  and  regard  with  which  I 
am 

Your  obedient  servant, 

J.  MADISON,  JR. 
To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

ROCKY  HILL,  October  18,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  am  favored  with  your  two  letters  of  the  thirtieth  of  Sep 
tember. 

The  debate  on  Indian  affairs,  which,  I  believe,  is  got  through, 
and  that  on  the  residence  of  Congress,  which  is  yet  in  agitation, 
have  entirely  thrown  aside,  for  some  time,  the  consideration  of 
the  peace  establishment.  When  it  is  resumed,  I  will  take  care 
that  your  application  comes  into  view ;  and  shall  be  happy  if 
any  thing  in  my  power  may  contribute  to  its  success ;  being, 
with  great  truth, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Colonel  Hamilton. 


.  26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  411 


McHENEY  TO   HAMILTON. 

*  • '  • 

PRINCETON,  October  22,  1783. 

DEAR  HAMILTON: 

The  homilies  you  delivered  in  Congress  are  still  recollected 
with  pleasure.  The  impressions  they  made  are  in  favor  of  your 
integrity ;  and  no  one  but  believes  you  a  man  of  honor  and  re 
publican  principles.  Were  you  ten  years  older  and  twenty 
thousand  pounds  richer,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  you  might 
obtain  the  suffrages  of  Congress  for  the  highest  office  in  their 
gift.  You  are  supposed  to  possess  various  knowledge,  useful, 
substantial,  and  ornamental.  Your  very  grave  and  your  cau 
tious,  your  men  who  measure  others  by  the  standard  of  their 
own  creeping  politics,  think  you  sometimes  intemperate,  but  sel 
dom  visionary :  and  that  were  you  to  pursue  your  object  with  as 
much  cold  perseverance  as  you  do  with  ardor  and  argument,  you 
would  become  irresistible.  In  a  word,  if  you  could  submit  to 
spend  a  whole  life  in  dissecting  a  fly,  you  would  be,  in  their 
opinion,  one  of  the  greatest  men  in  the  world.  Bold  designs ; 
measures  calculated  for  their  rapid  execution;  a  wisdom  tha 
would  convince  from  its  own  weight;  a  project  that  would  sur 
prise  the  people  into  greater  happiness,  without  giving  them  an 
opportunity  to  view  it  and  reject  it ;  are  not  adapted  to  a  coun 
cil  composed  of  discordant  elements,  or  a  people  who  have  thir 
teen  heads,  each  of  which  pay  superstitious  adorations  to  inferior 
divinities. 

I  have  been  deterred,  from  day  to  day,  from  sending  you  the 
extract  you  desire,  by  a  proclamation  on  the  subject,  which  I 
expected  would  have  passed.  It  is  still  in  dubio.  I  have  report 
ed  on  Fleury's  case,  on  the  principle  you  recommend.  I  fear  his 
half-pay  will  not  be  granted. 

Congress,  some  time  ago,  determined  to  fix  their  Federal  town 
on  the  Delaware,  near  Trenton.  Yesterday  they  determined  to 
erect  a  second  Federal  town  on  the  Potomac,  near  Georgetown  ; 
and  to  reside  equal  periods  (not  exceeding  one  year)  at  Annapo 
lis  and  Trenton,  till  the  buildings  are  complete^.  "We  adjourn 


412  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  26. 

the  twelfth  of  next  month,  to  meet  at  Annapolis  the  twenty- 
sixth. 

Adieu,  my  dear  friend ;  and  in  the  days  of  your  happiness 
drop  a  line  to  yours. 

JAMES  MCHENRY. 

P.  S.     Our  exemplification  of  the  Treaty  has  passed,  and  will 
be  transmitted  to  the  State  officially. 

J.  McH. 
To  the  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

ROCKY  HILL,  November  6,  1783. 

DEAR  SIR: 

The  inclosed  is  a  letter  which  I  had  written,  and  was  about 
to  dispatch  at  the  date  of  it ;  but,  upon  second  thoughts,  deter 
mined  to  postpone  it,  and  try,  if,  from  the  importance  of  the 
matter,  I  could  not  bring  forward  the  peace  establishment  pre 
viously. 

I  have  tried  in  vain.  Congress,  after  resolving,  on  the 

of  last  month,  to  adjourn  upon  the  twelfth  of  this,  did,  equally 
unexpectedly  and  surprisingly  to  me,  finish  their  session  at  this 
place  the  day  before  yesterday ;  without  bringing  the  peace  estab 
lishment,  or  any  of  the  many  other  pressing  matters,  to  a  decision. 

Finding  this  was  likely  to  be  the  case,  I  showed  your  letter 
to  some  of  your  particular  friends ;  and  consulted  with  them  on 
the  propriety  of  making  known  your  wishes  with  my  testimo 
nial  of  your  services  to  Congress ;  but  they  advised  me  to  de 
cline  it,  under  a  full  persuasion  that  no  discrimination  would,  or 
indeed,  could,  be  made  at  this  late  hour,  as  every  other  officer, 
from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  grades  (not  in  actual  command), 
were  retiring  without  the  retention  of  rank ;  and  that  the  re 
mainder,  upon  a  peace  establishment  (if  a  Continental  one  should 
ever  take  place),  would  come  in  upon  the  new  system,  under 


jET.26.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  413 

fresh,  appointments ;  so  that  unless  you  wished  to  come  into  actual 
command  again  (which  none  supposed),  they  saw  no  way  by 
which  you  could  preserve  your  rank. 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  inclose  you  a  brevet,  giving  you  the 
rank  of  full  Colonel. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 
To  Colonel  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

NEW- YORK,  December  8,  1783. 

SIR: 

Being  concerned  as  counsel  for  a  number  of  persons  who  have 
been,  since  the  annunciation  of  the  provisional  treaty,  indicted 
under  the  confiscation  laws  of  this  State,  for  the  part  they  are 
supposed  to  have  taken  in  the  late  war,  we  are  induced,  at  the 
desire  of  our  clients,  and  in  their  behalf,  to  apply  to  Congress, 
through  your  Excellency,  for  an  exemplification  of  the  definitive 
treaty.  We  take  it  for  granted,  that  ere  this  it  will  have  been 

direction  of  the  United  States. 

We  have  found  a  great  strictness  in  the  Courts  in  this  State.  It 
will,  we  apprehend,  be  necessary  to  be  able  to  produce  an  exem 
plification  of  the  treaty  under  the  seal  of  the  United  States.  In 
a  matter  so  interesting  to  a  great  number  of  individuals,  for  it 
does  not  belong  to  us  to  urge  considerations  of  national  honor, 
we  hope  we  shall  be  excused  when  we  observe,  that  there  appears 
to  be  no  probability  that  the  legislature  of  this  State  will  inter 
pose  its  authority  to  put  a  stop  to  prosecutions,  till  the  definitive 
treaty  is  announced  in  form.  In  the  mean  time,  a  period  is 
limited  for  the  appearance  of  the  indicted  persons  to  plead  to 
their  indictments,  and  if  they  neglect  to  appear,  judgment  by  de 
fault  will  be  entered  against  them.  It  is  therefore  of  great  con 
sequence  to  them,  that  we  should  have  in  our  possession,  as 


414  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  27. 

speedily  as  possible,  an  authentic  document  of  the  treaty,  and  of 
its  ratification  by  Congress ;  and  we,  on  this  account,  pray  an 
exemplification  of  both. 

We  persuade  ourselves  that  the  justice  and  liberality  of  Con 
gress  will  induce  a  ready  compliance  with  our  prayer,  which  will 
conduce  to  the  security  of  a  great  number  of  individuals  who 
derive  their  hopes  of  safety  from  the  national  faith. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be  with  perfect  respect, 
Your  Excellency's 

Most  obedient  and  humble  servants, 

A.  HAMILTON  &  OTHERS. 
His  Excellency 

The  President  of  Congress. 


HAMILTON  TO  J.   B.   CHURCH. 

NEW-YORK,  March  10,  1784. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

In  my  last  to  you  I  informed  you  that  a  project  for  a 
land  bank  had  been  set  on  foot  by  Mr.  Sayre,  as  the  ostensible 
parent ;  but  that  I  had  reason  to  suspect  the  Chancellor  was  the 
true  father.  The  fact  has  turned  out  as  I  supposed,  and  the 
Chancellor,  with  a  number  of  others,  have  since  petitioned  the 
Legislature  for  an  exclusive  charter  for  the  proposed  bank.  I 
thought  it  necessary,  not  only  with  a  view  to  your  project,  but 
for  the  sake  of  the  commercial  interests  of  the  State,  to  start  an 
opposition  to  this  scheme;  and  took  occasion  to  point  out  its 
absurdity  and  inconvenience  to  some  of  the  most  intelligent 
merchants,  who  presently  saw  the  matter  in  a  proper  light,  and 
began  to  take  measures  to  defeat  the  plan. 

The  Chancellor  had  taken  so  much  pains  with  the  country 
members,  that  they  all  began  to  be  persuaded  that  the  land  bank 
was  the  true  Philosopher's  stone  that  was  to  turn  all  their  rocks 
and  trees  into  gold ;  and  there  was  great  reason  to  apprehend  a 


JET.  27.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  415 

majority  of  the  Legislature  would  have  adopted  his  views.  It 
became  necessary  to  convince  the  projectors  themselves  of  the 
impracticability  of  their. scheme  ;  and  to  counteract  the  impres 
sions  they  had  made  by  a  direct  application  to  the  Legislature. 
Some  of  the  merchants,  to  effect  these  purposes,  set  on  foot  a 
subscription  for  a  money  bank,  and  called  upon  me  to  subscribe. 
I  was  a  little  embarrassed  how  to  act,  but  upon  the  whole  I  con 
cluded  it  best  to  fall  in  with  them,  and  endeavor  to  induce  them 
to  put  the  business  upon  such  a  footing  as  might  enable  you, 
with  advantage,  to  combine  your  interests  with  theirs ;  for  since 
the  thing  had  been  taken  up  upon  the  broad  footing  of  the 
whole  body  of  the  merchants,  it  appeared  to  me  that  it  never 
would  be  your  interest  to  pursue  a  distinct  project  in  opposition 
to  theirs ;  but  that  you  would  prefer,  so  far  as  you  might  choose 
to  employ  money  in  this  way,  to  become  purchasers  in  the 
general  bank.  The  object,  on  this  supposition,  was  to  have  the 
bank  founded  on  such  principles  as  would  give  you  a  proper 
weight  in  the  direction.  Unluckily,  for  this  purpose,  I  entered 
rather  late  into  the  measure  :  proposals  had  been  agreed  upon, 
in  which,  among  other  things,  it  was  settled  that  no  stockholder, 
to  whatever  amount,  should  have  more  than  seven  votes,  which 
was  the  number  to  which  a  holder  of  ten  shares  was  to  be  enti 
tled.  At  an  after  meeting  of  some  of  the  most  influential  char 
acters,  I  engaged  them  so  far  to  depart  from  this  ground,  as  to 
allow  a  vote  for  every  five  shares  above  ten. 

The  stockholders  have  since  thought  proper  to  appoint  me 
one  of  the  directors.  I  shall  hold  it  till  Wadsworth  and  you 
come  out,  and,  if  you  choose  to  become  parties  to  this  bank,  I 
shall  make  a  vacancy  for  one  of  you.  I  inclose  you  the  consti 
tution,  and  the  names  of  the  President,  Directors,  and  Cashier. 

An  application  for  a  charter  has  been  made  to  the  Legisla 
ture,  with  a  petition  against  granting  an  exclusive  one  to  the 
land  bank.  The  measures  which  have  been  taken  appear  to 
have  had  their  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  partisans  of  the 
land  bank. 

The  affairs  of  the  bank  in  Pennsylvania  appear  to  be  in 
some  confusion.  They  have  stopped  discounts ;  but  I  have  no 


416  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  |>ET.  27. 

apprehension  that  there  is  any  thing  more  in  the  matter  than 
temporary  embarrassment  from  having  a  little  overshot  their 
mark  in  their  issues  of  paper,  and  from  ihe  opposition  which  the 
attempt  to  establish  a  new  bank  had  produced. 

Yours  affectionately, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
J.  B.  Church,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  FITZSIMMONS. 

NEW-YORK,  March  21,  1784. 

DEAE  SIR: 

Permit  me  to  introduce  to  your  acquaintance  and  attention 
Mr.  Seton,  Cashier  of  the  Bank  of  New- York.  He  is  just 
setting  out  for  Philadelphia  to  procure  materials  and  informa 
tion  in  the  forms  of  business.  I  recommend  him  to  you,  be 
cause  I  am  persuaded  you  will  with  pleasure  facilitate  his  object. 
Personally,  I  dare  say  you  will  be  pleased  with  him. 

He  will  tell  you  of  our  embarrassments  and  prospects.  I 
hope  an  incorporation  of  the  two  banks,  which  is  evidently  the 
interest  of  both,  has  put  an  end  to  differences  in  Philadelphia. 
Here  a  wild  and  impracticable  scheme  of  a  land  bank  stands  in 
our  way;  the  projectors  of  it  persevering  in  spite  of  the  experi 
ence  they  have,  that  all  the  mercantile  and  moneyed  influence  is 

against  it. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


WILLIAM  SETON  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  27  March,  1784. 

DEAE  SIE: 

You  will  observe  by  my  letter  of  this  day  to  our  President, 
that  I  have  been  requested  to  postpone  my  visit  to  the  bank 
until  they  shall  be  well  informed  that  the  Bank  of  New-York 
has,  or  actually  will,  obtain  a  charter.  Although  I  am  confident 
this  is  only  an  ostensible  reason  for  not  wishing  to  see  me  at  the 


jET.27.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  417 

bank,  it  will  be  highly  necessary  I  should  be  regularly  Informed 
of  what  is  doing  in  this  respect,  that  I  may  be  able  to  speak 
fully  and  with  firmness  to  the  subject;  therefore,  exclusive  of 
any  letter  the  director  may  write  to  me,  I  trust  you  will  commu 
nicate  to  me  whatever  may  appear  to  you  essential  for  me  to 
know. 

The  fact  is  (and  which  cannot  be  communicated  to  the  many, 
and  therefore  not  mentioned  in  my  official  letter),  their  motive 
for  not  wishing  to  see  me  at  the  bank  just  now,  arises  from  their 
being  at  present  in  very  great  confusion — the  opposition  of  the 
new  bank  began  it,  and  being  pressed  so  hard  by  this  opposition, 
they  were  obliged  to  lay  themselves  so  open,  that  it  evidently 
appeared,  if  carried  further,  it  would  strike  too  fatal  a  blow. 
Therefore,  for  the  safety  of  the  community  at  large,  it  became 
absolutely  necessary  to  drop  the  idea  of  a  new  bank,  and  to  join 
hand  in  hand  to  relieve  the  old  bank  from  the  shock  it  had  re 
ceived.  Gold  and  silver  had  been  extracted  in  such  amounts 
that  discounting  was  stopped,  and  for  this  fortnight  past  not  any 
business  has  been  done  at  the  bank  in  this  way.  The  distress  it 
has  occasioned  to  those  dependent  on  circulation  and  engaged  in 
large  speculations,  is  severe ;  and,  as  if  their  cup  of  misery  must 
overflow,  by  the  last  arrival  from  Europe,  intelligence  is  received 
that  no  less  a  sum  than  £60,000  sterling  of  Mr.  Morris's  bills, 
drawn  for  the  Dutch  loan,  are  under  protest.  It  is  well  known 
that  the  bank,  by  some  means  or  other,  must  provide  for  this 
sum.  The  child  must  not  desert  its  parent  in  distress,  and,  such 
is  their  connection,  that  whatever  is  fatal  to  the  one  must  be  so 
to  the  other.  However,  the  man  who  has  more  than  once,  by 
his  consummate  abilities,  saved  the  American  Empire  from  ruin, 
will  no  doubt  be  found  equal  to  overcome  these  temporary  in 
conveniences,  and  to  restore  universal  confidence  and  good  order. 
I  trust  you  will  be  guarded  in  your  conversation  with  others  on 
this  subject,  lest  it  might  recoil  on  me,  and  not  only  place  me 
in  a  disagreeable  situation,  but  defeat  the  purposes  of  my  coming 
here.  I  have  had  several  interviews  with  our  friend  Gov. 
Morris ;  he  is  for  making  the  bank  of  New- York  a  branch  of 

VOL.  I.  27 


418  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  21. 

the  bank  of  North.  America,  but  we  differ  widely  in  our  ideas  of 
the  benefit  that  would  result  from  such  a  connection. 

If  it  will  not  be  intruding  too  much  upon  your  time  and 
goodness,  may  I  request  that  you  will  now  and  then  inform  me 
what  is  doing  by  our  Legislature,  and  permit  me  to  assure  you, 
that  it  will  ever  give  me  singular  pleasure  to  have  it  in  my 
power  to  evince  the  respect  and  esteem  with  which 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  ob't  and  very  humble  serv't, 

WM.  SETON. 
Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

NEW- YORK,  April  4,  1784. 

Pardon  me,  my  dear  sir,  for  not  sooner  having  obeyed  your 
orders  with  respect  to  the  inclosed.  I  part  with  it  reluctantly  ; 
for  wit  is  so  rare  an  article,  that  when  we  get  so  much  of  it  in 
so  small  a  compass,  we  cannot  easily  consent  to  be  dispossessed 
of  it.  I  am  very  happy  to  hear  of  the  union  of  your  two  Banks ; 
for  you  will  believe  me  when  I  tell  you,  that,  on  more  deliberate 
consideration,  I  was  led  to  view  the  competition  in  a  different 
light  from  that  in  which  it  at  first  struck  me.  I  had  no  doubt 
that  it  was  against  the  interests  of  the  proprietors;  but,  on  a 
superficial  view,  I  perceived  benefits  to  the  community,  which, 
on  a  more  close  inspection,  I  found  were  not  real. 

You  will  call  our  proceedings  here  strange  doings.  If  some 
folks  were  paid  to  counteract  the  prosperity  of  the  State,  they 
could  not  take  more  effectual  measures  than  they  do.  But  it  is 
in  vain  to  attempt  to  kick  against  the  pricks. 

Discrimination  bills  ;  partial  taxes ;  schemes  to  engross  pub 
lic  property  in  the  hands  of  those  who  have  present  power ;  to 
banish  the  real  wealth  of  the  State,  and  to  substitute  paper 


jET.  27.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  419 

bubbles ;  are  the  only  dishes  that  suit  the  public  palate  at  this 
time. 

Permit  me  to  ask  your  opinion  on  a  point  of  importance  to 
the  New- York  Bank — the  best  mode  of  receiving  and  paying 
out  gold.  I  am  aware  of  the  evils  of  that  which  has  been  prac 
tised  upon  in  Philadelphia — weighing  in  quantities  ;  but  I  cannot 
satisfy  myself  about  a  substitute,  unless  there  could  be  a  coinage. 
Favor  me  with  your  sentiments  on  this  subject  as  soon  as 
you  can. 

Believe  me,  with  equal  warmth  and  sincerity, 

Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Gouverneur  Morris,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  DE   CHASTELLUX. 

NEW-YORK,  June  14,  1784. 

MONSIEUR  LE  CHEVALIER  : 

Colonel  Clarkeson,  who  will  have  the  honor  of  delivering 
you  this,  being  already  known  to  you,  I  give  him  this  letter  more 
for  the  sake  of  renewing  to  you  the  assurances  of  my  attachment 
and  esteem,  than  from  a  supposition  that  he  will  stand  in  need 
of  any  new  title  to  your  attention.  I  will  therefore  only  say  of 
him,  that  his  excellent  qualities  cannot  be  known  without  inter 
esting  those  to  whom  they  are  known,  and  that  from  a  personal 
and  warm  regard  for  him,  I  should  be  happy,  if  any  thing  I 
could  say,  could  be  an  additional  motive  for  your  countenance 
and  civilities  to  him. 

I  speak  of  him  in  the  light  of  a  friend.  As  the  messenger  of 
Science,  he  cannot  fail  to  acquire  the  patronage  of  one  of  her 
favorite  ministers.  He  combines  with  the  views  of  private  satis 
faction,  which  a  voyage  to  Europe  cannot  but  afford,  an  under 
taking  for  the  benefit  of  a  Seminary  of  learning,  lately  instituted 
in  this  State. 


420  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  27. 

Learning  is  the  common  concern  of  mankind ;  and  why  may 
not  poor  republicans,  who  can  do  little  more  than  wish  her  well, 
send  abroad  to  solicit  the  favor  of  her  patrons  and  friends  ?  Her 
ambassador  will  tell  you  his  errand.  I  leave  it  to  your  mistress 
to  command  and  to  the  trustees  of  the  institution  to  ask  your 
interest  in  promoting  his  mission. 

Permit  me  only  to  add,  that  if  there  is  any  thing  in  this 
country  by  which  I  can  contribute  to  your  satisfaction,  nothing 
will  make  me  happier  at  all  times,  than  that  your  commands 
may  enable  me  to  give  you  proofs  of  the  respectful  and  affection 
ate  attachment  with  which 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

Monsieur  Le  Chevalier, 

Your  most  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

A.  H. 
Le  Chevalier  De  Chastellux. 


GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  June  30,  1784. 

DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

This  is  rather  a  late  period  to  acknowledge  yours  of  the 
seventh  of  April.  I  have  lived  in  the  constant  intention  to 
answer  it,  and  I  now  execute  my  purpose.  But  why  not  sooner  ? 
"  Procrastination  is  the  thief  of  time,"  says  Dr.  Young.  I  meant 
to  have  written  fully  on  the  subject  of  the  gold.  But  I  waited 
some  informations  from  Annapolis  on  the  probability  of  a  Mint. 
I  afterwards  intended  a  long  letter  upon  a  subject  I  mentioned 
to  Mr.  Seton,  namely,  a  coalition  between  your  Bank  and  the 
National  Bank.  I  do  not  find  either  party  inclined  to  it.  And 
yet  both  would  be  the  better  for  it.  You,  I  believe,  will  soon 
be  out  of  blast  unless  it  should  take  place.  I  could  say  a  great 
deal  on  this  subject,  but  it  would  be  very  useless.  When  you 
find  your  cash  diminish  very  fast,  remind  Seton  of  my  predic- 


^T.  27.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  421 

tions,  and  let  Mm  tell  you  what  they  were.  If  the  Legislature 
should  attempt  to  force  paper  money  down  your  throats,  it  would 
be  a  good  thing  to  be  somewhat  independent  of  them.  But  I 
must  check  myself,  or  I  shall  go  too  far  into  a  business  which 
would  plague  us  both  to  no  purpose.  It  shall  be  left,  therefore, 
until  we  meet. 

Yery  affectionately  yours, 

Gouv.  MOKKIS. 
Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

ALBANY,  Oct.  8,  1784. 

DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

*  *  ***** 

Several  delays  have  retarded  the  opening  of  the  Treaty  ;  and 
when  I  was  upon  the  ground,  it  has  been  found  that  my  influ 
ence  with  the  Indians,  both  friendly  and  hostile  tribes,  was  much 
greater  than  the  Commissioners,  and  even  myself,  had  conceived ; 
so  that  I  was  requested,  even  by  every  one  of  the  tribes  there, 
to  speak  to  those  nations.  There  were  some,  more  or  less,  from 
each  tribe.  I  stayed  as  long  as  the  Commissioners  thought  I 
could  do  them  some  good ;  and  that  has  rather  cramped  my  pri 
vate  plans  of  visits. 

Now,  my  dear  friend,  I  am  going  to  Hartford,  Boston,  New 
port  ;  from  thence,  by  water,  to  Virginia,  in  order  to  save  time  ; 
and  about  the  twentieth  of  next  month  I  hope  to  be  again  with 
you  in  New-York :  but  before  that  time  will  write  you  from 
Newport. 

Adieu,  my  dear  Hamilton. 

Most  affectionately  I  am  yours, 

LA  FAYETTE. 

P.  S.     I  am  told  Mr.  Jay  is  not  determined  upon  accepting. 
I  much  wish  he  may  consent  to  it ;  the  more  so,  as  his  probable 
successor  does  not  hit  my  fancy.     Indeed,  I  very  much  wish 
Mr.  Jay  may  accept  the  office. 
To  Colonel  Hamilton. 


422  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^T.  27. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

BOSTON,  Oct.  22,  1784. 

MY  DEAK  HAMILTON  : 

Every  step  I  move,  there  comes  upon  me  a  happy  necessity 
to  change  my  plans.  The  reception  I  met  with  in  Boston  no 
words  can  describe ;  at  least  it  is  impossible  to  express  what  I 
have  felt.  Gratitude  as  well  as  propriety  conspired  with  all 
other  inducements  to  keep  me  here  some  time  longer.  Ehode 
Island  and  New  Hampshire  I  must  visit,  and  intend  embarking 
by  the  first  or  second  day  of  next  month  for  Virginia,  in  the 
Nymph  frigate,  which  has  been  sent  on  my  account.  In  less 
than  four  weeks'  time  from  this  day,  I  hope  to  be  with  Congress ; 
and  when  my  business  there  is  concluded,  will  come  to  New- 
York,  where  I  hope  we  will  spend  some  days  together.  My  stay 
in  your  city  has  been  too  short,  far  inadequate  to  the  feelings  of 
my  gratitude,  and  to  the  marks  of  goodness  bestowed  upon 
me ;  but  this  time  I  will  be  some  days  longer  with  my  New- 
York  friends. 

Upon  reflecting  on  my  situation,  my  circumstances,  my  love 
for  America,  and  yet  the  motives  that  might  render  it  improper 
for  her  to  employ  me  in  a  public  capacity,  I  have  confined 
myself  to  a  plan  which,  at  the  same  time  that  it  gratifies  my 
attachment  and  serves  the  United  States,  cannot  have  any 
shadow  of  inconvenience.  After  having  told  me  they  know 
my  zeal,  I  wish  Congress  to  add,  they  want  me  to  continue 
those  friendly,  and,  I  might  say,  patriotic  exertions ;  that  in 
consequence  of  it,  their  ministers  at  home,  and  their  ministers 
abroad,  will  have  a  standing  order  to  look  to  me  as  one  whose 
information  and  exertions  will  ever  be  employed  to  the  service 
of  the  United  States ;  and  when  they  think  it  is  wanted,  to 
communicate  with  me  upon  the  affairs  of  America ;  that  Con 
gress  will,  whenever  I  think  it  proper,  be  glad  of  my  corres 
pondence. 

Upon  that  general  scale,  every  minister  may  conceal  from  me 
what  he  pleases,  may  write  to  me  only  when  he  pleases ;  and 


JET.28.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  423 

should  he  ever  think  mj  assistance  is  wanting,  he  has  a  title  to 
ask,  I  have  one  to  give  it ;  and  my  connection  with  America  is 
for  ever  kept,  without  giving  jealousy,  upon  such  a  footing  as 
will  remain  at  the  disposition  of  each  public  servant  of  Congress. 

It  seems  to  me,  my  dear  friend,  this  idea  already  met  with 
your  approbation.  In  case  it  does,  do  promote  it  with  your 
delegates  and  others.  If  it  does  not,  write  it  to  me  by  the  bearer 
whom  I  send  by  land  to  apologize  to  the  General  for  my  delays. 

Our  friend  Knox  has  been  most  affectionate  and  kind  to  me. 

Yours  for  ever, 

LA  FAYETTE. 

P.  S.  I  have  written  to  Wadsworth,  and  spoken  to  Bosto- 
nians  respecting  the  Baron's  affairs.  I  will  do  the  same  in 
Virginia,  Maryland,  and  elsewhere. 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

PARIS,  April  13,  1785. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

Although  I  have  just  now  written  to  McHenry,  requesting 
him  to  impart  my  Gazette  to  you,  a  very  barren  one  indeed,  I 
feel  within  myself  a  want  to  tell  you,  I  love  you  tenderly.  Your 
brother  Church  has  sailed  for  America,  since  which  I  had  a  letter 
from  his  lady,  who  is  in  very  good  health.  By  an  old  letter  from 
our  friend  Greene,  I  have  been  delighted  to  find  he  consents  to 
send  his  son  to  be  educated  with  mine ;  the  idea  makes  me  very 
happy.  I  wish,  dear  Hamilton,  you  would  honor  me  with  the 
same  mark  of  your  friendship  and  confidence.  As  there  is  no 
fear  of  a  war,  I  intend  visiting  the  Prussian  and  Austrian  troops. 
In  one  of  your  New- York  Gazettes,  I  find  an  association  against 
the  slavery  of  negroes,  which  seems  to  me  worded  in  such  a 
way  as  to  give  no  offence  to  the  moderate  men  in  the  southern 


424  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [MT.  28. 

States.  As  I  ever  have  been  partial  to  my  brethren  of  that 
color,  I  wish,  if  you  are  one  in  the  society,  you  would  move,  in 
your  own  name,  for  my  being  admitted  on  the  list.  My  best  re 
spects  wait  on  Mrs.  Hamilton.  Adieu. 

Your  affectionate  friend, 

LA  FAYETTE. 


JOHN  ADAMS  TO  HAMILTON. 

GROSVENOR-SQUARE,  LONDON,  Oct.  19,  1785. 

SIB: 

At  the  instance  of  Mr.  Hartley,  in  behalf  of  his  friend,  Mr. 
Francis  Upton,  I  advised  Mr.  Upton  to  apply  to  some  counsellor 
in  New- York,  and  particularly  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  whose  reputa 
tion  was  known  to  me,  although,  his  person  was  not. 

Mr.  Hartley  now  requests  for  Mr.  Upton  a  letter  of  introduc 
tion.  As  a  total  stranger,  but  by  character,  it  would  be  very 
difficult  to  find  a  pretence  to  excuse  the  liberty  I  take  in  present 
ing  Mr.  Upton  to  you,  and  recommending  his  case  to  your  atten 
tion.  But,  as  we  say  at  the  bar,  where  I  wish  I  was,  v aleat  quan 
tum  vakre  potest.  With  much  esteem, 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 
Mr.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  WILKES. 

November,  8,  1785. 


SIR: 

The  message  which  you  sent  me  yesterday,  and  your  letter 
to-day,  were  conceived  in  terms  to  which  I  am  little  accustomed. 
"Were  I  to  consult  my  feelings  only  upon  the  occasion,  I  should 
return  an  answer  very  different  from  that  which  I  have,  in  jus- 


^ET.28.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  425 

tice  to  my  own  conduct,  resolved  upon.  But  in  whatever  light 
we  are  to  view  each  other  hereafter,  and  however  harsh  and  in 
delicate  I  may  think  the  method  you  have  taken  to  obtain  an 
explanation  to  be,  I  shall,  for  my  own  part,  leave  no  room  to  sup 
pose  that  I  intentionally  gave  you  any  cause  to  complain.  I 
shall,  therefore,  explicitly  declare,  that  whatever  inattention  may 
have  appeared  towards  you,  was  solely  owing  to  the  continual 
hurry  in  which  my  engagements,  for  a  long  time  past,  have  kept 
me ;  and  that,  so  far  from  its  having  been  occasioned  by  any  de 
signed  neglect,  it  was  what,  under  the  circumstances,  might  have 
happened  to  my  best  friend.  Indeed,  much  of  what  you  men 
tion  to  have  been  done  by  you,  I  am  a  stranger  to.  The  frequent 
callings,  by  yourself  and  by  your  servant,  did  not,  that  I  recol 
lect,  come  to  my  knowledge.  It  is  possible  some  of  them  might 
have  been  mentioned  to  me,  and,  in  the  hurry  of  my  mind,  for 
gotten.  Once,  I  remember,  I  saw  your  servant  just  as  I  was 
going  out  on  some  urgent  business.  I  sent  a  verbal  message, 
promising  that  I  would  see  you ;  which  I  intended  to  do,  as  soon 
as  I  had  made  up  my  resolution  on  the  business  of  the  interview. 
When  I  received  your  note  I  was  about  sending  you  an  answer 
in  writing ;  but,  upon  inquiring  for  your  servant,  and  finding 
him  gone,  I  omitted  it,  with  an  intention  to  see  you  personally. 

You  say  it  is  near  six  months  since  you  first  applied  to  me  on 
the  business  in  question.  A  great  part  of  the  time  I  gave  you 
all  the  answer  I  could  give  you ;  to  wit,  that  I  had  written  to  Mr. 
Macaulay,  and  only  waited  his  answer.  About  two  months  since, 
I  received  it.  I  have  been  the  greater  part  of  the  time  out  of 
town  on  indispensable  business.  In  the  intervals  I  have  been  oc 
cupied  about  objects  of  immediate  and  absolute  necessity,  which 
could  not  have  been  delayed  without  letting  my  business  run 
into  utter  confusion.  Mr.  Macaulay's  concerns  have  been  hang 
ing  upon  my  spirits.  I  have  been  promising  myself,  from  day 
to  day,  to  bring  them  to  a  conclusion;  but  more  pressing  objects 
have  unavoidably  postponed  it.  I  thought  the  delay  required 
some  apology  to  Mr.  Macaulay,  but  I  never  dreamt  of  having 
given  occasion  of  offence  to  you. 

I  will  not,  however,  deny,  upon  a  review  of  what  has  passed? 


426  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  28. 

that  there  have  been,  through  hurry  and  inadvertency  on  my  part, 
appearances  of  neglect  towards  you ;  but  between  gentlemen  and 
men  of  business,  unfavorable  conclusions  ought  not  to  be  drawn 
before  explanations  are  asked.  Allowances  ought  to  be  made 
for  the  situations  of  parties ;  and  the  omissions  of  men,  deeply 
involved  in  business,  ought  rather  to  be  ascribed  to  that  cause 
than  to  ill  intentions. 

Had  you,  in  the  first  instance,  expressed  to  me  (in  such  a  man 
ner  as  respect  for  yourself  and  delicacy  to  me  dictated)  your  sense 
of  these  appearances,  I  should  have  taken  pains  to  satisfy  you 
that  nothing  improper  towards  you  was  intended  by  me.  But  to 
make  one  of  my  clerks  the  instrument  of  communication,  and 
the  bearer  to  me  of  a  harsh  accusation,  was  ill-judged  and  ungen- 
teel.  To  take  it  for  granted  that  you  had  received  an  injury 
from  me,  without  first  giving  me  an  opportunity  of  an  explanation, 
and  to  couch  your  sense  of  it  in  terms  so  offensive  as  some  of 
those  used  in  your  letter,  is  an  additional  instance  of  precipita 
tion  and  rudeness. 

Inadvertencies  susceptible  of  misapprehension,  I  may  commit; 
but  I  am  incapable  of  intending  to  wound  or  injure  any  man 
who  has  given  me  no  cause  for  it ;  and  I  am  incapable  of  doing 
any  thing,  sir,  of  which  I  need  be  ashamed.  The  intimation,  on 
your  part,  is  unmerited  and  unwarrantable.  After  thus  having 
explained  my  own  conduct  to  you,  and  given  you  my  ideas  of 
yours,  it  will  depend  on  yourself  how  far  I  shall  be  indifferent, 
or  not,  to  your  future  sentiments  of  my  character.  I  shall  only 
add,  that  to-morrow  you  shall  receive  from  me  my  determination 
on  the  matter  of  business  between  us. 

I  am,  with  due  consideration,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  John  Wilkes,  Esq. 


.  28.]  CORRESPONDENCE. 


WILKES  TO  HAMILTON. 

November  9,  1785. 
Sir: 

The  moment  I  received  yours,  I  perceived  the  precipitancy  of 
my  own  conduct,  and  was  very  sorry  I  had  so  far  mistaken  both 
our  characters  to  act  in  the  manner  I  have  done.  I  flatter  my 
self,  that  the  same  candor  which  has  dictated  yours,  will  be  ex 
erted  towards  mine,  and  that  you  will  only  view  it  as  the  act  of 
a  man  who  conceived  himself  injured.  As  you  have  never  ex 
perienced  the  cruel  reverses  of  fortune,  you  can  scarcely  judge 
how  the  least  insinuations  to  their  prejudice  will  affect  those  per 
sons  who  have ;  or  how  much  more  suspicious  they  are  of  the 
behavior  of  mankind  towards  them. 

The  morning  I  left  the  message  for  you,  I  had  been  called 
upon  by  one  of  the  creditors  of  Mr.  Heart,  who  thought  it  very 
strange  no  dividend  was  made ;  and  he  insinuated,  some  party 
must  be  interested  in  the  delay.  It  is  the  first  money  transac 
tion  I  have  engaged  in  since  my  release.  I  felt  the  insinuation 
as  alluding  to  me,  and  with  a  force,  which,  perhaps,  I  should  not. 
However,  that  moment  I  went  to  your  office. 

The  next  morning,  when  I  saw  your  note  to  Mr.  Atkinson, 
and  found  myself  totally  set  aside  in  a  business  where  I  had, 
most  undoubtedly,  been  originally  neglected,  I  felt  myself  very 
much  agitated ;  and  in  that  frame  of  mind  I  wrote  my  last  to 
you. 

So  much  I  thought  it  necessary  to  add  in  explanation. 

I  am  convinced,  now,  I  have  been  too  hasty ;  and  I  am  sorry 
for  it.  It  will  put  me  on  my  guard  in  future,  and  I  make  no 
doubt  prove  beneficial  to  me,  provided  it  has  not  been  the  means 
of  hurting  me  in  your  estimation,  which  I  am  now  more  de 
sirous  than  ever  of  obtaining. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  respect, 

Your  much  obliged, 

And  most  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  WILKES. 

To  Colonel  Hamilton. 


428  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mr.  28. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

November  23,  1785. 

DEAR  SIK: 

Major  Fairly  is  just  setting  out  on  a  visit  to  you,  I  believe 
on  some  business  relating  to  the  Cincinnati.  The  society  of  this 
State  met  some  short  time  since,  and  took  into  consideration  the 
proposed  alterations  in  the  original  frame  of  the  Institution: 
some  were  strenuous  for  adhering  to  the  old  Constitution,  a  few 
for  adopting  the  new,  and  many  for  a  middle  line.  This  dis 
agreement  of  opinion,  and  the  consideration  that  the  different 
State  societies  pursuing  different  courses — some  adopting  the 
alterations  entire;  others  rejecting  them  in  the  same  way;  others 
adopting  in  part  and  rejecting  in  part — might  beget  confusion 
and  defeat  good  purposes,  induced  a  proposal,  which  was  unani 
mously  agreed  to,  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  pre 
pare  and  lay  before  the  society,  a  circular  letter,  expressive  of 
the  sense  of  the  society  on  the  different  alterations  proposed,  and 
recommending  the  giving  powers  to  a  general  meeting  of  the 
Cincinnati,  to  make  such  alterations  as  might  be  thought  advis 
able,  to  obviate  objections  and  promote  the  interests  of  the 
society.  I  believe  there  will  be  no  difficulty  in  agreeing  to 
change  the  present  mode  of  continuing  the  society ;  but  it 
appears  to  be  the  wish  of  our  members,  that  some  other  mode 
may  be  denned  and  substituted,  and  that  it  might  not  be  left  to 
the  uncertainty  of  legislative  provision.  We  object,  too,  to 
putting  the  funds  under  legislative  direction.  Indeed,  it  appears 
to  us,  the  Legislatures  will  not,  at  present,  be  inclined  to  give  us 
any  sanction. 

I  am  of  the  committee ;  and  I  cannot  but  flatter  myself,  that 
when  the  object  is  better  digested,  and  more  fully  explained,  it 
will  meet  your  approbation. 

The  poor  Baron  is  still  soliciting  Congress,  and  has  every 
prospect  of  indigence  before  him.  He  has  his  imprudences ; 
but,  upon  the  whole,  he  has  rendered  valuable  services ;  and  his 


JGT.28.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  429 

merits  and  the  reputation  of  the  country,  alike,  demand  that  he 
should  not  be  left  to  suffer  want. 

If  there  could  be  any  mode  by  which  your  influence  could 
be  employed  in  his  favor,  by  writing  to  your  friends  in  Congress, 
or  otherwise,  the  Baron  and  his  friends  would  be  under  great 
obligations  to  you. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
With  sincere  esteem, 

Your  ob't  and  humble  serv't, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

To  His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  December  11,  1785. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  have  been  favored  with  your  letter  of  the  twenty -third  of 
November,  by  Major  Fairly. 

Sincerely  do  I  wish  that  the  several  State  societies  had,  or 
would  adopt  the  alterations  that  were  recommended  by  the 
general  meeting,  in  May,  seventeen  hundred  and  eighty-four. 
I  then  thought,  and  have  had  no  cause  since  to  change  my  opin 
ion,  that  if  the  society  of  the  Cincinnati  mean  to  live  in  peace 
with  the  rest  of  their  fellow-citizens,  they  must  subscribe  to  the 
alterations  which  were  at  that  time  adopted. 

That  the  jealousies  of,  and  prejudices  against,  this  society, 
were  carried  to  an  unwarrantable  length,  I  will  readily  grant ; 
and  that  less  than  was  done,  ought  to  have  removed  the  fears 
which  had  been  imbibed,  I  am  as  clear  in,  as  I  am  that  it  would 
not  have  done  it.  But  it  is  a  matter  of  little  moment,  whether 
the  alarm  which  seized  the  public  mind  was  the  result  of  fore 
sight,  envy,  and  jealousy,  or  a  disordered  imagination:  the  effect 
of  perseverance  would  have  been  the  same.  Wherein,  then, 
would  have  been  found  an  equivalent  for  the  separation  of  in- 


430  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  29. 

terests  which  (from  my  best  information,  not  from  one  State 
only,  but  many)  would  inevitably  have  taken  place  ? 

The  fears  of  the  people  are  not  yet  removed;  they  only 
sleep ;  and  a  very  little  matter  will  set  them  afloat  again.  Had 
it  not  been  for  the  predicament  we  stood  in  with  respect  to  the 
foreign  officers  and  the  charitable  part  of  the  Institution,  I 
should,  on  that  occasion,  as  far  as  my  voice  would  have  gone, 
have  endeavored  to  convince  the  narrow-minded  part  of  our 
countrymen,  that  the  amor  patrice  was  much  stronger  in  our 
breasts  than  theirs,  and  that  our  conduct,  through  the  whole  of 
the  business,  was  actuated  by  nobler  and  more  generous  senti 
ments  than  were  apprehended,  by  abolishing  the  society  at  once, 
with  a  declaration  of  the  causes,  and  the  purity  of  its  intention. 
But  the  latter  may  be  interesting  to  many,  and  the  former  is  an 
insuperable  bar  to  such  a  step. 

I  am  sincerely  concerned  to  find,  by  your  letter,  that  the 
Baron  is  again  in  straitened  circumstances.  I  am  much  disin 
clined  to  ask  favors  of  Congress ;  but  if  I  knew  what  the  object 
of  his  wishes  are,  I  should  have  much  pleasure  in  rendering  him 
any  service  in  my  power,  with  such  members  of  that  body  as  I 
now  and  then  correspond  with.  I  had  flattered  myself,  from 
what  was  told  me  some  time  ago,  that  Congress  had  made  a  final 
settlement  with  the  Baron  much  to  his  satisfaction. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

Gr.  WASHINGTON. 

To  Alex.  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  NATHANIEL  HAZARD. 

April  24,  1786. 

SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  twenty -first  was  only  delivered  me  this 
morning.  The  good  opinion  of  liberal  men  I  hold  in  too  high 
estimation  not  to  be  flattered  by  that  part  of  your  letter  which 


^ET.29.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  431 

relates  to  me  personally.  The  other  part  I  have  communicated 
to  General  Schuyler,  and  he  assures  me  he  will  see  all  his  friends 
this  afternoon  upon  the  subject ;  so  that  I  have  no  doubt,  as  far 
as  his  influence  extends,  it  will  be  employed  in  favor  of  the 
success  of  the  bill  in  the  Assembly,  as  it  has  already  been  in  the 
Senate. 

In  taking  this  step,  however,  I  would  not  be  understood  to 
declare  any  opinion  concerning  the  principles  of  the  bill,  with 
which  I  am  not  sufficiently  acquainted  to  form  a  decided  opinion. 
I  have  merely  made  your  letter  the  occasion  of  introducing  the 
subject  to  General  Schuyler,  whose  sentiments  are  as  favorable 
to  your  wishes  as  you  could  desire. 

I  make  this  observation  from  that  spirit  of  candor  which  I 
hope  will  always  direct  my  conduct.  I  am  aware  that  I  have 
been  represented  as  an  enemy  to  the  wishes  of  what  you  call 
your  corps.  If  by  this  has  been  meant  that  I  do  not  feel  as  much 
as  any  man,  not  immediately  interested,  for  the  distresses  of 
those  merchants  who  have  been  in  a  great  measure  the  victims 
of  the  Ee volution,  the  supposition  does  not  do  justice  either  to 
my  head  or  my  heart.  But  if  it  means  that  I  have  always 
viewed  the  mode  of  relieving  them  as  a  matter  of  peculiar  deli 
cacy  and  difficulty,  it  is  well  founded. 

I  should  have  thought  it  unnecessary  to  enter  into  this  ex 
planation,  were  it  not  that  I  am  held  up  as  a  candidate  at  the 
ensuing  election ;  and  I  would  not  wish  that  the  step  I  have 
taken,  in  respect  to  your  letter,  should  be  considered  as  imply 
ing  more  than  it  does ;  for  I  would  never  wish  to  conciliate  at 
the  expense  of  candor.  On  the  other  hand,  I  confide  in  your 
liberality  not  to  infer  more  than  I  intend  from  the  explanation  I 
have  given ;  and  hope  you  will  believe  me  to  be,  with  great 
cordiality  and  esteem, 

Dear  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  Mr.  Hazard. 


432  HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


.  30. 


GUSHING,    DANA,    AND  BKECK  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEW-  YORK,  Sept.  10,  1786. 

GENTLEMEN  : 

Understanding,  on  our  arrival  in  this  city  last  Friday  evening, 
that  you  had  gone  on  for  the  Convention  at  Annapolis  the  week 
past,  we  take  the  liberty  to  acquaint  you,  and  beg  you  to  com 
municate  to  the  Convention,  if  it  should  be  opened  before  we 
arrive  there,  that  we  shall  set  off  from  this  place  to-morrow  to 
join  them,  as  Commissioners  from  the  State  of  Massachusetts, 
which  we  hope  to  do  in  the  course  of  this  week.  The  Commis 
sioners  from  Philadelphia  were  to  sail  from  thence  for  this  city,  on 
the  seventh  instant,  so  that  they  may  be  expected  soon  after  us. 
With  great  respect; 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servants, 
THOMAS  GUSHING. 
F.  T.  H.  DANA. 
SAML.  BKECK. 
The  Gentlemen 

Commissioners  for  New-  York. 


LA  FAYETTE  TO  HAMILTON. 

PARIS,  April  12,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  : 

It  is  an  age  since  I  heard  from  you.  Of  you  I  hear  by  some 
of  our  friends,  and  in  the  newspapers.  But  although  I  have  a 
right  to  complain,  I  want  to  let  you  know  the  proceedings  of  our 
Assembly,  which,  as  it  is  unusual  in  France,  may  raise  your 
curiosity. 

Our  Constitution  is  pretty  much  what  it  was  in  England  be 
fore  it  had  been  fairly  written  down  and  minutely  preserved  ;  so 
that  we  have  great  claims  to  freedom,  to  a  National  Kepresenta- 


^ET.30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  433 

tion,  to  the  denial  of  taxes,  &c.,  &c.  But  disposition  on  one 
hand,  and  levity  on  the  other  have  manoeuvred  us  out  of  almost 
every  privilege.  They  will  still  subsist,  however,  more  or  less, 
in  some  provinces,  and  particularly  in  those  of  Bretagne. 

Now  that  the  follies  of  Courts  had  obliged  Government  to 
saddle  us  with  new  taxes,  and  the  opposition  of  our  magistrates 
did  present  itself  as  an  obstacle  to  the  ministers,  they  have 
thought  proper  to  call  an  Assembly  of  Notables,  chosen  by  the 
king,  but  taken  among  the  first  people  in  each  order,  and  to  be 
gin  with  granting  them  what  is  more  wished  for  by  the  nation, 
an  Assembly  in  each  Province. 

The  last  Assembly  of  Notables,  in  1626,  had  been  obedient 
to  the  ministers.  This  one  came  at  a  more  enlightened  period. 
It  happened  under  a  minister,  who,  although  he  has  parts,  is  not 
equal  to  some  of  the  members — men  of  fine  abilities.  We  are 
backed  by  the  nation,  and  although  not  her  representatives,  have 
behaved  as  her  interpreters,  and  we  have  formed  a  great  majority 
in  favor  of  popular  measures. 

The  speeches  from  the  throne,  those  of  M.  de  Calonne,  have 
been  printed :  the  last  one  contains  many  falsehoods.  The  first 
measure  we  took  was  for  the  clergy  to  declare  they  were  ready 
to  pay  in  the  same  proportion  with  other  people,  for  the  Noblesse 
to  make  the  same  declaration,  and  reject  a  pecuniary  privilege 
that  was  offered,  in  lieu  of  the  other  that  is  taken  off. 

We  have  gratefully  accepted  the  provincial  elective  assem 
blies,  but  have  united  on  such  alterations  as  will  invigorate 
them.  M.  de  Calonne  had  made  a  mixture  of  democracy  and 
despotism  which  did  annihilate  those  checks  and  gradations  that 
are  necessary  evils,  wherever  there  is  a  king.  But  I  think  the 
provincial  assemblies,  as  they  are  proposed  by  us,  may  lay  a 
foundation  for  a  good  building. 

Several  plans  for  the  removal  of  internal  Custom  offices,  for 
the  free  exportation  of  corn,  for  the  change  in  the  salt  tax,  for 
the  annihilation  of  some  duties,  and  now  for  the  disposal  of 
the  king's  domanial  possessions,  have  been  examined,  and  un 
derwent  several  alterations.  To  some  we  have  only  left  the 

VOL.  I.  28 


434  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  30. 

titles  of  the  chapters,  but  changed  them,  in  my  opinion,  much 
for  the  better. 

The  idea  of  a  general  tax  in  kind,  was  proposed  by  the 
government,  but  we  said  it  was  not  practicable.  As  to  any  new 
imposition,  we  have  answered,  it  is  impossible  to  form  an  opinion 
before  we  know  the  return  of  the  exports  of  the  two  last  years, 
and  the  plans  of  economy  that  are  intended.  We  have  not,  it  is 
true,  any  powers  from  the  nation,  but  our  opinion  is  asked,  and 
in  a  measure  has  become  necessary,  and  a  majority  of  us  do 
not  think  their  opinion  can  be  given,  until  those  preliminaries 
are  fulfilled. 

There  is  a  very  interesting  contrast  between  the  king's  power 
at  Versailles,  and  the  opposition  of  that  Assembly  which  is  held 
there,  and  divided  in  seven  committees  of  twenty,  or  twenty-two 
each,  presided  by  a  prince  of  the  blood.  Hitherto  we  have  not 
voted  in  a  General  Assembly,  although  we  had  some  to  hear  the 
Minister.  But  the  opinions  of  the  committees  only  are  now 
taken,  and  in  the  end  each  vote  will  be  pronounced  in  the  whole 
house,  beginning  from  the  last  up  to  the  first  in  rank.  You 
know  that  we  have  the  Clergy,  Magistracy,  Noblesse,  and  Tiers 
Etat. 

At  the  last  meeting  we  had  before  the  recess  of  these  holi 
days,  I  had  a  personal  battle  of  some  importance.  The  king's 
domanial  property  has  been  a  pretence  to  lavish  money  on  the 
princes  of  the  blood,  favorites,  and  the  powerful  people  of  the 
country.  I  had  the  day  before  moved  for  an  examination  of 
those  bargains,  wherein  more  than  fifty  millions  have  been 
thrown  away.  The  great  people  being  afraid  of  being  found 
out,  and  particularly  M.  de  Calonne,  who  is  guilty  of  the 
most  indecent  depredation,  thought  they  must  intimidate  me 
and  the  Bishop  of  Langres,  M.  de  la  Luzerne's  brother,  who  had 
seconded  my  motion.  They,  in  consequence  of  it,  persuaded 
the  king  to  have  us  told  by  his  brother,  our  president,  that  such 
motions  ought  to  be  signed.  Upon  which,  we  signed  the  in 
closed  paper  ;  and  the  bishop  said,  that  after  the  rents,  he  would 
bring  in  some  accounts,  signed  by  him,  of  the  bargain  of  sine 
cure,  made  by  M.  de  Calonne. 


MT.  30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  435 

The  king  was  very  angry  with  me ;  M.  de  Calonne,  who  had 
ms  confidence,  intended  signal  revenge.  I  was  preparing  to  sup 
port  what  I  had  said,  when  we  suddenly  heard  that  M.  de 
Calonne  had  been  dismissed.  The  keeper  of  the  seal  was  also 
sent  off.  I  am  glad  we  got  rid  of  M.  de  Calonne ;  and  with  his 
successor,  who,  unfortunately,  is  an  old  broken  man,  may  im 
prove  the  opportunity  of  this  Assembly,  and  let  us  make  useful 
arrangements. 

Adieu,  my  dear  Hamilton ;  my  best  respects  wait  on  Mrs. 
Hamilton.  Eemember  me  to  Gen.  Knox,  Wadsworth — all  our 
friends,  and  particularly  the  good  doctor. 

Most  affectionately  yours, 

LA  FAYETTE. 

P.  S.  Don't  tell  the  French  Charge  d' Affairs  that  you  have 
this  paper  from  me,  except  that  there  is  nothing  in  it,  for  topics 
have  spread  every  wliere. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

NEW-YORK,  July  3,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

In  my  passage  through  the  Jerseys,  and  since  my  arrival  here, 
I  have  taken  particular  pains  to  discover  the  public  sentiment, 
and  I  am  more  and  more  convinced  that  this  is  the  critical  oppor 
tunity  for  establishing  the  prosperity  of  this  country  on  a  solid 
foundation.  I  have  conversed  with  men  of  information,  not  only 
of  this  city,  but  from  different  parts  of  the  State ;  and  they  agree 
that  there  has  been  an  astonishing  revolution  for  the  better  in  the 
minds  of  the  people. 

The  prevailing  apprehension  among  thinking  men  is,  that 
the  Convention,  from  the  fear  of  shocking  the  popular  opinion, 
will  not  go  far  enough.  They  seem  to  be  convinced,  that  a  strong, 
well-mounted  government  will  better  suit  the  popular  palate,  than 
one  of  a  different  complexion.  Men  in  office  are,  indeed,  taking 
all  possible  pains  to  give  an  unfavorable  impression  of  the  Con- 


436  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  30. 

vention ;  but  the  current  seems  to  be  moving  strongly  the  other 
way. 

A  plain,  but  sensible  man,  in  a  conversation  I  had  with  him 
yesterday,  expressed  himself  nearly  in  this  manner :  —  The 
people  begin  to  be  convinced  that  "  their  excellent  form  of  gov 
ernment,"  as  they  have  been  used  to  call  it,  will  not  answer  their 
purpose,  and  that  they  must  substitute  something  not  very  remote 
from  that  which  they  have  lately  quitted. 

These  appearances,  though  they  will  not  warrant  a  conclu 
sion  that  the  people  are  yet  ripe  for  such  a  plan  as  I  advocate, 
yet  serve  to  prove  that  there  is  no  reason  to  despair  of  their  adopt 
ing  one  equally  energetic,  if  the  Convention  should  think  proper 
to  propose  it.  They  serve  to  prove  that  we  ought  not  to  allow 
too  much  weight  to  objections  drawn  from  the  supposed  repug 
nance  of  the  people  to  an  efficient  constitution.  I  confess,  I  am 
more  and  more  inclined  to  believe,  that  former  habits  of  thinking 
are  regaining  their  influence  with  more  rapidity  than  is  generally 
imagined. 

Not  having  compared  ideas  with  you,  sir,  I  cannot  judge  how 
far  our  sentiments  agree ;  but,  as  I  persuade  myself,  the  genuine 
ness  of  my  representations  will  receive  credit  with  you.  My 
anxiety  for  the  event  of  the  deliberations  of  the  Convention,  in 
duces  me  to  make  this  communication  of  what  appears  to  be  the 
tendency  of  the  public  mind. 

I  own  to  you,  sir,  that  I  am  seriously  and  deeply  distressed 
at  the  aspect  of  the  counsels  which  prevailed  when  I  left  Phila 
delphia.  I  fear  that  we  shall  let  slip  the  golden  opportunity  of 
rescuing  the  American  Empire  from  disunion,  anarchy,  and  mi 
sery. 

No  motley  or  feeble  measure  can  answer  the  end,  or  will 
finally  receive  the  public  support.  Decision  is  true  wisdom,  and 
will  be  not  less  reputable  to  the  Convention,  than  salutary  to  the 
community. 

I  shall  of  necessity  remain  here  ten  or  twelve  days.  If  I  have 
reason  to  believe  that  my  attendance  at  Philadelphia  will  not  be 
mere  waste  of  time,  I  shall,  after  that  period,  rejoin  the  Con 
vention. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


^Ex.30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  437 

WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

PHILADELPHIA,  10th  July,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  your  communication  of  the  3d.  "When  I 
refer  you  to  the  state  of  the  councils  which  prevailed  at  the 
period  you  left  this  city,  and  add  that  they  are  now,  if  possible, 
in  a  worse  train  than  ever ;  you  will  find  but  little  ground  on 
which  the  hope  of  a  good  establishment  can  be  formed.  In  a 
word,  I  almost  despair  of  seeing  a  favorable  issue  to  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Convention,  and  do,  therefore,  repent  having  any 
agency  in  the  business. 

The  men  who  oppose  a  strong  and  energetic  government  are  in 
my  opinion  narrow-minded  politicians,  or  are  under  the  influence 
of  local  views.  The  apprehension  expressed  by  them,  that  the 
people  will  not  accede  to  the  form  proposed,  is  the  ostensible,  not 
the  real,  cause  of  the  opposition ;  but  admitting  that  the  present 
sentiment  is  as  they  prognosticate,  the  question  ought  neverthe 
less  to  be,  is  it  or  is  it  not  the  best  form  ?  If  the  former,  recom 
mend  it,  and  it  will  assuredly  obtain,  maugre  opposition. 

I  am  sorry  you  went  away ;  I  wish  you  were  back.  The 
crisis  is  equally  important  and  alarming,  and  no  opposition  under 
such  circumstances  should  discourage  exertions,  till  the  signature 
is  fixed.  I  will  not  at  this  time  trouble  you  with  more  than  my 
best  wishes  and  sincere  regards. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 

Alexander  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO 


NEW- YORK, ,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Agreeably  to  what  passed  between  us,  I  have  had  an  inter 
view  with  Mr.  Auldjo,  and  I  flatter  myself  if  there  is  (as  I  doubt 
not  there  will  be)  as  much  moderation  on  the  part  of  Major 


438  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  30. 

Peirce  as  there  appears  to  be  on  that  of  Mr.  Auldjo,  that  the 
affair  between  them  may  yet  be  amicably  terminated. 

But  Mr.  Auldjo  observes,  I  confess  in  my  opinion  with  pro 
priety,  that  he  ought  to  know  with  some  precision  the  matters 
which  have  given  offence  to  Major  Peirce,  before  he  can  enter 
into  explanations ;  which  he  declares  himself  to  be  very  ready 
to  do  with  coolness  and  candor,  the  moment  he  shall  be  enabled 
to  do  it  by  a  specification  of  the  subjects  of  complaint.  If  a 
personal  interview  is  for  any  reason  disagreeable  to  Major  Peirce, 
I  entreat  you,  my  dear  sir,  to  obtain  from  him,  and  to  communi 
cate  to  me  by  letter,  the  substance  of  what  has  occasioned  his 
dissatisfaction,  with  so  much  particularity  only  as  will  put  it  in 
the  power  of  Mr.  Auldjo  to  give  an  explicit  answer.  Major 
Peirce  will,  I  hope,  have  no  scruples  about  this,  for  as  the  door 
of  explanation  has  been  opened  by  Mr.  Auldjo,  there  is  no 
punctilio  which  stands  in  his  way ;  and  I  trust  he  will  feel  the 
force  of  a  sentiment  which  prudence  and  humanity  equally 
dictate,  that  extremities  ought  then  only  to  ensue  when,  after 
a  fair  experiment,  accommodation  has  been  found  impracticable. 
An  attention  to  this  principle  interests  the  characters  of  both  the 
gentlemen  concerned,  and  with  them  our  own ;  and  from  every 
other  consideration,  as  well  as  that  of  personal  friendship  to  the 
parties,  I  sincerely  wish  to  give  it  its  full  operation.  I  am  con 
vinced  you  are  not  less  anxious  to  effect  this  than  myself,  and  I 
trust  our  joint  endeavors  will  not  prove  unsuccessful. 
I  remain  with  sincere  regard, 

Dear  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

I  cannot,  however,  conclude  without  making  one  remark. 
Though  Mr.  Auldjo  has  expressed  and  still  entertains  a  desire  of 
explanation,  it  would  ill  become  him  to  solicit  it.  Whatever, 
therefore,  in  my  expressions  may  seem  to  urge  such  an  expla 
nation  with  the  earnestness  of  entreaty,  must  be  ascribed  to  my 
own  feelings,  and  to  that  inclination  which  every  man  of  sensi 
bility  must  feel,  not  to  see  extremities  take  place  if  it  be  in  his 


^T.  30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  439 

power  to  prevent  them,  or  until  they  become   an  absolutely 
necessary  sacrifice  to  public  opinion. 

I  remain  with  sincere  regard, 

Dear  Sir,  your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON"  TO  AULDJO. 

NEW-YORK,  July  26,  1787. 

SIB: 

I  have  delivered  the  paper  you  committed  to  me,  as  it  stood 
altered,  to  Major  Peirce,  from  whose  conduct  I  am  to  conclude 
the  affair  between  you  is  at  an  end.  He  informs  me  that  he 
is  shortly  to  set  out  on  a  jaunt  up  the  North  Kiver. 

As  you  intimate  a  wish  to  have  my  sentiments  in  writing  on 
the  transaction,  I  shall  with  pleasure  declare  that  the  steps  you 
have  taken  in  consequence  of  Mr.  Peirce's  challenge  have  been 
altogether  in  conformity  to  my  opinion  of  what  would  be  pru 
dent,  proper,  and  honorable  on  your  part.  They  seem  to  have 
satisfied  Mr.  Peirce's  scruples  arising  from  what  he  apprehended 
in  some  particulars  to  have  been  your  conduct  to  him,  and  I 
presume  we  are  to  hear  nothing  further  of  the  matter. 
I  remain  with  great  esteem,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

ALEX.  HAMILTON. 

To  Mr.  Auldjo. 


HAMILTON  TO  RUFUS   KING. 

NEW-YORK,  August  20,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Since  my  arrival  here,  I  have  written  to  my  colleagues,  in 
forming  them  if  either  of  them  would  come  down,  I  would 
accompany  him  to  Philadelphia ;  so  much  for  the  sake  of  pro 
priety  and  public  opinion. 


440  HAMILTON'S    WORKS. 


30. 


In  the  mean  time,  if  any  material  alteration  should  happen 
to  be  made  in  the  plan  now  before  the  Convention,  I  will  be 
obliged  to  you  for  a  communication  of  it.  I  will  also  be  obliged 
to  you  to  let  me  know  when  your  conclusion  is  at  hand,  for  I 
would  choose  to  be  present  at  that  time. 


HAMILTON  TO  WADSWORTH. 

August  20, 1787. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

The  inclosed  is  said  to  be  the  copy  of  a  letter  circulating  in 
your  State.  The  history  of  its  appearance  among  us  is,  that  it 
was  sent  by  one  Whitmore  of  Stratford,  formerly  in  the  Paymas 
ter  General's  office,  to  one  James  Eeynolds  of  this  city. 

I  am  at  a  loss  clearly  to  understand  its  object,  and  have  some 
suspicion,  that  it  has  been  fabricated  to  excite  jealousy  against 
the  Convention,  with  a  view  to  an  opposition  to  their  recom 
mendations.  At  all  events,  I  wish,  if  possible,  to  trace  its  source, 
and  send  it  to  you  for  that  purpose. 

Whitmore  must  of  course  say  where  he  got  it,  and  by  pursu- 
ng  the  information  we  may  at  last  come  at  the  author.  Let  me 
know  the  political  connections  of  this  man,  and  the  complexion 
of  the  people  most  active  in  the  circulation  of  the  letter.  Be  so 
good  as  to  attend  to  this  inquiry  somewhat  particularly,  as  I  have 
different  reasons  of  some  moment  for  setting  it  on  foot. 

I  remain,  &c. 

A.  HAMILTON. 
To  Jeremiah  Wadsworth. 


COL.   WADSWORTH  TO  HAMILTON. 

HARTFORD,  August  26,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  received  your  favor  this  day,  with  the  inclosed  copy  of  a 
letter,  said  to  be  circulating  in  this  State.  Some  time  since  a 
paragraph  in  the  New  Haven  papers  hinted  at  such  a  letter,  and 


Mr.  30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  441 

appeared  to  be  written  to  secure  the  Anti-federal  party  or  alarm 
them.  And  I  believed  it  was  well  intended,  as  it  seemed  to  be 
meant  to  prepare  them  to  comply  with  the  doings  of  the  Con 
vention,  lest  worse  .befell  them ;  but  the  close  of  the  letter 
appears  to  be  calculated  for  other  purposes.  Wetmore  has 
always  associated  with  men  who  wished  well  to  America,  and  a 
good  Government.  He  is  half-brother  to  the  spirited  Federal 
writer  in  our  papers,  who  signs  himself  Cato;  and  if  he  has 
really  written  or  circulated  the  letter  in  question,  I  am  quite  at 
a  loss  to  know  his  intentions.  I  have  communicated  this  matter 
to  Col.  Humphreys,  in  confidence,  who  is  on  his  way  to  New 
Haven,  where  Wetmore  lives,  though  formerly  of  Hartford.  He 
will  inquire  carefully  into  the  matter,  and  write  you.  He  has 
lived  in  the  same  town  with  Wetmore,  and  can  easily  fathom 
him.  Wetmore  is  naturally  sanguine,  has  some  talents,  and  I 
believe,  is  enterprising,  but  fickle.  Who  the  active  people  in 
this  business  are,  I  have  yet  to  learn,  as  it  certainly  has  not  cir 
culated  hereabouts.  But  from  Humphreys  you  may  expect  to 
know  all  that  is  true,  in  Wetmore's  neighborhood.  I  have 
always  been  Humphreys'  friend,  but  a  nearer  acquaintance  with 
him  convinces  me  he  is  a  man  of  great  integrity,  and  such  talents 
as  would  wear  well  in  any  employment  of  confidence.  If  he 
comes  to  New-York  I  wish  you  to  be  more  acquainted  with 
him. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  very  humble  servant, 

JEEH.  WADSWORTH. 


HAMILTON  TO  EUFUS  KING. 

NEW- YORK,  August  28,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  wrote  you,  some  days  since,  to  request  you  to  inform  me 
when  there  was  a  prospect  of  your  finishing,  as  I  intended  to  be 
with  you,  for  certain  reasons,  before  the  conclusion. 


442  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [£&.  30. 

It  is  whispered  here,  that  some  late  changes  in  your  scheme 
have  taken  place,  which  give  it  a  higher  tone.  Is  this  the  case  ? 
I  leave  town  to-day  to  attend  a  circuit  in  a  neighboring  county, 
from  which  I  shall  return  the  last  of  the  week,  and  shall  be  glad 
to  find  a  line  from  you,  explanatory  of  the  period  of  the  probable 
termination  of  your  business. 


COLONEL   HUMPHEEYS  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEW  HAVEN,  Sept.  16,  1787. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

Our  friend  Col.  Wadsworth  has  communicated  to  me  a  letter, 
in  which  you  made  inquiries  respecting  a  political  letter  that 
has  lately  circulated  in  this  State.  I  arrived  in  this  town  yester 
day,  and  have  since  conversed  with  several  intelligent  persons 
on  the  subject.  It  appears  to  have  been  printed  in  a  Fairfield 
paper  as  long  ago  as  the  25th  of  July.  I  have  not  been  able  to 
trace  it  to  its  source.  Mr.  Wetmore  informs  me,  that  when  he 
first  saw  this  letter  it  was  in  the  hands  of  one  Jared  Mansfield, 
who,  I  believe,  has  formerly  been  reputed  a  Loyalist.  Indeed  it 
seems  to  have  been  received  and  circulated  with  avidity  by  that 
class  of  people,  whether  it  was  fabricated  by  them  or  not.  I 
think,  however,  there  is  little  doubt  that  it  was  manufactured  in 
this  State.  I  demanded  of  Mr.  Wetmore  what  he  thought  were 
the  wishes  and  objects  of  the  writer  of  that  letter.  He  said,  he 
believed  it  might  be  written  principally  for  the  amusement  of 
the  author,  and  perhaps  with  some  view  -to  learn  whether  the 
people  were  not  absolutely  indifferent  to  all  government  and 
dead  to  all  political  sentiment. 

Before  I  saw  the  letter  in  question,  a  paragraph  had  been 
published  by  Mr.  Meigs,  giving  an  account  of  it,  and  attempting 
to  excite  the  apprehensions  of  the  Anti-federalists,  with  an  idea, 
that  the  most  disastrous  consequences  are  to  be  expected,  un 
less  we  shall  accept  the  proceedings  of  the  Convention.  Some 


^T.  30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  443 

think  this  was  the  real  design  of  the  fictitious  performance,  but 
others,  with  more  reason,  that  it  was  intended  to  feel  the  public 
pulse,  and  to  discover  whether  the  public  mind  would  be  startled 
with  propositions  of  Koyalty.  The  quondam  tories  have  un 
doubtedly  conceived  hopes  of  a  future  union  with  Great  Britain, 
from  the  inefficacy  of  our  Government,  and  the  tumults  which 
prevailed  in  Massachusetts  during  the  last  winter.  I  saw  a  letter, 
written  at  that  period,  by  a  Clergyman  of  considerable  reputa 
tion  in  Nova  Scotia,  to  a  person  of  eminence  in  this  State,  stating 
the  impossibility  of  our  being  happy  under  our  present  Consti 
tution,  and  proposing  (now  we  could  think  and  argue  calmly  on 
all  the  consequences)  that  the  efforts  of  the  moderate,  the  virtu 
ous,  and  the  brave,  should  be  exerted  to  effect  a  reunion  with 
the  parent  State.  He  mentioned,  among  other  things,  how 
instrumental  the  Cincinnati  might  be,  and  how  much  it  would 
redound  to  their  emolument.  It  seems,  by  a  conversation  I  have 
had  here,  that  the  ultimate  practicability  of  introducing  the 
Bishop  of  Osnaburgh  is  not  a  novel  idea  among  those  who  were 
formerly  termed  Loyalists.  Ever  since  the  peace  it  has  been  oc 
casionally  talked  of  and  wished  for.  Yesterday,  where  I  dined, 
half  jest — half  earnest — he  was  given  as  the  first  toast. 

I  leave  you  now,  my  dear  friend,  to  reflect  how  ripe  we  are 
for  the  most  mad  and  ruinous  project  that  can  be  suggested, 
especially  when,  in  addition  to  this  view,  we  take  into  considera 
tion  how  thoroughly  the  patriotic  part  of  the  community — the 
friends  of  an  efficient  Government,  are  discouraged  with  the  pre 
sent  system,  and  irritated  at  the  popular  demagogues  who  are 
determined  to  keep  themselves  in  office,  at  the  risk  of  every 
thing.  Thence  apprehensions  are  formed,  that  though  the  mea 
sures  proposed  by  the  Convention,  may  not  be  equal  to  the 
wishes  of  the  most  enlightened  and  virtuous,  yet  that  they  will 
be  too  high-toned  to  be  adopted  by  our  popular  assemblies. 
Should  that  happen,  our  political  ship  will  be  left  afloat  on  a  sea 
of  chance,  without  a  rudder  as  well  as  without  a  pilot. 

I  am  happy  to  see  you  have  (some  of  you)  had  the  honest 
boldness  to  attack  in  a  public  paper,  the  Anti-federal  dogmas  of  a 
great  personage  in  your  State.  Go  on  and  prosper.  Were  the 


444  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  ^T.  30. 


men  of  talents  and  honesty,  throughout  the  Continent,  properly 
combined  into  one  phalanx,  I  am  confident  they  would  be  com 
petent  to  hew  their  way  through  all  opposition.  Were  there  no 
little  jealousies,  bickerings  and  unworthy  sinister  views,  to  divert 
them  from  their  object,  they  might  by  perseverance,  establish  a 
Government  calculated  to  promote  the  happiness  of  mankind, 
and  to  make  the  Eevolution  a  blessing  instead  of  a  curse. 

I  think  it  is  probable  that  I  shall  soon  go  to  the  southward  ; 
in  the  mean  time,  I  beg  you  to  be  persuaded  that  I  am,  with 
sentiments  of  sincere  friendship  and  esteem, 
My  dear  Hamilton, 

Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  serv't, 

D.  HUMPHREYS. 
Col.  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

1787. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

You  probably  saw,  some  time  since,  some  animadversions  on 
certain  expressions  of  Governor  Clinton,  respecting  the  Conven 
tion.  You  may  have  seen  a  piece,  signed  "  A  Eepublican,"  at 
tempting  to  bring  the  fact  into  question,  and  endeavoring  to 
controvert  the  conclusions  drawn  from  it,  if  true.  My  answer 
you  will  find  in  the  inclosed.  I  trouble  you  with  it  merely  from 
that  anxiety,  which  is  natural  to  every  man,  to  have  his  veracity 
at  least  stand  in  a  fair  light.  The  matter  seems  to  be  given  up 
by  the  Governor,  and  the  fact,  with  the  inferences  from  it,  stand 
against  him  in  fall  force,  and  operate  as  they  ought  to  do. 

It  is,  however,  of  some  importance  to  the  party  to  diminish 
whatever  credit  or  influence  I  may  possess,  and  to  effect  this, 
they  stick  at  nothing.  Among  many  contemptible  artifices  prac 
tised  by  them,  they  have  had  recourse  to  an  insinuation,  that  I 
palmed  myself  upon  you,  and  that  you  dismissed  me  from  your 
family.  This  I  confess  hurts  my  feelings,  and  if  it  obtains  credit, 
will  require  a  contradiction. 


vET.  30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  445 

You,  sir,  will  undoubtedly  recollect  the  manner  in  which  I 
came  into  your  family,  and  went  out  of  it ;  and  know  how  desti 
tute  of  foundation  such  insinuations  are.  My  confidence  in  your 
justice  will  not  permit  me  to  doubt  your  readiness  to  put  the 
matter  in  its^  true  light  in  your  answer  to  this  letter.  It  cannot 
be  my  wish  to  give  any  complexion  to  the  affair  which  might 
excite  the  least  scruple  in  you ;  but  I  confess  it  would  mortify 
me  to  lie  under  the  imputation,  either  of  having  obtruded  myself 
into  the  family  of  a  General,  or  of  having  been  turned  out  of  it. 

The  new  Constitution  is  as  popular  in  this  city  as  it  is  possible 
for  any  thing  to  be,  and  the  prospect  thus  far  is  favorable  to  it 
throughout  the  State.  But  there  is  no  saying  what  turn  things 
may  take  when  the  full  flood  of  official  influence  is  let  loose 
against  it.  This  is  to  be  expected ;  for  though  the  Governor 
has  not  publicly  declared  himself,  his  particular  connections  and 
confidential  friends  are  loud  against  it. 

Mrs.  Hamilton  joins  in  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  Wash 
ington. 

I  remain  with  perfect  esteem, 

Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


LA  FAYETTE    TO  HAMILTON. 

PARIS,  October  15,  1787. 

My  DEAK  HAMILTON  : 

While  you  have  been  attending  your  most  important  Con 
vention,  debates  were  also  going  on  in  France  respecting  the 
constitutional  rights,  and  matters  of  that  kind.  Grave  reforms 
are  taking  place  at  court.  The  parliaments  are  remonstrating, 
and  our  provincial  assemblies  begin  to  pop  out.  Amidst  many 
things  that  were  not  much  to  the  purpose,  some  good  principles 
have  been  laid  out ;  and,  although  our  affairs  have  a  proper  ar 
rangement,  the  nation  will  not  in  the  last  be  the  loser.  The 
prime  minister  is  a  man  of  candor,  honesty,  and  abilities.  But 


446  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  30. 

now  the  rumor  of  war  sets  us  a-going.  Not  that  France  is  wish 
ing  for  it,  and  Great  Britain  ought  to  be  satisfied  with  an  advan 
tageous  treaty  of  commerce,  and  the  profit  of  hers  and  Prussia's 
treachery  in  Holland.  But,  while  I  consider  the  madness  of  the 
Turks,  the  movements  of  the  Imperial  Court,  the%  folly  of  his 
Prussian  Majesty,  the  late  catastrophe  in  Holland,  and  the  cry  of 
England  for  war,  I  hardly  think  that  the  peaceful  dispositions  of 
this  ministry — and,  they  say,  of  Mr.  Pitt — will  be  able  to  extin 
guish  a  fire  that  is  catching  in  every  corner  of  Europe.  It  would 
be  consistent  with  my  inclination  and  best  views  that  America 
be  engaged  in  an  active  co-operation.  But  as  I  do  not  think 
it  consistent  with  her  interest,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  ex 
press  my  ideas  in  an  official  letter  to  Mr.  Jay,  to  whom  I  refer 
you.  It  seems  to  me,  that  a  friendly,  helping  neutrality,  would 
be  useful  to  France,  profitable  to  the  United  States,  and  perfectly 
safe  on  the  footing  of  the  treaties.  Should  America  be  forced  to 
war,  I  wish  it  would  be  for  the  last  campaign — time  enough  to 
occupy  Canada  and  Newfoundland.  But  I  see  no  inconvenience 
in  privateering  with  French  letters  of  marque. 

Inclosed  is  the  journal  of  a  preliminary  assembly  in  Au- 
vergne.  I  am  returning  there  as  soon  as  we  have  done  some  ar 
rangements  respecting  American  commerce,  which  will  result  on 
as  good  footing  in  this  kingdom  as  it  is  for  the  moment  possible. 
The  ministry  are  more  favorably  disposed. 

I  hope  you  will  be  satisfied  with  Count  de  Maurice  and 
the  Countess  de  Brehan,  his  sister-in-law.  I  beg  leave  to  intro 
duce  them  both  to  you  and  Mrs.  Hamilton,  to  whom  I  offer 
my  most  affectionate  regards.  Kemember  me  to  the  rest  of 
the  family  and  all  friends.  My  best  compliments  wait  on  Gen. 
Schuyler  and  the  doctor.  Adieu,  my  good  friend.  The  post  is 
going  to  town.  I  have  only  time  to  tell  that  I  am  ever 

Your  most  affectionate  friend, 

LA  FAYETTE. 


jEi.  30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  447 

WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  October  18,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Your  favor,  without  date,  came  to  my  hand  by  the  last  post. 
It  is  with  unfeigned  concern  I  perceive  that  a  political  dispute 
has  arisen  between  Grov.  Clinton  and  yourself.  For  both  of  you 
I  have  the  highest  esteem  and  regard.  But  as  you  say  it  is  in 
sinuated  by  some  of  your  political  adversaries,  and  may  obtain 
credit,  "that  you  palmed  yourself  upon  me  and  was  dismissed 
from  my  family,"  and  call  upon  me  to  do  you  justice  by  a  recital 
of  the  facts ;  I  do,  therefore,  explicitly  declare,  that  both  charges 
are  entirely  unfounded.  With  respect  to  the  first,  I  have  no 
cause  to  believe  that  you  took  a  single  step  to  accomplish,  or 
had  the  most  distant  idea  of  receiving  an  appointment  in  my 
family  till  you  were  invited  thereto.  And  with  respect  to  the 
second,  that  your  quitting  it  was  altogether  the  effect  of  your 
own  choice. 

When  the  situation  of  this  country  calls  loudly  for  unanimity 
and  vigor,  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  gentlemen  of  talent  and 
character  should  disagree  in  their  sentiments  for  promoting  the 
public  weal ;  but  unfortunately  this  ever  has  been,  and  more 
than  probable  ever  will  be,  the  case  in  the  affairs  of  man. 

Having  scarcely  been  from  home  since  my  return  from  Phil 
adelphia,  I  can  give  but  little  information  with  respect  to  the 
general  reception  of  the  new  constitution  in  this  State.  In  Alex 
andria,  however,  and  some  of  the  adjacent  counties,  it  has  been 
embraced  with  an  enthusiastic  warmth  of  which  I  had  no  con 
ception.  I  expect,  notwithstanding,  violent  opposition  will  be 
given  to  it  by  some  characters  of  weight  and  influence  in  the 
State. 

Mrs.  Washington  unites  with  me  in  sending  her  best  wishes 
for  Mrs,  Hamilton  and  yourself. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  affectionate  friend, 

Gr.  WASHINGTON. 


448  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [M?.  30. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

October  30,  1787. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  your  Excellency  for  the  explicit  man 
ner  in  which  you  contradict  the  insinuations  mentioned  in  my 
last  letter.  The  only  use  I  shall  make  of  your  answer  will  be 
to  put  it  into  the  hands  of  a  few  friends. 

The  constitution  proposed  has  in  this  State  warm  friends, 
and  warm  enemies.  The  first  impressions  every  where  are  in 
its  favor ;  but  the  artillery  of  its  opponents  makes  some  impres 
sion.  The  event  cannot  yet  be  foreseen.  The  inclosed  is  the 
first  number  of  a  series  of  papers  to  be  written  in  its  defence. 

I  send  you  also,  at  the  request  of  the  Baron  De  Steuben,  a 
printed  pamphlet,  containing  the  grounds  of  an  application  lately 
made  to  Congress.  He  tells  me  there  is  some  reference  to  you, 
the  object  of  which  he  does  not  himself  seem  clearly  to  under 
stand  ;  but  imagines  it  may  be  in  your  power  to  be  of  service 
to  him. 

There  are  public  considerations  that  induce  me  to  be  some 
what  anxious  for  his  success.  He  is  fortified  with  materials, 
which,  in  Europe,  could  not  fail  to  establish  the  belief  of  the 
contract  he  alleges.  The  documents  of  service  he  possesses  are 
of  a  nature  to  convey  an  exalted  idea  of  them.  The  compensa 
tions  he  has  received,  though  considerable,  if  compared  with 
those  which  have  been  received  by  American  officers,  will, 
according  to  European  ideas,  be  very  scanty  in  application  to  a 
stranger  who  is  acknowledged  to  have  rendered  essential  ser 
vices.  Our  reputation  abroad  is  not  at  present  too  high.  To 
dismiss  an  old  soldier  empty  and  hungry,  to  seek  the  bounty  of 
those  on  whom  he  has  no  claims,  and  to  complain  of  unkind 
returns  and  violated  engagements,  will  certainly  not  tend  to 
raise  it.  I  confess,  too,  there  is  something  in  my  feelings  which 
would  incline  me  in  this  case  to  go  farther  than  might  be  strictly 
necessary,  rather  than  drive  a  man,  at  the  Baron's  time  of  life, 
who  has  been  a  faithful  servant,  to  extremities.  And  this  is  un 
avoidable  if  he  does  not  succeed  in  his  present  attempt.  What 


^ET.30.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  449 

lie  asks  would,  all  calculations  made,  terminate  in  this,  an  allow 
ance  of  his  five  hundred  and  eighty  guineas  a  year.  He  only 
wishes  a  recognition  of  the  contract.  He  knows  that  until 
affairs  mend  no  money  can  be  produced.  I  do  not  know  how 
far  it  may  be  in  your  power  to  do  him  any  good ;  but  I  shall  be 
mistaken  if  the  considerations  I  have  mentioned  do  not  appear 
to  your  Excellency  to  have  some  weight. 

I  remain,  with  great  respect  and  esteem, 

Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
His  Excellency  General  Washington. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  November  10,  1787. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  thank  you  for  the  pamphlet,  and  for  the  Gazette,  contained 
in  your  letter  of  the  30th  ult.  For  the  remaining  numbers  of 
Publius,  I  shall  acknowledge  myself  obliged,  as  I  am  persuaded 
the  subject  will  be  well  handled  by  the  author. 

The  new  constitution  has,  as  the  public  prints  will  have  in 
formed  you,  been  handed  to  the  people  of  this  State  by  a  unan 
imous  vote  of  the  Assembly,  but  it  is  not  to  be  inferred  from 
hence  that  its  opponents  are  silenced.  On  the  contrary  there 
are  many,  and  some  powerful  ones — some  of  whom,  it  is  said, 
by  overshooting  the  mark,  have  lessened  their  weight ;  be  this  as 
it  may,  their  assiduity  stands  unrivalled,  whilst  the  friends  to  the 
constitution  content  themselves  with  barely  avowing  their  appro 
bation  of  it.  Thus  stands  the  matter  with  us  at  present,  yet  my 
opinion  is  that  the  major  voice  is  favorable. 

Application  has  been  made  to  me  by  Mr.  Secretary  Thomp 
son  (by  order  of  Congress),  for  a  copy  of  the  report  of  a  com 
mittee,  which  was  appointed  to  confer  with  the  Baron  De  Steu- 
ben,  on  his  first  arrival  in  this  country,  forwarded  to  me  by  Mr. 
President  Laurens.  This  I  have  accordingly  sent.  It  throws 

VOL.  I.  29 


450  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  31. 

no  other  light  on  the  subject  than  such  as  is  to  be  derived  from 
the  disinterested  conduct  of  the  Baron.  No  terms  are  made  by 
him,  "  nor  will  he  accept  of  any  thing  but  with  general  appro 
bation."  I  have,  however,  in  my  letter  inclosing  this  report  to 
the  Secretary,  taken  occasion  to  express  an  unequivocal  wish 
that  Congress  would  reward  the  Baron  for  his  services,  sacrifices, 
and  merits,  to  his  entire  satisfaction.  It  is  the  only  way  in 
which  I  could  bring  my  sentiments  before  that  honorable  body, 
as  it  has  been  an  established  principle  with  me,  to  ask  nothing 
from  it. 

With  very  great  esteem  and  regard, 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

G-.  WASHINGTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  JAMES  MADISON,   JUNK. 

NEW-YORK,  April  3,  1788. 

I  have  been  very  delinquent,  my  dear  sir,  in  not  thanking 
you  for  your  letter  from  Philadelphia.  The  remarks  you  made 
on  a  certain  subject  are  important,  and  will  be  attended  to. 

There  is  truly  much  embarrassment  in  the  case. 

I  think,  however,  the  principles  we  have  talked  of,  are  not 
only  just,  but  will  apply  to  the  other  departments.  Nor  will  the 
consequences  appear  so  disagreeable  as  they  may  seem  at  first 
sight,  when  we  attend  to  the  true  import  of  the  rule  established. 
The  States  retain  all  the  authorities  they  were  before  possessed 
of,  not  alienated  in  the  three  modes  pointed  out ;  but  this  does 
not  include  cases  which  are  the  creatures  of  the  new  Constitu 
tion.  For  instance,  the  crime  of  treason  against  the  United 
States  immediately  is  a  crime  known  only  to  the  new  Constitu 
tion.  There  of  course  was  no  power  in  the  State  constitutions  to 
pardon  that  crime.  There  will  therefore  be  none  under  the 
new,  &c.  This  is  something  like,  it  seems  to  me,  to  afford  the 
best  solution  of  the  difficulty.  I  send  you  the  Federalist  from 


jET.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  451 

the  beginning  to  the  conclusion  of  the  commentary  on  the  Ex 
ecutive  Branch.  If  our  suspicions  of  the  author  be  right,  he 
must  be  too  much  engaged  to  make  a  rapid  progress  in  what 
remains.  The  Court  of  Chancery  and  a  Circuit  Court  are  now 
sitting. 

We  are  told  that  your  election  has  succeeded,  with  which 
we  all  felicitate  ourselves.  I  will  thank  you  for  an  account  of 
the  result  generally.  In  this  State  our  prospects  are  much  as 
you  left  them.  A  moot  point  which  side  will  prevail.  Our 
friends  to  the  northward  are  active. 
I  remain, 

Your  affectionate  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO   MADISON. 

May,  4,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  believe  I  am  in  your  debt  a  letter  or  two,  which  is  owing 
to  my  occupation  in  relation  to  the  elections,  &c. 

These  are  now  over  in  this  State,  but  the  result  is  not  known. 
All  depends  upon  Albany,  where  both  sides  claim  the  victory. 
Our  doubts  will  not  be  removed  till  the  latter  end  of  the  month. 
I  hope  your  expectations  of  Virginia  have  not  diminished. 

Eespecting  the  first  volume  of  Publius  I  have  executed  your 
commands.  The  books  have  been  sent  addressed  to  the  care  of 
Governor  Kandolph.  The  second,  we  are  informed,  will  be  out 
in  the  course  of  a  week,  and  an  equal  number  shall  be  forwarded. 
Inclosed  is  a  letter,  committed  to  my  care  by  Mr.  Yanderkemp, 
which  I  forward  with  pleasure. 

Believe  me,  with  great  attachment, 

Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


452  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  31. 

HAMILTON  TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

NEW- YORK,  May  19,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  acknowledge  my  delinquency  in  not  thanking  you  before  for 
your  obliging  letter  from  Richmond.  But  the  truth  is,  that  I 
have  been  so  overwhelmed  in  avocations  of  one  kind  or  another, 
that  I  have  scarcely  had  a  moment  to  spare  to  a  friend.  You,  I 
trust,  will  be  the  less  disposed  to  be  inexorable,  as  I  hope  you 
will  believe  there  is  no  one  for  whom  I  have  more  inclination 
than  yourself — I  mean  of  the  male  kind. 

Your  account  of  the  situation  of  Virginia  was  interesting,  and 
the  present  appearances,  as  represented  here,  justify  your  con 
jectures.  It  does  not,  however,  appear  that  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution  can  be  considered  as  out  of  doubt  in  that  State.  Its 
conduct  upon  the  occasion  will  certainly  be  of  critical  import 
ance. 

In  this  State,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  the  elections  have  gone 
wrong.  The  event,  however,  will  not  certainly  be  known  till 
the  end  of  the  month.  Violence,  rather  than  moderation,  is  to 
be  looked  for  from  the  opposite  party.  Obstinacy  seems  the 
prevailing  trait  in  the  character  of  its  leader.  The  language  is, 
that  if  all  the  other  States  adopt,  this  is  to  persist  in  refusing  the 
constitution.  It  is  reduced  to  a  certainty,  that  Clinton  has  in 
several  conversations  declared  the  Union  unnecessary ;  though  I 
have  the  information  through  channels  which  do  notv  permit  a 
public  use  to  be  made  of  it. 

We  have,  notwithstanding  this  unfavorable  complexion  of 
things,  two  sources  of  hope — one,  the  chance  of  a  ratification  by 
nine  States,  before  we  decide,  and  the  influence  of  this  upon  the 
firmness  of  the  followers ;  the  other,  the  probability  of  a  change 
of  sentiment  in  the  people,  auspicious  to  the  Constitution. 

The  current  has  been  for  some  time  running  towards  it ; 
though  the  whole  flood  of  official  influence,  accelerated  by  a  tor 
rent  of  falsehood,  early  gave  the  public  opinion  so  violent  a 
direction  in  a  wrong  channel,  that  it  was  not  possible  suddenly 
to  alter  its  course.  This  is  a  mighty  stiff  simile ;  but  you  know 


JET.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  453 

what  I  mean ;  and  after  having  started  it,  I  did  not  choose  to 

give  up  the  chase. 

Adieu.     Yours  sincerely, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

The  members  of  the  Convention  ^  in  this  city,  by  a  majority 
of  nine  or  ten  to  one,  will  be : — John  Jay,  Eobert  R  Livingston, 
Kichard  Morris,  John  Sloss  Hobart,  James  Duane,  Isaac  Eosevelt, 
Kichard  Harrison,  Nicholas  Low,  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Gr.  Morris,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO   MADISON. 

NEW-YORK,  May  19,  1788. 

Some  days  since,  I  wrote  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  inclosing  a 
letter  from  a  Mr.  Yanderkemp,  &c. 

I  then  mentioned  to  you  that  the  question  of  a  majority  for 
or  against  the  Constitution,  would  depend  upon  the  County  of 
Albany.  By  the  later  accounts  from  that  quarter,  I  fear  much 
that  the  issue  there  has  been  against  us. 

As  Clinton  is  truly  the  leader  of  his  party,  and  is  inflexibly 
obstinate,  I  count  little  on  overcoming  opposition  by  reason. 
Our  only  chances  will  be  the  previous  ratification  by  nine 
States,  which  may  shake  the  firmness  of  his  followers ;  and  a 
change  in  the  sentiments  of  the  people,  which  have,  for  some 
time,  been  travelling  towards  the  Constitution,  though  the  first 
impressions,  made  by  every  species  of  influence  and  artifice,  were 
too  strong  to  be  eradicated  in  time  to  give  a  decisive  turn  to  the 
elections.  We  shall  leave  nothing  undone  to  cultivate  a  favor 
able  disposition  in  the  citizens  at  large. 

The  language  of  the  Anti-federalists  is,  that  if  all  the  other 
States  adopt,  New-York  ought  still  to  hold  out.  I  have  the 
most  direct  intelligence,  but  in  a  manner  which  forbids  a  public 
use  being  made  of  it,  that  Clinton  has,  in  several  conversations, 
declared  his  opinion  of  the  inutility  of  the  UNION.  It  is  an  un 
happy  reflection,  that  the  friends  to  it  should,  by  quarrelling  for 
straws  among  themselves,  promote  the  designs  of  its  adversaries. 


454  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [£JT.  31. 

We  think  here  that  the  situation  of  your  State  is  critical.  Let 
me  know  what  you  now  think  of  it.  I  believe  you  meet  nearly 
at  the  time  we  do.  It  will  be  of  vast  importance  that  an  exact 
communication  should  be  kept  up  between  us  at  that  period ; 
and  the  moment  any  decisive  question  is  taken,  if  favorable,  I 
request  you  to  dispatch  an  express  to  me  with  pointed  orders  to 
make  all  possible  diligence,  by  changing  horses,  &c.  All  ex 
pense  shall  be  thankfully  and  liberally  paid.  I  executed  your 
commands  respecting  the  first  volume  of  the  Federalist.  I  sent 
forty  of  the  common  copies  and  twelve  of  the  finer  ones,  ad 
dressed  to  the  care  of  Governor  Eandolph.  The  printer  an 
nounces  the  second  volume  in  a  day  or  two,  when  an  equal 
number  of  the  two  kinds  shall  also  be  forwarded.  He  informs 
that  the  Judicial  Department — Trial  by  Jury — Bill  of  Eights,  &c., 
is  discussed  in  some  additional  papers  which  have  not  yet  ap 
peared  in  the  Gazettes. 

I  remain, 

With  great  sincerity  and^attachment, 
Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
James  Madison. 


HAMILTON"  TO   MADISON". 

NEW-YORK,  June  8,  1788. 

MY  DEAK  SIB: 

In  my  last,  I  think,  I  informed  you  that  the  elections  had 
turned  out,  beyond  expectation,  favorable  to  the  Anti-federal 
party.  They  have  a  majority  of  two-thirds  in  the  Convention, 
and,  according  to  the  best  estimate  I  can  form,  of  about  four- 
sevenths  in  the  community.  The  views  of  the  leaders  in  this  city 
are  pretty  well  ascertained  to  be  turned  towards  a  long  adjourn 
ment  ;  say,  till  next  spring  or  summer.  Their  incautious  ones 
observe,  that  this  will  give  an  opportunity  to  the  State  to  see  hotv 
the  government  works,  and  to  act  according  to  circumstances. 

My  reasonings  on  the  fact  are  to  this  effect :  The  leaders  of 
the  party  hostile  to  the  Constitution  are  equally  hostile  to  the 
Union.  They  are,  however,  afraid  to  reject  the  Constitution  at 


2BT.3L]  CORRESPONDENCE.  455 

once,  because  that  step  would  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  between 
this  State  and  the  States  which  had  adopted  the  Constitution, 
and  between  the  parties  in  the  State.  A  separation  of  the  South 
ern  District  from  the  other  parts  of  the  State,  it  is  perceived, 
would  become  the  object  of  the  Federalists,  and  of  the  neigh 
boring  States.  They  therefore  resolve  upon  a  long  adjourn 
ment,  as  the  safest  and  most  artful  course  to  effect  their  final 
purpose.  They  suppose,  that  when  the  Government  gets  into 
operation,  it  will  be  obliged  to  take  some  steps  in  respect  to 
revenue,  &c.,  which  will  furnish  topics  of  declamation  to  its 
enemies  in  the  several  States,  and  will  strengthen  the  minorities. 
If  any  considerable  discontent  should  show  itself,  they  will  stand 
ready  to  head  the  opposition.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  thing- 
should  go  on  smoothly,  and  the  sentiments  of  our  own  people 
should  change,  they  can  elect  to  come  into  the  Union.  They 
at  all  events  take  the  chances  of  time  and  the  chapter  of  acci 
dents. 

How  far  their  friends  in  the  country  will  go  with  them,  I  am 
not  able  to  say,  but,  as  they  have  always  been  found  very  ob 
sequious,  we  have  little  reason  to  calculate  upon  an  uncom 
pliant  temper  in  the  present  instance.  For  my  own  part,  the 
more  I  can  penetrate  the  views  of  the  Anti-federal  party  in  this 
State,  the  more  I  dread  the  consequences  of  the  non-adoption  of 
the  Constitution  by  any  of  the  other  States — the  more  I  fear  an 
eventual  disunion,  and  civil  war.  Grod  grant  that  Virginia  may 
accede.  The  example  will  have  a  vast  influence  on  our  politics. 
New  Hampshire,  all  accounts  give  us  to  expect,  will  be  an 
assenting  State. 

The  number  of  the  volumes  of  the  Federalist  which  you 
desired,  have  been  forwarded,  as  well  the  second  as  the  first,  to 
the  care  of  Governor  Kandolph.  It  was  impossible  to  correct  a 
certain  error. 

In  a  former  letter,  I  requested  you  to  communicate  to  me,  by 
express,  the  event  of  any  decisive  question  in  favor  of  the  Consti 
tution,  authorizing  changes  of  horses,  &c.,  with  an  assurance  to 
the  person  that  he  will  be  liberally  paid  for  his  diligence. 

A.  HAMILTON. 

James  Madison. 


456  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  31. 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

RICHMOND,  June  9,  1788. 

DEAR  SIB  : 

The  heat  of  the  weather,  &c.,  has  laid  me  up  with  a  bilious 
attack :  I  am  not  able,  therefore,  to  say  more  than  a  few  words. 

No  material  indications  have  taken  place  since  my  last.  The 
chance  at  present  seems  to  be  in  our  favor.  But  it  is  possible 
things  may  take  another  turn.  Oswald  of  Philadelphia  came 
here  on  Saturday ;  and  has  closet  interviews  with  the  leaders  of 
the  opposition. 

Yours,  affectionately, 


Alex.  Hamilton,  Esq. 


J.  MADISON. 


EUFUS  KING  TO  HAMILTON. 

BOSTON,  June  12,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  made  an  arrangement  to  forward  by  express  the  result 
of  the  Convention  of  New  Hampshire  to  Springfield,  in  this 
State,  from  which  place  Gen.  Knox  has  engaged  a  conveyance 
to  you  at  Poughkeepsie.  Those  who  are  best  informed  of  the 
situation  of  the  question,  in  New  Hampshire,  are  positive  that 
the  decision  will  be  such  as  we  wish,  and  from  the  particular 
parts  which  I  have  heard,  I  can  entertain  no  fear  of  a  disappoint 
ment  from  that  quarter.  The  accession  of  New  Hampshire  will 
present  the  subject  to  your  Convention  in  a  new,  and  indeed,  an 
extraordinary  light.  I  think  your  opponents,  powerful  as  they 
may  be,  will  be  greatly  perplexed,  although  they  may  outnum 
ber  you,  and  a  small  majority  of  the  people  of  the  State  may  be 
on  their  side,  yet  I  cannot  think  they  will  have  the  hardiness  to 
negative  the  question. 

You  may  pronounce,  with  the  utmost  confidence,  that,  the 
decision  of  our  Convention  has  proved  entirely  satisfactory  to 


jET.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  457 

our  people.  I  have  made  a  business  of  conversing  with  men 
from  all  parts  of  the  State,  and  am  completely  satisfied  that  the 
Constitution  is  highly  popular ;  that  its  opponents  are  now  very 
few,  and  those  few  hourly  diminishing.  Be  assured  that  the 
organization  of  the  Government  (by  nine  States,  is  considered  as 
certain),  although  a  subject  of  delicacy,  is  most  earnestly  de 
sired,  and  from  the  conversation  of  both  yeoman  and  politician, 
I  am  persuaded,  that  the  people  of  Massachusetts  are  sufficiently 
mature  and  firm,  to  execute,  so  far  as  depends  on  them,  what 
shall  be  proper  as  good  subjects  of  the  new  Government. 

Farewell. 

Yours,  &c., 

EUFUS  KING. 
Col.  A.  Hamilton. 

Pray  mention  to  Knox  that  I  should  have  written  to  him 
had  I  not  supposed  him  on  his  way  here. 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

RICHMOND,  June  16,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Yours  of  the  8th  has  just  come  to  hand.  I  mentioned  in  my 
last  that  Oswald  had  been  here  in  consultation  with  the  Anti- 
federal  leaders.  The  contents  of  your  letter  confirm  the  idea 
that  a  requisition  for  delay  is  on  foot  between  the  opposition 
here  and  with  you.  We  have  conjectured  for  some  days,  that 
the  policy  is  to  spin  out  the  session,  in  order  to  receive  over 
tures  from  your  Convention ;  or,  if  that  cannot  be,  to  weary  the 
members  into  an  adjournment,  without  taking  any  decision.  It 
is  presumed,  at  the  same  time,  that  they  do  not  despair  of  carry 
ing  the  point  of  previous  amendments,  which  is  preferable  game. 
The  parties  continue  to  be  nearly  balanced.  If  we  have  a  ma 
jority  at  all,  it  does  not  exceed  three  or  four.  If  we  lose  it, 


458  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  31. 

Kentucke  will  be  the  cause ;   they  are  generally,  if  not  unani 
mously  against  us. 

I  have  been  partially  recovered  since  my  last,  but  to-day 
have  a  sort  of  relapse.  My  health  is  not  good,  and  the  business 
is  wearisome  beyond  expression.  I  wish  you  every  happiness, 
and 

Am  yours, 

J.  MADISON,  JK. 


H.  LEE  TO  HAMILTON. 

1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR: 

God  bless  you  and  your  efforts  to  save  me  from  the  manifold 

misfortunes  which  have  and  continue  to  oppress  me, 

whenever  I  attempt  to  aid  human  nature.     You  will  do  what  you 
think  best,  and  whatever  you  do  I  will  confirm, 
has  acted  the  part  of  a  decided  rascal,  and  if  I  fail  in  my  right,  I 
may  not  in  personal  revenge. 

Our  Convention  is  in  full  debate  on  the  great  business  of  the 
Federal  Constitution.  "We  possess,  as  yet,  in  defiance  of  great 
overtures,  a  majority,  but  very  small  indeed. 

A  correspondence  has  certainly  been  opened  through  a  Mr. 
0.  of  Philadelphia,  from  the  malcontents  of  P.  and  N.  Y.  to  us. 
It  has  its  operation,  but  I  believe  we  are  still  safe,  unless  the 
question  of  adjournment  be  introduced,  and  love  of  home  may 
induce  some  of  our  friends  to  abandon  their  principles. 

Adieu, 

H.  LEE. 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

RICHMOND,  June  20,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Our  debates  have  advanced  as  far  as  the  judiciary  depart 
ment,  against  which  a  great  effort  is  making.  The  appellate  cog 
nizance  of  fact,  and  an  extension  of  the  power  to  causes  between 


^T.3L]  CORRESPONDENCE.  459 

citizens  of  different  States,  with  some  lesser  objections,  are  the  topics 
chiefly  dwelt  on.  The  retrospection  to  cases  antecedent  to  the 
Constitution,  such  as  British  debts,  and  an  apprehended  revival 
of  the  Fairfax,  Indiana,  Yandalia,  &c.,  claims,  are  also  brought 
into  view  in  all  the  terrific  colors  which  imagination  can  give 
them.  A  few  days  more  will  probably  produce  a  decision,  though 
it  is  surmised,  that  something  is  expected  from  your  Convention 
in  consequence  of  the  mission  formerly  suggested  to  you.  Delay 
and  an  adjournment  will  be  tried,  if  the  adverse  party  find  their 
numbers  inferior,  and  can  prevail  on  themselves  to  remain  here 
till  the  other  side  can  be  wearied  into  that  mode  of  relieving 
themselves.  At  present,  it  is  calculated,  that  we  still  retain  a 
majority  of  three  or  four  ;  and  if  we  can  weather  the  storm 
against  the  part  under  consideration,  I  shall  hold  the  danger  to 
be  pretty  well  over.  There  is  nevertheless  a  very  disagreeable 
uncertainty  in  the  case  ;  and  the  more  so,  as  there  is  a  possibility 
that  our  present  strength  may  be  miscalculated. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

J.  MADISON,  JR. 


HAMILTON  TO   MADISON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  June,  1788. 

DEAE  SIR  : 

Your  letter  of  the  20th  came  to  hand  two  days  since.  I  re 
gret  that  your  prospects  are  not  yet  reduced  to  greater  certainty. 
There  is  more  and  more  reason  to  believe  that  our  conduct  will 
be  influenced  by  yours. 

Our  discussions  have  not  yet  travelled  beyond  the  power  of 
taxation.  To-day  we  shall  probably  quit  this  ground  to  pass  to 
another.  Our  arguments  confound,  but  do  not  convince.  Some 
of  the  leaders,  however,  appear  to  be  convinced  by  circumstances, 
and  to  be  desirous  of  a  retreat.  This  does  not  apply  to  the  chief, 
who  wishes  to  establish  Clintonism  on  the  basis  of  Anti-fede 
ralism. 

I  remain  affectionately  yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


460  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  31. 


,-  HAMILTON  TO  MADISON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  June  21,  1788. 

Yesterday,  my  dear  sir,  the  Convention  made  a  House.  That 
day  and  this  have  been  spent  in  preliminary  arrangements.  To 
morrow,  we  go  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  on  the  Constitution. 
There  is  every  appearance  that  a  full  discussion  will  take  place, 
which  will  keep  us  together  at  least  a  fortnight.  It  is  not  easy  to 
conjecture  what  will  be  the  result.  Our  adversaries  greatly  out 
number  us.  The  leaders  gave  indications  of  a  pretty  desperate 
disposition  in  private  conversations  previous  to  the  meeting ;  but 
I  imagine  the  minor  partisans  have  their  scruples,  and  an  air  of 
moderation  is  now  assumed.  So  far  the  thing  is  not  despaired 
of.  A  happy  issue  with  you  must  have  considerable  influence 
upon  us.  I  have  time  to  add  nothing  more  than  the  assurances 
of  my  sincere  attachment. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO   MADISON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  June  21,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  Sra : 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter  of  the  9th  instant,  and  am  glad  to 
learn  that  you  think  the  chance  is  in  your  favor.  I  hope  no  dis 
agreeable  change  may  appear.  Yet,  I  own  I  fear  something  from 
your  indisposition. 

Our  debate  here  began  on  the  clause  respecting  the  propor 
tion  of  representation,  &c.,  which  has  taken  up  two  days.  To 
morrow,  I  imagine,  we  shall  talk  about  the  power  over  elections. 
The  only  good  information  I  can  give  you  is,  that  we  shall  be 
some  time  together,  and  take  the  chance  of  events. 

The  object  of  the  party  at  present  is  undoubtedly  conditional 
amendments.  What  effect  events  may  have  cannot  precisely  be 
foreseen.  I  believe  the  adoption  by  New  Hampshire  is  certain. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  461 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

RICHMOND,  June  22,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

The  Judiciary  Department  has  been  on  the  anvil  for  several 
days,  and  I  presume  will  still  be  a  further  subject  of  disquisition. 
The  attacks  on  it  have  apparently  made  less  impression  than  was 
feared.  But  they  may  be  secretly  felt  by  particular  interests  that 
could  not  make  the  acknowledgment,  and  we  choose  to  ground 
their  vote  against  the  Constitution  in  other  motives.  In  the 
course  of  this  week  we  hope  for  a  close  of  the  business  in  some 
form  or  other.  The  opponents  will  probably  bring  forward  a 
bill  of  rights,  with  sundry  other  amendments,  as  conditions  of 
ratification.  Should  these  fail,  or  be  despaired  of,  an  adjourn 
ment  will,  I  think,  be  attempted.  And  in  case  of  disappoint 
ment  here  also,  some  predict  a  secession.  I  do  not  myself  con 
cur  in  the  last  apprehension,  though  I  have  thought  it  prudent 
to  withhold,  by  a  studied  fairness  in  every  step  on  the  side  of  the 
Constitution,  every  pretext  for  rash  experiments.  The  plan  me 
ditated  by  the  friends  of  the  Constitution  is  to  preface  the  ratifi 
cation  with  some  plain  and  general  truths  that  cannot  affect  the 
validity  of  the  act,  and  to  subjoin  a  recommendation,  which  may 
hold  up  amendments  as  objects  to  be  pursued  in  the  constitutional 
mode.  These  expedients  are  rendered  prudent  by  the  nice  bal 
ance  of  numbers,  and  the  scruples  entertained  by  some  who  are 
in  general  well  affected.  Whether  they  will  secure  us  a  majority, 
I  dare  not  positively  to  declare.  Our  calculations  promise  us 
success  by  three  or  four,  or  possibly  five  or  six  votes.  But  were 
there  no  possibility  of  mistaking  the  opinions  of  some,  in  re 
viewing  those  of  so  many,  the  smallness  of  the  majority  suggests 
the  danger  from  ordinary  casualties,  which  may  vary  the  result. 
It  unluckily  happens  that  our  legislature,  which  meets  at  this 
place  to-morrow,  consists  of  a  considerable  majority  of  Anti- 
federal  members.  This  is  another  circumstance  that  ought  to 
check  our  confidence.  As  individuals  they  may  have  some  influ 
ence  ;  and,  as  coming  immediately  from  the  people  at  large,  they 


462  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  31. 

can  give  any  color  they  please  to  the  popular  sentiments  at  this 
moment,  and  may  in  that  mode  throw  a  bias  on  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people  in  Convention. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

J.  MADISON,  JE. 


HAMILTON  TO   MADISON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  Friday  morning,  June  27,  1788. 

A  day  or  two  ago,  General  Schuyler,  at  my  request,  sent  for 
ward  to  you  an  express  with  an  account  of  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  by  New  Hampshire.  We  eagerly  wait  for  further 
intelligence  from  you,  as  our  chance  of  success  depends  upon  you. 
There  are  some  slight  symptoms  of  relaxation  in  some  of  the 
leaders,  which  authorizes  a  gleam  of  hope,  if  you  do  well,  but 
certainly  I  think  not  otherwise. 

A.  HAMILTON. 

To  Hon.  James  Madison,  Jr. 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

RICHMOND,  June  27,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

This  day  put  an  end  to  the  existence  of  our  Convention.  The 
inclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  Act  of  Eatification.  It  has  been  fol 
lowed  by  a  number  of  recommendatory  alterations,  many  of 
them  highly  objectionable.  One  of  the  most  so  is  an  article  pro 
hibiting  direct  taxes  where  effectual  laws  shall  be  passed  by  the 
States  for  the  purpose.  It  was  impossible  to  prevent  this  error. 
The  minority  will  sign  an  address  to  the  people.  The  genius  of 
it  is  unknown  to  me.  It  is  announced  as  an  exhortation  to 
acquiesce  in  the  result  of  the  Convention.  Notwithstanding  the 


^ET.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  463 

fair  propositions  made  by  some,  I  am  so  uncharitable  as  to  sus 
pect,  that  the  ill-will  to  the  Constitution  will  produce  every  peace 
able  effort  to  disgrace  and  destroy  it.  Mr.  Henry  declared,  pre 
vious  to  the  final  que.sti.on,  that  although  he  should  submit  as  a 
quiet  citizen,  he  should  wait  with  impatience  for  the  favorable 
moment  of  regaining,  in  a  constitutional  way,  the  lost  liberties  of 
his  country.  My  conjecture  is,  that  exertions  will  be  made  to 
engage  two-thirds  of  the  legislatures  in  the  task  of  regularly  un 
dermining  the  Government.  This  hint  may  not  be  unworthy  of 
your  attention. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

J.  MADISON,  JR. 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

June  31, 1788. 

Inclosed  is  the  final  result  of  our  conventional  deliberations. 
The  intended  address  of  the  minority  proved  to  be  of  a  nature 
apprehended  by  me.  It  was  rejected  by  the  party  themselves, 
when  proposed  to  them,  and  produced  an  auspicious  conclusion 
to  the  business.  As  I  shall  set  out  in  a  few  days  for  New- York, 
I  postpone  further  explanations.  I  have  this  instant  the  commu 
nications  from  New  Hampshire  via  Poughkeepsie  ;  also,  your 
two  favors  of  the  19th  and  20th. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

J.  MADISON,  JR. 


HAMILTON  TO   MADISON. 

July  8,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  felicitate  you  sincerely  on  the  event  in  Virginia,  but  my  sa 
tisfaction  will  be  allayed  if  I  discover  too  much  facility  in  the 
business  of  amendment-making.  I  fear  the  system  will  be 


464  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JSi.  31. 

wounded  in  some  of  its  vital  parts  by  too  general  a  concurrence 
in  some  very  injudicious  recommendations.  I  allude  more  parti 
cularly  to  the  power  of  taxation.  The  more  I  consider  requisition 
in  any  shape,  the  more  I  am  out  of  humor  with  it.  "We  yester 
day  passed  through  the  Constitution.  To-day  some  definitive 
proposition  is  to  be  brought  forward,  but  what  we  are  at  a  loss  to 
judge.  We  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  our  opponents  are 
not  agreed,  and  this  affords  some  ground  of  hope.  Different 
things  are  thought  of — conditions  precedent,  or  previous  amend 
ments  ;  conditions  subsequent,  or  the  proposition  of  amendments, 
upon  condition  that  if  they  are  not  adopted  within  a  limited  time, 
the  State  shall  be  at  liberty  to  withdraw  from  the  Union ;  and 
lastly,  recommendatory  amendments.  In  either  case,  constructive 
declarations  will  be  carried  as  far  as  possible.  We  will  go  as  far 
as  we  can  in  the  latter  without  invalidating  the  act,  and  will  con 
cur  in  rational  recommendations.  The  rest  for  our  opponents. 
We  are  informed  there  has  been  a  disturbance  in  the  city  of 
Albany,  on  the  4th  of  July,  which  has  occasioned  bloodshed. 
The  Anti-federalists  were  the  aggressors,  and  the  Federalists  the 
victors.  Thus  stand  our  accounts  at  present.  We  trust,  how 
ever,  the  matter  has  passed  over,  and  tranquillity  been  restored. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  MADISON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  Saturday,  July,  1788. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  yours  by  the  post.  Yesterday, 
I  communicated  to  Duer  our  situation,  which  I  presume  he  will 
have  communicated  to  you.  It  remains  exactly  the  same.  No 
further  question  having  been  taken,  I  fear  the  footing  I  men 
tioned  to  Duer  is  the  best  upon  which  it  can  be  placed ;  but 
every  thing  possible  will  yet  be  attempted  to  bring  the  party 
from  that  stand  to  an  unqualified  ratification.  Let  me  know 
your  idea  upon  the  possibility  of  our  being  received  on  that 
plan.  You  will  understand  that  the  only  qualification  will  be  the 


jEi.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  465 

reservation  of  a  right  to  recede,  in  case  our  amendments  have  not 
been  decided  upon  in  one  of  the  modes  pointed  out  by  the  Consti 
tution  within  a  certain  number  of  years,  perhaps  five  or  seven.  If 
this  can  in  the  first  instance  be  admitted  as  a  ratification,  I  do 
not  fear  any  further  consequences.  Congress  will,  I  presume, 
recommend  certain  amendments  to  render  the  structure  of  the 
Government  more  secure.  This  will  satisfy  the  more  considerate 
and  honest  opposers  of  the  Constitution,  and  with  the  aid  of  them 
will  break  up  the  party. 

Yours,  affectionately, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


MADISON  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEW- YORK,  Sunday  evening. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

Yours,  of  yesterday,  is  this  instant  come  to  hand,  and  I  have 
but  a  few  minutes  to  answer  it.  I  am  sorry  that  your  situation 
obliges  you  to  listen  to  propositions  of  the  nature  you  describe. 
My  opinion  is,  that  a  reservation  of  a  right  to  withdraw,  if  amend 
ments  be  not  decided  on  under  the  form  of  the  Constitution  within 
a  certain  time,  is  a  conditional  ratification ;  that  it  does  not  make 
New- York  a  member  of  the  new  Union,  and  consequently  that 
she  could  not  be  received  on  that  plan.  Compacts  must  be  re 
ciprocal — this  principle  would  not  in  such  a  case  be  preserved. 
The  Constitution  requires  an  adoption  in  toto  andybr  ever.  It  has 
been  so  adopted  by  the  other  States.  An  adoption  for  a  limited 
time  would  be  as  defective  as  an  adoption  of  some  of  the  articles 
only.  In  short,  any  condition  whatever  must  vitiate  the  ratifica 
tion.  What  the  new  Congress,  by  virtue  of  the  power  to  admit 
new  States,  may  be  able  and  disposed  to  do  in  such  case,  I  do  not 
inquire,  as  I  suppose  that  is  not  the  material  point  at  present. 
I  have  not  a  moment  to  add  more  than  my  fervent  wishes  for 
your  success  and  happiness.  The  idea  of  reserving  a  right  to 
withdraw  was  started  at  Eichmond,  and  considered  as  a  condi 
tional  ratification,  which  was  itself  abandoned  as  worse  than  a 
rejection.  Yours, 

JAMES  MADISON,  JR. 

VOL.  i.  30 


466  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  31. 

CHIPMAN  TO  HAMILTON. 

TINMOUTH,  July  14,  1788. 

SIR: 

Your  character  as  a  federalist  has  induced  me,  although,  per 
sonally  unknown  to  you,  to  address  you  on  a  subject  of  very 
great  importance  to  the  State  of  Yermont,  of  which  I  am  a 
citizen,  and  from  which  I  think  may  be  derived  a  considerable 
advantage  to  the  federal  cause.  Ten  States  have  now  adopted 
the  new  federal  plan  of  government.  That  it  will  now  succeed 
is  beyond  a  doubt ;  what  disputes  the  other  States  may  occasion 
I  know  not.  The  people  of  this  State,  could  certain  obstacles 
be  removed,  I  believe,  might  be  induced  almost  unanimously  to 
throw  themselves  into  the  federal  scale.  You  are  not  unac 
quainted  with  the  situation  of  a  considerable  part  of  our  landed 
property.  Many  grants  were  formerly  made  by  the  govern 
ment  of  New- York,  of  lands  within  this  territory  while  under 
that  jurisdiction.  On  the  assumption  of  government  by  the 
people  of  this  State,  the  same  lands,  partly,  it  is  said,  for  want 
of  information  respecting  the  true  situation  of  these  grants,  and 
partly  from  the  opinion  prevailing  with  our  then  leaders,  that 
the  New- York  grants  within  this  territory  were  of  no  validity, 
have  been  granted  to  others  under  the  authority  of  this  State. 

It  is  now  generally  believed  that,  should  we  be  received  into 
the  Union,  the  New- York  grants  would,  in  the  federal  courts,  be 
preferred  to  those  of  Yermont.  The  Legislature  of  this  State 
have  in  some  instances  made  a  compensation  to  the  grantees 
under  New- York,  and  I  am  persuaded,  were  it  in  their  power, 
would  gladly  do  the  same  for  others,  but  they  are  possessed  of 
no  more  land  for  that  purpose.  For  these  reasons,  I  presume  no 
others,  the  Governor  and  some  few  gentlemen  deeply  interested 
in  those  lands  under  Yermont,  have  expressed  themselves  some 
what  bitterly  against  the  new  federal  plan  of  government.  In 
deed,  were  we  to  be  admitted  unconditionally  it  would  introduce 
much  confusion.  Now,  sir,  permit  me  to  ask  whether  you  do 
not  think  it  probable  that  the  federal  legislature,  when  formed, 
might,  on  our  accession,  be  induced  on  some  terms  to  make  a 


^JT.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  467 

compensation  to  the  New- York  grantees  out  of  their  western 
land  ?  And  whether  those  grantees  might  not  be  induced  to 
accept  of  such  compensation  ?  Let  me  further  suggest  whether 
it  might  be  favorable  for  Yermont  to  make  some  of  those 
amendments,  which  have  been  proposed  by  several  States,  and 
which,  I  think,  are  generally  within  the  power  of  the  federal 
legislature,  the  basis  of  her  admission.  Could  the  difficulties  I 
have  mentioned  be  removed,  all  interest  in  opposition  could 
here  be  reconciled.  The  idea  of  procuring  justice  to  be  done  those 
whom  we  had  perhaps  injured  by  our  too  precipitate  measures, 
and  of  being  connected  with  a  Government  which  promises  to  be 
efficient,  permanent,  and  honorable,  would,  I  am  persuaded,  pro 
duce  the  greatest  unanimity  on  the  subject.  If  you  think  these 
matters  worthy  the  attention  of  the  friends  of  the  Confederacy, 
be  good  enough  to  write  me  by  my  brother,  who  will  be  the 
bearer  of  this. 

Our  Legislature  will  meet  in  October,  when  these  matters 
will  be  taken  up  seriously.  Several  gentlemen  of  my  acquaint 
ance,  who  are  men  of  influence,  and  will  be  members  of  the 
Legislature,  have  requested  me  to  procure  all  the  information  in 
my  power  on  this  subject.  Any  thing  you  may  communicate 
to  me  in  confidence  will  be  sacredly  attended  to,  of  which  Mr. 
Kelly,  who  writes  by  the  same  opportunity,  will  give  you  the 
fullest  assurance. 

I  am,  Sir,  with  sentiments  of  esteem,. 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

NATHANIEL  CHIPMAN. 
Alex.  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  CHIPMAN. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  July  22, 1788. 

SIR: 

Your  brother  delivered  me  your  favor,  which  I  received  with 
pleasure,  as  the  basis  of  a  correspondence  that  may  be  produc 
tive  of  public  good. 


468  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  31. 

The  accession  of  Vermont  to  the  Confederacy  is,  doubtless, 
an  object  of  great  importance  to  the  whole ;  and  it  appears  to 
me  that  this  is  the  favorable  moment  for  effecting  it  upon  the 
best  terms  for  all  concerned.  Besides  more  general  reasons, 
there  are  circumstances  of  the  moment  which  will  forward  a 
proper  arrangement.  One  of  the  first  subjects  of  deliberation 
with  the  new  Congress  will  be  the  independence  of  Kentucky, 
for  which  the  Southern  States  will  be  anxious.  The  Northern 
will  be  glad  to  send  a  counterpoise  in  Vermont.  These  mutual 
interests  and  inclinations  will  facilitate  a  proper  result. 

I  see  nothing  that  can  stand  in  your  way  but  the  interfering 
claims  under  the  grants  of  New-York.  As  to  taxation,  the  na 
tural  operation  of  the  new  system  will  place  you  exactly  where 
you  might  wish  to  be.  The  public  debt,  as  far  as  it  can  pru 
dently  be  provided  for,  will  be  by  the  Western  lands  and  the 
appropriation  of  some  general  fund.  There  will  be  no  distribution 
of  it  to  particular  parts  of  the  community.  The  fund  will  be  sought 
for  in  indirect  taxation ;  as  for  a  number  of  years,  and  except  in 
time  of  war,  direct  taxes  would  be  an  impolitic  measure.  Hence, 
as  you  can  have  no  objection  to  your  proportion  of  contribution 
as  consumers,  you  can  fear  nothing  from  the  article  of  taxation. 

I  readily  conceive  that  it  will  hardly  be  practicable  to  you  to 
come  into  the  Union  unless  you  are  secured  from  claims  under 
New- York  grants.  Upon  the  whole,  therefore,  I  think  it  will 
be  expedient  for  you,  as  early  as  possible,  to  ratify  the  Constitu 
tion,  "  upon  condition  that  Congress  shall  provide  for  the  ex 
tinguishment  of  all  existing  claims  to  land  under  grants  of  the 
State  of  New- York,  which  may  interfere  with  claims  under  the 
grants  of  the  State  of  Vermont."  You  will  do  well  to  conform 
your  boundary  to  that  heretofore  marked  out  by  Congress,  other 
wise  insuperable  difficulties  would  be  likely  to  arise  with  this 
State. 

I  should  think  it  altogether  unadvisable  to  annex  any  other 
conditions  to  your  ratification;  for  there  is  scarcely  any  of 
the  amendments  proposed  that  will  not  have  a  party  opposed 
to  it,  and  there  are  several  that  will  meet  with  a  very  strong 
opposition;  and  it  would,  therefore,  be  highly  inexpedient  for 


jfiT.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  469 

you  to  embarrass  your  main  object  by  any  collateral  difficul 
ties. 

As  I  write  in  Convention,  I  have  it  not  in  my  power  to  en 
large.  You  will  perceive  my  general  ideas  on  the  subject.  I 
will  only  add,  that  it  will  be  wise  to  lay  as  little  impediment  as 
possible  in  the  way  of  your  reception  into  the  Union. 

A.  HAMILTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  MADISON. 

POUGHKEEPSIE,  July  22,  1788. 

DEAE  SIR  : 

I  wrote  to  you  by  the  last  post,  since  which  nothing  material 
has  turned  up  here.  We  are  debating  on  amendments  without 
having  decided  what  is  to  be  done  with  them.  There  is  so  great 
a  diversity  in  the  views  of  our  opponents  that  it  is  impossible  to 
predict  any  thing.  Upon  the  whole,  however,  our  fears  di 
minish. 

Yours  affectionately, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

James  Madison,  jr.,  New- York. 


HAMILTON  TO  SAMUEL  BROOME. 

NEW-YORK,  Aug.  6,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

I  have  this  moment  received  your  letter  of  the  thirteenth 
ultimo,  and  am  sorry  that  the  rules  of  propriety  in  respect  to 
my  situation,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  will  not  permit  my  act 
ing  in  the  capacity  you  wish. 

My  situation  for  some  time  past  has  prevented  my  acknow 
ledging  one  or  two  of  your  favors,  which  have  been  duly  handed 
to  me.  I  recollect  that  one  of  them  contains  an  inquiry  concern- 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JET.  31. 

ing  your  son,  to  which  you  will  naturally  desire  an  answer.     My 
public  avocations,  for  some  time  past,  have  put  it  out  of  my  power 
to  ascertain  the  progress  he  has  made ;  though  I  expect,  when 
I  shall  be  enough  disengaged  to  examine,  to   find   it  a  good 
one.     It  cannot  fail  to  be  so,  if  his  diligence  has  been  equal  to 
his  capacity.     I  shall  shortly  write  you  further  on  the  subject. 
With  great  esteem, 
I  remain,  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
Mr.  Samuel  Broome. 


HAMILTON  TO   WASHINGTON. 

NEW-YORK,  August  13,  1788. 

SIE: 

Captain  Cochran  of  the  British  navy  has  requested  my  aid 

in  recovering  a  family  watch  in  the  possession  of . 

In  compliance  with  his  request,  I  have  written  the  letter  here 
with  (to ),  which  I  take  the  liberty  to  convey 

through  you,  in  hope  that  if  you  see  no  impropriety  in  it,  you 
would  add  your  influence  to  the  endeavor  to  gratify  Captain 
Cochran.  It  is  one  of  those  things  in  which  the  affections  are 
apt  to  be  interested  beyond  the  value  of  the  object,  and  in  which 
one  naturally  feels  an  inclination  to  oblige. 

I  have  delivered  to  Mr.  Madison,  to  be  forwarded  to  you,  a 
set  of  the  papers  under  the  signature  of  Publius,  neatly  enough 
bound  to  be  honored  with  a  place  in  your  library.  I  presume 
you  have  understood  that  the  writers  of  these  papers  are  chiefly 
Mr.  Madison  and  myself,  with  some  aid  from  Mr.  Jay. 

I  take  it  for  granted,  sir,  you  have  concluded  to  comply  with 
what  will  no  doubt  be  the  general  call  of  your  country  in  rela 
tion  to  the  new  Government.  You  will  permit  me  to  say  that  it 
is  indispensable  you  should  lend  yourself  to  its  first  operations. 


2Ei.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  471 

It  is  of  little  purpose  to  have  introduced  a  system,  if  the  weightiest 
influence  is  not  given  to  its  firm  establishment  in  the  outset. 
I  remain  with  the  greatest  esteem, 

Your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
General  Washington. 


HAMILTON  TO   GOVERNOR  LIVINGSTON. 

NEW- YORK,  August  29,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

We  are  informed  here,  that  there  is  some  probability 
that  your  Legislature  will  instruct  your  delegates  to  vote  for 
Philadelphia  as  the  place  of  the  meeting  of  the  first  Congress 
under  the  new  Government.  I  presume  this  information  can 
hardly  be  well  founded,  as  upon  my  calculations,  there  is  not  a 
State  in  the  Union  so  much  interested  in  having  the  temporary 
residence  at  New- York,  as  New  Jersey. 

As  between  Philadelphia  and  New- York,  I  am  mistaken  if  a 
greater  proportion  of  your  State  will  not  be  benefited  by  having 
the  seat  of  government  at  the  latter  than  the  former  place. 

If  at  the  latter,  too,  its  exposed  and  eccentric  position  will 
necessitate  the  early  establishment  of  a  permanent  seat,  and  in 
passing  south,  it  is  highly  probable  the  Government  would  light 
upon  the  Delaware  in  New  Jersey.  The  Northern  States  do  not 
wish  to  increase  Pennsylvania,  by  an  accession  of  all  the  wealth 
and  population  of  the  Federal  City.  Pennsylvania,  herself, 
when  not  seduced  by  immediate  possession,  will  be  glad  to  concur 
in  a  situation  on  the  Jersey  side  of  the  Delaware.  Here  are  at 
once  a  majority  of  the  States ;  but  place  the  Government  once 
down  in  Pennsylvania,  Pennsylvania  will,  of  course,  hold  fast ; 
the  State  of  Delaware  will  do  the  same. 

All  the  States  south,  looking  forward  to  the  time,  when  the 
balance  of  population  will  enable  them  to  carry  the  Government 
further  south  (say  to  the  Potomac),  and  being  accommodated  in 


472  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEx.  31. 

the  mean  time  as  well  as  they  wish,  will  concur  in  no  change. 
The  Government,  from  the  delay,  will  take  root  in  Philadelphia, 
and  Jersey  will  lose  all  prospect  of  the  Federal  City  within  her 
limits. 

These  appear  to  me  calculations  so  obvious,  that  I  cannot 
persuade  myself  New  Jersey  will  so  much  oversee  her  interest  as 
to  fall,  in  the  present  instance,  into  the  snares  of  Pennsylvania. 
With  the  sincerest  respect  and  regard, 
I  remain,  dear  Sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


CHIPMAN  TO  HAMILTON. 

NEWFANE,  Sept.  6,  1788. 

SIR: 

I  have  received  by  Capt.  Yille,  your  favor  of  the  22d  of 
July.  Since  I  wrote  you,  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  convers 
ing  with  his  Excellency,  the  Governor,  and  most  of  the  council, 
on  the  subject  of  Vermont's  accession  to  the  Confederacy.  They 
generally  agree,  that  the  terms  suggested  are  good ;  that  it  will 
be  highly  the  interest  of  Yermont  to  accede  ;  and  that  the  pre 
sent  is  likely  to  be  a  favorable  crisis.  But  it  is  a  question 
whether  we  ought  to  make  any  propositions  to  the  present  Con 
gress,  or  prepare  matters,  and  wait  the  new  arrangement.  Yer 
mont  will  not  make  a  point  of  introducing  any  amendments. 
We  shall  not  be  the  first  to  feel  the  inconveniences,  if  any  should 
arise,  from  the  exercise  of  the  new  federal  powers.  For  myself, 
I  readily  conceive,  that  direct  taxation,  under  the  new  system, 
will  be  very  inconsiderable  during  the  continuance  of  peace  ;  yet 
I  find  an  exemption  from  the  expenses  of  the  late  war  will  have 
with  the  citizens  of  this  State  a  very  powerful  effect  in  producing 
unanimity  on  the  subject  of  a  Union. 

But  I  hope  this  matter  will  in  some  way  be  compromised.  If, 
sir,  you  have  any  thing  to  suggest  on  this  subject,  that  may  pro- 


jEi.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  473 

mote  the  public  good,  I  should  be  very  happy  in  the  communi 
cation,  previous  to  the  session  of  Assembly  in  October  next. 
The  choice  of  representatives,  which  was  on  Tuesday  last,  has,  as 
far  as  I  have  heard,  succeeded  favorably.  Mr.  Kelly,  who  is  so 
obliging  as  to  take  charge  of  this  letter,  will  be  able  to  give  you 
a  more  particular  account  than  can  be  done  in  this  way,  as  he 
has  conversed  largely  with  the  Governor,  Council,  and  other 
persons  of  influence,  with  whom  he  has  great  weight. 
I  am,  Sir, 

With  much  esteem  and  respect, 
Your  most  obedient  servant, 

NATHL.  CHIPMAN. 
A.  Hamilton,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

NEW- YORK,  September,  1788. 

DEAE  SIR  : 

Your  Excellency's  friendly  and  obliging  letter  of  the  28th 
ultimo,  came  safely  to  hand.  I  thank  you  for  your  assurance  of 

seconding  my  application  to  General .  The  truth  of  that 

affair  is,  that  he  purchased  the  watch  for  a  trifle  of  a  British 
soldier,  who  plundered  Major  Cochran,  at  the  moment  of  his  fall, 
at  Yorktown. 

I  should  be  deeply  pained,  my  dear  sir,  if  your  scruples  in 
regard  to  a  certain  station,  should  be  matured  into  a  resolution 
to  decline  it ;  though  I  am  neither  surprised  at  their  existence, 
nor  can  I  but  agree  in  opinion,  that  the  caution  you  observe,  in 
deferring  an  ultimate  determination,  is  prudent.  I  have,  how 
ever,  reflected  maturely  on  the  subject,  and  have  come  to  a 
conclusion  (in  which  I  feel  no  hesitation),  that  every  public  and 
personal  consideration  will  demand  from  you  an  acquiescence  in 
what  will  certainly  be  the  unanimous  wish  of  your  country. 
The  absolute  retreat  which  you  meditated  at  the  close  of  the 
late  war  was  natural,  and  proper.  Had  the  Government  pro- 


4V4  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ei.  31. 

duced  by  the  revolution,  gone  on  in  a  tolerable  train,  it  would 
have  been  most  advisable  to  have  persisted  in  that  retreat.  But 
I  am  clearly  of  opinion,  that  the  crisis  which  brought  you  again 
into  public  view,  left  you  no  alternative  but  to  comply ;  and  I 
am  equally  clear  in  the  opinion,  that  you  are  by  that  act  pledged 
to  take  a  part  in  the  execution  of  the  Government.  I  am  not 
less  convinced,  that  the  impression  of  this  necessity  of  your 
filling  the  station  in  question,  is  so  universal,  that  you  run  no 
risk  of  any  uncandid  imputation  by  submitting  to  it.  But  even 
if  this  were  not  the  case,  a  regard  to  your  own  reputation,  as 
well  as  to  the  public  good,  calls  upon  you  in  the  strongest 
manner,  to  run  that  risk. 

It  cannot  be  considered  as  a  compliment  to  say,  that  on 
your  acceptance  of  the  office  of  President,  the  success  of  the  new 
Government,  in  its  commencement,  may  materially  depend. 
Your  agency  and  influence  will  be  not  less  important  in  pre 
serving  it  from  the  future  attacks  of  its  enemies,  than  they 
have  been  in  recommending  it  in  the  first  instance,  to  the  adop 
tion  of  the  people.  Independent  of  all  considerations  drawn 
from  this  source,  the  point  of  light  in  which  you  stand  at  home 
and  abroad,  will  make  an  infinite  difference  in  the  respectability 
with  which  the  Government  will  begin  its  operations,  in  the 
alternative  of  your  being  or  not  being  at  the  head  of  it.  I  for 
bear  to  urge  considerations  which  might  have  a  more  personal 
application.  What  I  have  said  will  suffice  for  the  inferences 
I  mean  to  draw. 

First.  In  a  matter  so  essential  to  the  well-being  of  society, 
as  the  prosperity  of  a  newly  instituted  government,  a  citizen  of 
so  much  consequence  as  yourself  to  its  success,  has  no  option 
but  to  lend  his  services  if  called  for.  Permit  me  to  say,  it 
would  be  inglorious,  in  such  a  situation,  not  to  hazard  the  glory, 
however  great,  which  he  might  have  previously  acquired. 

Secondly.  Your  signature  to  the  proposed  system,  pledges 
your  judgment  for  its  being  such  an  one  as,  upon  the  whole,  was 
worthy  of  the  public  approbation.  If  it  should  miscarry  (as 
men  commonly  decide  from  success,  or  the  want  of  it),  the 
blame  will,  in  all  probability,  be  laid  on  the  system  itself;  and 


JEr.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  475 

the  framers  of  it  will  have  to  encounter  the  disrepute  of  having 
brought  about  a  revolution  in  government,  without  substituting 
any  thing  that  was  worthy  of  the  effort.  They  pulled  down  one 
Utopia,  it  will  be  said,  to  build  up  another.  This  view  of  the 
subject,  if  I  mistake  not,  my  dear  sir,  will  suggest  to  your  mind 
greater  hazard  to  that  fame,  which  must  be  and  ought  to  be  dear 
to  you,  in  refusing  your  future  aid  to  the  system,  than  in  afford 
ing  it.  I  will  only  add,  that  in  my  estimate  of  the  matter,  that 
aid  is  indispensable. 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  express  these  sentiments,  and  to 
lay  before  you  my  view  of  the  subject.  I  doubt  not  the  con 
siderations  mentioned,  have  fully  occurred  to  you,  and  I  trust 
they  will  finally  produce  in  your  mind  the  same  result  which 
exists  in  mine.  I  flatter  myself,  the  frankness  with  which  I 
have  delivered  myself  will  not  be  displeasing  to  you.  It  has 
been  prompted  by  motives  which  you  would  not  disapprove. 
I  remain,  my  dear  Sir, 

With  the  sincerest  respect  and  regard, 
Your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON, 


STEUBEN  TO  HAMILTON. 

LeSdeSept.  17S& 

MONSIEUR, 

La  lettre  c'y  joint  de  Mr.  E.  Peters,  contienne  une  pfleuve,  non 
equivoque,  que  dans  mes  premieres  applications  et  iramediate- 
ment  apres  la  paix,  j'ai  appuye  mes  preventions  aux  E>  U.  sur 
une  stipulation  ou  contract  fait  en  entrant  dans  leur  service. 

Comme  vous  £tiez  de  cette  meme  committee  a  Philadelphie, 
je  m'en  rapporte  a  votre  memoire.  Dans  tous  les  committees 
subsequentes  j'ai  toujours  appuy6  sur  ce  meme  contract,  et  je  me 
rapporte  a  tous  les  Messieurs  qui  successivement  furent  des  com- 
mitte'es  sur  ce  sujet. 


476  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^T.  31. 

Comme  vous  etes  de  la  presente  Congres,  je  vous  prie  de 
communiquer  la  reporte  de  Mr.  Peters  a  cette  committee. 
J'ai  1'honneur  d'etre  avec  affection, 
Monsieur, 

Yotre  tres  humble, 

STEUBEN. 
Alexander  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  THEODORE   SEDGWICK. 

NEW-YORK,  Oct.  9,  1788. 

"  Your  last  letter  but  one  met  me  at  Albany  attending  court, 
whence  I  am  just  returned.  I  am  sorry  for  the  schism  you  hint 
at  among  the  Federalists,  but  I  have  so  much  confidence  in  the 
good  management  of  the  fast  friends  of  the  Constitution,  that  I 
hope  no  ill  consequences  will  ensue  from  that  disagreement.  It 
will,  however,  be  worthy  of  great  care  to  avoid  suffering  a  differ 
ence  of  opinion  on  collateral  points,  to  produce  any  serious  divi 
sion  between  those  who  have  hitherto  drawn  together  on  the 
great  national  question.  Permit  me  to  add,  that  I  do  not  think 
you  should  allow  any  line  to  be  run  between  those  who  wish  to 
trust  alterations  to  future  experience,  and  those  who  are  desirous 
of  them  at  the  present  juncture.  The  rage  for  amendments  is, 
in  my  opinion,  rather  to  be  parried  by  address  than  encountered 
with  open  force ;  and  I  should  therefore  be  loth  to  learn  that 
your  parties  had  been  arrayed  professedly  upon  the  distinction 
I  have  mentioned. 

The  mode  in  which  amendments  may  best  be  made,  and 
twenty  other  matters,  may  come  as  pretexts  for  avoiding  the  evil, 
and  securing  the  good. 

Yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


JET.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE 


HAMILTON  TO   CHIPMAN. 

1788. 

SIR: 

Your  favor  of  the  6th  of  September  has  been  duly  handed  to 
me,  and  I  receive  great  pleasure  from  the  hopes  you  appear  to 
entertain  of  a  favorable  turn  of  affairs  in  Yermont  in  regard  to 
the  new  Government.  It  is  certainly  an  object  of  mutual  impor 
tance  to  yourselves,  and  to  the  Union,  and  well  deserves  the  best 
endeavors  of  every  discerning  and  good  man. 

I  observe  with  satisfaction  your  opinion  that  Yermont  will 
not  make  a  point  of  introducing  amendments.  I  mean  as  a  con 
dition  of  her  accession.  That  ground  would  be  the  most  hazard 
ous  which  she  could  venture  upon,  as  it  is  very  probable  that 
such  amendments  as  might  be  popular  with  you  would  be 
deemed  inadmissible  by  the  friends  of  the  system,  who  will 
doubtless  be  the  most  influential  persons  in  the  national  councils  ; 
and  who  would  rather  submit  to  the  inconvenience  of  your  being 
out  of  the  Union,  till  circumstances  should  alter,  than  consent  to 
any  thing  that  might  impair  the  energy  of  the  Government.  The 
article  of  taxation  is,  above  all,  the  most  delicate  thing  to  meddle 
with ;  for  as  plenary  power  in  that  respect  must  ever  be  consi 
dered  as  the  vital  principle  of  government,  no  abridgment  or 
constitutional  suspension  of  that  power  can  ever,  upon  mature 
consideration,  be  countenanced  by  the  intelligent  friends  of  an 
effective  National  Government.  You  must,  as  I  remarked  in  my 
former  letter,  rely  upon  the  natural  course  of  things,  which  I  am 
satisfied  will  exempt  you  in  ordinary  times  from  direct  taxation, 
on  account  of  the  difficulty  of  exercising  it  in  so  extensive  a 
country,  so  peculiarly  situated,  with  advantage  to  the  revenue  or 
satisfaction  to  the  people.  Though  this  difficulty  will  be  gradu 
ally  diminished  from  various  causes,  a  considerable  time  must 
first  elapse  ;  and,  in  the  interim,  you  will  have  nothing  to  appre 
hend  on  this  score. 

As  far  as  indirect  taxation  is  concerned,  it  will  be  impossible 
to  exempt  you  from  sharing  in  the  burthen,  nor  can  it  be  desired 


HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  |>ET.  31. 

by  your  citizens.  I  repeat  these  ideas  to  impress  you  the  more 
strongly  with,  my  sense  of  the  danger  of  touching  this  chord,  and 
of  the  impolicy  of  perplexing  the  main  object  with  any  such  col 
lateral  experiments,  while  I  am  glad  to  perceive  that  you  do 
not  think  your  people  will  be  tenacious  on  the  point. 

It  will  be  useless  for  you  to  have  any  view  in  your  act  to  the 
present  Congress.  They  can  of  course  do  nothing  in  the  matter. 
All  you  will  have  to  do,  will  be  to  pass  an  act  of  accession  to  the 
new  Constitution,  on  the  conditions  upon  which  you  mean  to 
rely.  It  will  then  be  for  the  new  Government,  when  met,  to 
declare  whether  you  can  be  received  on  your  terms  or  not. 

I  am  sorry  to  find  that  the  affair  of  boundary  is  likely  to  create 
some  embarrassment.  Men's  minds,  every  where  out  of  your 
State,  are  made  up  upon  and  reconciled  to  that  which  has  been 
delineated  by  Congress.  Any  departure  from  it  must  beget  new 
discussions,  in  which  all  the  passions  will  have  their  usual  scope, 
and  may  occasion  greater  impediments  than  the  real  importance 
of  the  thing  would  justify.  If,  however,  the  further  claims  you 
state  cannot  be  gotten  over  with  you,  I  would  still  wish  to  see 
the  experiment  made,  though  with  this  clog,  because  I  have  it 
very  much  at  heart  that  you  should  become  a  member  of  the 
Confederacy.  It  is,  however,  not  to  be  inferred  that  the  same 
disposition  will  actuate  every  body.  In  this  State,  the  pride  of 
certain  individuals  has  too  long  triumphed  over  the  public  inte 
rest  ;  and  in  several  of  the  Southern  States  a  jealousy  of  North 
ern  influence  will  prevent  any  great  zeal  for  increasing  in  the 
national  councils  the  number  of  Northern  votes. 

I  mention  these  circumstances  (though  I  dare  say  they  will 
have  occurred  to  you),  to  show  you  the  necessity  of  moderation 
and  caution  on  your  part,  and  the  error  of  any  sanguine  calcula 
tion  upon  a  disposition  to  receive  you  at  any  rate.  A  supposi 
tion  of  this  nature  might  lead  to  fatal  mistakes. 

In  the  event  of  an  extension  of  your  boundary  beyond  the 
Congressional  line,  would  it  be  impracticable  for  you  to  have 
commissioners  appointed  to  adjust  any  differences  which  might 
arise?  I  presume  the  principal  object  with  you  in  the  extension 
of  your  boundary  would  be  to  cover  some  private  interests.  This 
might  be  matter  of  negotiation. 


^JT.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  479 

There  is  one  thing  which  I  think  it  proper  to  mention  to  you, 
about  which  I  have  some  doubt ;  that  is,  whether  a  legislative 
accession  would  be  deemed  valid.  It  is  the  policy  of  the  system 
to  lay  its  foundations  in  the  immediate  consent  of  the  people.  You 
will  best  judge  how  far  it  is  safe  or  practicable  to  have  recourse 
to  a  convention.  Whatever  you  do,  no  time  ought  to  be  lost. 
The  present  moment  is  undoubtedly  critically  favorable.  Let  it 
by  all  means  be  improved.  I  remain,  with  esteem,  Sir, 
Your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

Nathaniel  Chipman,  Esq. 


WASHINGTON  TO   HAMILTON. 

.    MOUNT  VERNON,  October  3,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR: 

In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  candid  and  friendly 

letter  of by  the  last  post,  little  more  is  incumbent  on  me 

than  to  thank  you  sincerely  for  the  frankness  with  which  you 
communicated  your  sentiments ;  and  to  assure  you  that  the  same 
manly  tone  of  intercourse  will  always  be  more  than  barely  wel 
come.  Indeed,  it  will  be  highly  acceptable  to  me.  I  am  par 
ticularly  glad,  in  the  present  instance,  you  have  dealt  thus  freely 
and  like  a  friend. 

Although  I  could  not  help  observing  from  several  publica 
tions  and  letters,  that  my  name  had  been  sometimes  spoken  of, 
and  that  it  was  possible  the  contingency  which  is  the  subject  of 
your  letter  might  happen ;  yet  I  thought  it  best  to  maintain  a 
guarded  silence  and  to  back  the  counsel  of  my  best  friends  (which 
I  certainly  hold  in  the  highest  estimation),  rather  than  to  hazard 
an  imputation  unfriendly  to  the  delicacy  of  my  feelings.  For, 
situated  as  I  am,  I  could  hardly  bring  the  question  into  the 
slightest  discussion,  or  ask  an  opinion,  even  in  the  most  confi 
dential  manner,  without  betraying,  in  my  judgment,  some  im 
propriety  of  conduct,  or  without  feeling  an  apprehension  that  a 


480  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [^Ex.  31. 

premature  display  of  anxiety  might  be  construed  into  a  vain 
glorious  desire  of  pushing  myself  into  notice  as  a  candidate. 
Now,  if  I  am  not  grossly  deceived  in  myself,  I  should  unfeign- 
edly  rejoice  in  case  the  Electors,  by  giving  their  votes  in  favor 
of  some  other  person,  would  save  me  from  the  disagreeable 
dilemma  of  being  forced  to  accept  or  refuse.  If  that  may  not 
be,  I  am  in  the  next  place  earnestly  desirous  of  searching  out 
the  truth,  and  of  knowing  whether  there  does  not  exist  a  proba 
bility  that  the  G-overnment  would  be  just  as  happily  and  effectu 
ally  carried  into  execution  without  my  aid  as  with  it.  I  am 
truly  solicitous  to  obtain  all  the  previous  information,  which  the 
circumstances  will  afford,  and  to  determine  (when  the  determi 
nation  can  with  propriety  be  no  longer  postponed)  according  to 
the  principles  of  right  reason  and  the  dictates  of  a  clear  con 
science,  without  too  great  a  reference  to  the  unforeseen  conse 
quences  which  may  affect  my  person  or  reputation.  Until  that 
period,  I  may  fairly  hold  myself  open  to  conviction,  though  I 
allow  your  sentiments  to  have  weight  in  them ;  and  I  shall  not 
pass  by  your  arguments  without  giving  them  as  dispassionate  a 
consideration  as  I  can  possibly  bestow  on  them. 

In  taking  a  survey  of  the  subject  in  whatever  point  of  light 
I  have  been  able  to  place  it,  I  will  not  suppress  the  acknow 
ledgment,  my  dear  sir,  that  I  have  always  felt  a  kind  of  gloom 
upon  my  mind  as  often  as  I  have  been  taught  to  expect  I  might, 
and  perhaps  must,  ere  long  be  called  to  make  a  decision.  You 
will,  I  am  well  assured,  believe  the  assertion  (though  I  have 
little  expectation  it  would  gain  credit  from  those  who  are  less 
acquainted  with  me),  that  if  I  should  receive  and  act  under  the 
appointment,  the  acceptance  would  be  attended  with  more  diffi 
dence  and  reluctance  than  ever  I  experienced  before  in  my  life. 
It  would  be,  however,  with  a  fixed  and  sole  determination  of 
lending  whatever  assistance  might  be  in  my  power  to  promote 
the  public  weal,  in  hopes  that,  at  a  convenient  and  an  early 
period,  my  services  might  be  dispensed  with,  and  that  I  might 
be  permitted  once  more  to  retire,  to  pass  an  unclouded  evening 
after  the  stormy  day  of  life,  in  the  bosom  of  domestic  tran 
quillity. 


jET.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  481 

But  why  these  anticipations  ?  If  the  friends  of  the  Consti 
tution  conceive  that  my  administering  the  Government  will  be 
the  means  of  its  acceleration  and  strength,  is  it  not  probable  that 
the  adversaries  thereof  may  entertain  the  same  ideas,  and  of 
course  make  it  an  object  of  opposition?  That  many  of  this 
description  will  be  amongst  the  Electors,  I  have  no  more  doubt 
than  I  have  of  the  part  they  will  act  at  the  election,  which  will  be 
adverse  to  the  choice  of  any  character  who,  from  whatever  cause, 
would  be  likely  to  thwart  their  views.  It  might  be  impolitic 
perhaps  in  them  to  make  this  declaration  previous  to  the  election, 
but  I  shall  be  out  in  my  conjectures  if  they  do  not  act  confor 
mably  thereto  at  it,  and  prove  that  all  the  seeming  moderation  by 
which  their  present  conduct  is  marked,  is  calculated  to  lull  and 
deceive.  Their  plan  of  opposition  is  systematized,  and  a  regular 
intercourse  between  the  leaders  of  it  in  the  several  States  (I  have 
much  reason  to  believe)  is  formed  to  render  it  more  effectual. 
With  sentiments  of  sincere  regard  and  esteem, 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

The  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  THEODORE  SEDGEWICK. 

NEW-YORK,  October  9,  1788. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  your  obliging  congratulations 
on  the  event  towards  effecting  which  your  aid  as  a  joint  laborer 
was  so  essential.  I  hope  experience  may  show  that,  while  it 
promotes  the  interest  of  this  place,  it  will  not  be  incompatible 
with  public  good.  We  are  making  efforts  to  prepare  handsome 
accommodations  for  the  session  of  the  new  Congress. 

On  the  subject  of  Yice-President,  my  ideas  have  concurred 
with  yours,  and  I  believe  Mr.  Adams  will  have  the  votes  of  this 
State.  He  will  certainly,  I  think,  be  preferred  to  the  other 
VOL.  I.  31 


482  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JSr.  31. 

gentleman.  Yet  certainly  is  perhaps  too  strong  a  word.  I  can 
conceive  that  the  other,  who  is  supposed  to  be  a  more  pliable 
man,  may  command  anti-federal  influence. 

The  only  hesitation  in  my  mind  with  regard  to  Mr.  Adams 
has  arisen  within  a  day  or  two,  from  a  suggestion  by  a  particular 
gentleman  that  he  is  unfriendly  in  his  sentiments  to  General 
Washington.  Eichard  H.  Lee,  who  will  probably,  as  rumor 
now  runs,  come  from  Virginia,  is  also  in  this  style.  The  Lees 
and  Adams's  have  been  in  the  habit  of  uniting,  and  hence  may 
spring  up  a  cabal  very  embarrassing  to  the  Executive,  and  of 
course  to  the  administration  of  the  government.  Consider  this, 
— sound  the  reality  of  it,  and  let  me  hear  from  you. 

What  think  you  of  Lincoln  or  Knox?  This  is  a  flying 
thought. 

Yours,  with  sincere  regard, 

A.  HAMILTON. 

Mr.  Sedgewick. 


SEDGEWICK  TO  HAMILTON. 

STOCKBRIDGE,  Oct.  16,  1788. 

MY  DEAE  SIR  : 

Your  favor  of  the  9th  I  have  this  moment  received,  and  de 
tain  the  post  a  while  that  I  may  make  a  very  few  observations 
on  a  subject  I  conceive  highly  interesting  to  the  efficient  opera 
tions  of  the  future  Government. 

Mr.  Adams  was  formerly  infinitely  more  democratical  than 
at  present,  and  possessing  that  jealousy  which  always  accom 
panied  such  a  character,  he  was  averse  to  repose  such  unlimited 
'  confidence  in  the  Commander-in-chief  as  then  was  the  disposi 
tion  of  Congress. 

Mr.  Adams  is  not  among  the  number  of  my  particular 
friends,  but,  as  a  man  of  unconquerable  intrepidity,  and  of  in 
corruptible  integrity,  as  greatly  experienced  in  the  interests  and 
character  of  this  country,  he  possesses  my  highest  esteem. 

His  writings  show  that  he  deserves  the  confidence  of  those 


jET.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  483 

who  wish  energy  in  government,  for  although  those  writings  are 
too  tedious  and  unpleasant  in  perusal,  yet  they  are  evidently  the 
result  of  deep  reflection,  and  as  they  encounter  popular  preju 
dices  are  an  evidence  of  an  erect  and  independent  spirit. 

Lincoln  and  Knox  I  love,  their  characters,  too,  I  respect,  but 
it  is  now  too  late  to  push  in  this  State  the  interests  of  either. 
The  minds  of  all  men  here  seem  to  be  fixed  either  on  Adams  or 
Hancock. 

Our  Legislature  meet  on  the  29th.  From  Boston  I  will 
early  write  you  on  the  subject,  and  am  with  sincere  respect, 

Yours,  affectionately, 

THEODOKE  SEDGEWICK. 
Hon.  Mr.  Hamilton. 


SEDGEWICK  TO  HAMILTON. 

BOSTON,  Nov.  2,  1788. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

In  my  last  hasty  letter  I  engaged  to  write  to  you  soon  after 
my  arrival  in  this  town.  Various  questions  will  be  agitated  in 
the  Legislature  (of  considerable  magnitude)  which  respect  the 
organization  of  the  government. 

There  is  a  party  of  Federalists  who  are  of  opinion,  that  the 
Electors  should  be  chosen  by  the  people,  and  the  Eepresentatives 
not  in  districts,  but  at  large.  These  will  be  joined  by  all  the 
antis  probably.  I  yet  hope  they  will  not  succeed.  We  yester 
day  committed  to  a  committee  of  both  Houses  the  circular  letter 
from  your  Convention.  The  event  is  uncertain,  but  a  consider 
able  number  of  Federalists  have  been  brought  over  to  the  amend 
ment  system.  The  prospect  is,  notwithstanding,  that  the  real 
friends  of  the  Constitution  will  prevail.  Every  thing  depends 
upon  it,  and  the  exertion  will  be  proportionate  to  the  magnitude 
of  the  object. 

Should  the  Electors  be  chosen  by  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Adams 
will  probably  combine  all  the  votes  of  Massachusetts.  I  am  very 


484  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  31. 

certain,  that  the  suggestion  that  he  is  unfriendly  to  General 
Washington,  is  entirely  unfounded.  Mr.  Hancock  has  been  very 
explicit  in  patronizing  the  doctrine  of  Amendment.  The  other 
gentleman  is  for  postponing  the  conduct  of  that  business  until  it 
shall  be  understood  from  experience. 
I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant, 

THEODORE  SEDGE  WICK. 
The  Hon.  Mr.  Hamilton. 


COL.    OLNEY  TO   HAMILTON. 

PROVIDENCE,  3d  Nov.,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  favor  of  6th  ulto.,  was  duly  received.  I  thought  pro 
per  to  postpone  replying  to  it  till  after  the  session  of  the  General 
Assembly  should  be  over,  which  terminated  on  Saturday  night 
last,  in  order  that  I  might  have  it  in  my  power  to  give  you,  with 
more  certainty,  the  proceedings  of  the  Legislature,  on  the  subject 
of  the  New  Constitution.  The  minority,  both  in  of  the 

House,  took  unwearied  pains  during  the  session,  to  procure  a 
Convention  in  the  legal  mode  pointed  out  for  considering  the 
New  Constitution ;  but,  sir,  it  proved,  as  heretofore,  an  unsuc 
cessful  attempt ;  for  Mr.  Hazard,  who  is .  an  implacable  and 
powerful  enemy  to  the  new  system,  and  the  leading  character  in 
all  the  vile  politics  carrying  on  in  this  devoted  State,  had  so  well 
prepared  the  majority,  that  when  the  question  was  put,  whether 
this  State  should  appoint  a  Convention  or  not,  the  question  was 
lost  nearly  three  to  one  ;  fifteen  in  favor  of  the  motion  and  forty- 
four  against  it.  After  which  (late  on  Saturday  night)  Mr. 
Hazard  moved  that  a  vote  be  passed,  for  printing  copies  of  the 
circular  letter  from  the  Convention  of  New- York,  to  be  distri 
buted  throughout  this  State,  and  submitting  to  the  people  at 
large,  the  propriety  of  appointing  delegates  to  meet  a  proposed 
Convention,  for  considering  amendments,  agreeably  to  the  re- 


^ET.31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  485 

commendations  of  said  circular  letter.  The  vote  being  put,  after 
much  debate,  it  was  carried  in  favor  of  the  measure  by  three  to 
one,  notwithstanding  every  exertion  of  the  minority,  to  prevent 
the  adoption  of  so  novel  and  unprecedented  a  proceeding.  It 
was  urged,  and  with  truth,  that  should  a  Convention  finally  meet 
for  the  purpose  of  amending  the  Constitution,  that  it  would  be 
composed  entirely  of  the  adopting  States ;  and,  as  such,  this 
State  could  not,  upon  any  principles  of  right,  expect  to  be  ad 
mitted  to  a  seat  in  that  Honorable  Body,  as  we  so  obstinately 
(and  with  our  eyes  open)  have  refused,  and  still  neglect  to 
accede  to  the  new  system.  But,  sir,  reason  and  argument  will 
avail  nothing  with  those  wicked  and  designing  opposers  to  a 
just  and  honorable  Federal  Government.  The  Assembly  have 
made  an  adjournment  to  the  last  Monday  in  December  next,  in 
an  expectation  to  hear  the  report  from  the  respective  towns. 
Mr.  Hazard,  and  a  Col.  John  Gardener  (who  is  entirely  under 
the  influence  of  Mr.  Hazard's  politics),  are  ordered  by  the  Assem 
bly  to  go  on  from  this  State,  and  take  their  seats  in  Congress,  as 
soon  as  they  can  leave  home ;  so  that  in  a  short  time  you  will 
have  those  two  antis  to  deal  with. 

I  am,  with  sincere  esteem, 
Sir, 

Your  obedient  humble  serv't, 

JEREMIAH  OLNEY. 
Col.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  Nov.,6,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

The  Count  de  Moustier  affording  a  very  favorable  convey 
ance  for  Capt.  Cochran's  watch,  I  have  requested  the  favor  of 
him  to  take  charge  of  it ;  and  he  will  deliver  it  to  you,  accord 


486  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [JEn.  31. 


ingly,  with  Mrs.  Washington's  and  my  best  wishes  for  you  and 
Mrs.  Hamilton. 

I  am,  dear  Sir, 

Your  obedient  and  affectionate  serv't, 

GK  WASHINGTON. 
The  Hon.  Alexander  Hamilton. 


HAMILTON  TO  SEDGEWICK. 

NEW-YORK,  Nov.  9, 1788. 

Your  last  letter  but  one  met  me  at  Albany,  attending  court, 
from  whence  I  am  but  just  returned.  Yours  of  the  2d  instant  is 
this  moment  handed  me. 

I  am  very  sorry  for  the  schism  you  hint  at  among  the  Fede 
ralists,  but  I  have  so  much  confidence  in  the  good  management 
of  the  fast  friends  of  the  Constitution,  that  I  hope  no  ill  conse 
quences  will  ensue  from  that  disagreement.  It  will,  however, 
be  worthy  of  great  care  to  avoid  suffering  a  difference  of  opinion 
on  collateral  points,  to  produce  any  serious  division  between 
those  who  have  hitherto  drawn  together  on  the  great  national 
question. 

Permit  me  to  add,  that  I  do  not  think  you  should  allow  any 
line  to  be  run  between  those  who  wish  to  trust  alterations  to 
future  experience,  and  those  who  are  desirous  of  them  at  the 
present  juncture.  The  rage  for  amendments  is,  in  my  opinion, 
rather  to  be  parried  by  address  than  encountered  with  open  force. 
And  I  shall,  therefore,  be  loth  to  learn  that  your  parties  have 
been  arranged  professedly  upon  the  distinction  I  have  mentioned. 
The  mode  in  which  amendments  may  best  be  made,  and  twenty 
other  matters,  may  serve  as  pretexts  for  avoiding  the  evil  and 
securing  the  good. 

On  the  question  between  Mr.  H.  and  Mr.  A.,  Mr.  King  will 
probably  have  informed  you  that  I  have,  upon  the  whole,  con- 


^ET.  31.J  CORRESPONDENCE.  48T 

eluded  that  the  latter  ought  to  be  supported.  My  measures  will 
be  taken  accordingly.  I  had  but  one  scruple,  but  after  mature 
consideration  I  have  relinquished  it.  Mr.  Adams,  to  a  sound 
understanding,  has  always  appeared  to  me  to  add  an  ardent  love 
for  the  public  good ;  and  as  his  further  knowledge  of  the  world 
seems  to  have  corrected  those  jealousies  which  he  is  represented  to' 
have  been  once  influenced  by,  I  trust  nothing  of  the  kind  suggested 
in  my  former  letter  will  disturb  the  harmony  of  administration. 
Let  me  continue  to  hear  from  you,  and  believe  me  to  be,  with 
very  great  esteem  and  regard, 

Your  friend  and  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
T.  Sedgewick,  Esq. 


HAMILTON  TO  WASHINGTON. 

November  18,  1788. 

DEAR  SIR  : 

Your  last  two  letters  have  duly  come  to  hand,  and  the 
Count  de  Moustier  has  delivered  me  the  watch  you  committed 
to  his  charge.  Your  obliging  attention  to  this  matter  claims  my 
particular  acknowledgments.  I  will  make  no  apology  for  ask 
ing  you  to  take  the  additional  trouble  of  forwarding  the  inclosed 
to  the  General.  I  take  the  liberty  of  passing  it  through  you, 
that  you  may,  by  perusing  the  contents,  know  the  situation  of 
the  business. 

The  demand  of  fifty  guineas  is  to  me  quite  unexpected.  I 
am  sorry  to  add,  that  there  is  too  good  evidence  that  it  cost  a 
mere  trifle  to  the  General.  This,  however,  I  mention  in  confi 
dence.  Nor  shall  I  give  you  any  further  trouble  on  the  subject. 
Whatever  may  be  proper  will  be  done. 

Mrs.  Hamilton  requests  her  affectionate  remembrances  to 
Mrs.  Washington,  and  joins  me  in  the  best  wishes  for  you 
both. 

I  remain,  dear  Sir, 

Your  affectionate  humble  serv't, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


488  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [Mi.  31. 

P.  S.  Your  last  letter,  on  a  certain  subject,  I  have  received. 
I  feel  a  conviction  that  you  will  finally  see  your  acceptance  to 
be  indispensable.  It  is  no  compliment  to  say,  that  no  other  man 
can  sufficiently  unite  the  public  opinion,  or  can  give  the  requisite 
weight  to  the  office,  in  the  commencement  of  the  Government. 
These  considerations  appear  to  me  of  themselves  decisive.  I 
am  not  sure  that  your  refusal  would  not  throw  every  thing  into 
confusion.  I  am  sure  that  it  would  have  the  worst  effect  imagin 
able.  Indeed,  as  I  hinted  in  a  former  letter,  I  think  circum 
stances  leave  no  option. 


HAMILTON  TO  MADISON. 

NEW-YORK,  Nov.  23  1788. 

I  thank  you,  my  dear  sir,  for  yours  of  the  20th.  The  only 
part  of  it  which  surprises  me,  is  what  you  mention  respecting 
Clinton.  I  cannot,  however,  believe  that  the  plan  will  succeed. 
Nor,  indeed,  do  I  think,  that  Clinton  would  be  disposed  to  ex 
change  his  present  appointment  for  that  office,  or  risk  his  popu 
larity  by  holding  both.  At  the  same  time,  the  attempt  merits 
attention,  and  ought  not  to  be  neglected  as  chimerical  or  imprac 
ticable. 

In  Massachusetts  the  Electors  will,  I  understand,  be  ap 
pointed  by  the  Legislature,  and  will  be  all  Federal,  and  'tis 
probable  will  be,  for  the  most  part,  in  favor  of  Adams.  It  is 
said,  the  same  thing  will  happen  in  New  Hampshire,  and  I  have 
reason  to  believe,  will  be  the  case  in  Connecticut.  In  this  State 
it  is  difficult  to  form  any  certain  calculation.  A  large  majority 
of  the  Assembly  was  doubtless  of  an  Anti-federal  complexion, 
but  the  schism  in  the  party  which  has  been  occasioned  by  the 
falling  off  of  some  of  its  leaders  in  the  Convention,  leaves  me  not 
without  hope,  that  if  matters  are  well  managed,  we  may  procure 
a  majority  for  some  pretty  equal  compromise.  In  the  Senate  we 
have  the  superiority  by  one.  In  New  Jersey  there  seems  to  be 
no  question,  but  that  the  complexion  of  the  electors  will  be 


Mi.  31.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  489 

Federal;  and  I  suppose,  if  thought  expedient,  they  may  be 
united  in  favor  of  Adams.  Pennsylvania  you  can  best  judge  of. 
From  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Carolina,  I  presume,  we 
may  count  with  tolerable  assurance  on  Federal  men;  and  I 
should  imagine,  if  pains  are  taken,  the  danger  of  an  Anti-federal 
Vice-President  might  itself  be  rendered  the  instrument  of  Union. 
At  any  rate,  their  weight  will  not  be  thrown  into  the  scale  of 
Clinton,  and  I  do  not  see  from  what  quarter  numbers  can  be 
marshalled  in  his  favor,  equal  to  those  who  will  advocate  Adams, 
supposing  even  a  division  in  the  Federal  votes. 

On  tthe  whole,  I  have  concluded  to  support  Adams,  though  I 
am  not  without  apprehensions  on  the  score  we  have  conversed 
about.  My  principal  reasons  are  these :  First — He  is  a  declared 
partisan  of  deferring  to  future  experience  the  expediency  of 
amendments  in  the  system,  and  (although  I  do  not  altogether 
adept  this  sentiment)  it  is  much  nearer  my  own  than  certain 
other  doctrines.  Secondly — He  is  certainly  a  character  of  im 
portance  in  the  Eastern  States  ;  if  he  is  not  Vice-President,  one  of 
two  worse  things  will  be  likely  to  happen.  Either  he  must  be 
nominated  to  some  important  office,  for  which  he  is  less  proper, 
or  will  become  a  malcontent,  and  give  additional  weight  to  the 
opposition  to  the  Government.  As  to  Knox,  I  cannot  persuade 
myself  that  he  will  incline  to  the  appointment.  He  must  sacri 
fice  emolument  by  it,  which  must  be  of  necessity  a  primary  object 
with  him. 

If  it  should  be  thought  expedient  to  endeavor  to  unite  in  a 
particular  character,  there  is  a  danger  of  a  different  kind  to 
which  we  must  not  be  inattentive — the  possibility  of  rendering 
it  doubtful  who  is  appointed  President.  You  know  the  Consti 
tution  has  not  provided  the  means  of  distinguishing  in  certain 
cases,  and  it  would  be  disagreeable  even  to  have  a  man  treading 
close  upon  the  heels  of  the  person  we  wish  as  President.  May 
not  the  malignity  of  the  opposition  be,  in  some  instances,  exhib 
ited  even  against  him?  Of  all  this  we  shall  best  judge,  when 
we  know  who  are  our  Electors ;  and  we  must,  in  our  different 
circles,  take  our  measures  accordingly. 

I  could  console  myself  for  what  you  mention  respecting  your- 


490  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [&T.  32. 

self,  from  a  desire  to  see  you  in  one  of  the  executive  depart 
ments,  did  I  not  perceive  the  representation  will  be  defective  in 
characters  of  a  certain  description.  Wilson  is  evidently  out  of 
the  question.  King  tells  me  he  does  not  believe  he  will  be 
elected  into  either  House.  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  set  out  to-day 
for  France,  by  way  of  Philadelphia.  If  you  are  not  in  one  of 
the  branches,  the  Government  may  sincerely  feel  the  want  of 
men  who  unite  to  zeal  all  the  requisite  qualifications  for  parry 
ing  the  machinations  of  its  enemies.  Might  I  advise,  it  would 
be,  that  you  bent  your  course  to  Virginia. 

Affectionately  yours, 

A.  HAMILTON. 
Mr.  J.  Madison. 


WASHINGTON  TO  HAMILTON. 

Monday  morning,  January  4,  1789. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  feel  myself  very  much  obliged  by  what  you  sent  me  yester 
day.  The  letter  from  Governor  Johnston  I  return,  much  pleased 
to  find  so  authentic  an  account  of  the  adoption  by  North  Caro 
lina  of  the  Constitution. 

Yours,  sincerely  and  affectionately, 

G.  WASHINGTON. 


HAMILTON  TO  SEDGEWICK. 

NEW- YORK,  Jan.  29,  1789. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  : 

I  thank  you  for  your  two  letters  of  the  4th  and  7th  instant, 
which  arrived  here  during  my  absence  at  Albany,  from  which 
place  I  have  but  recently  returned.  I  believe  you  may  be  per 
fectly  tranquil  on  the  subject  of  Mr.  Adams's  election.  It  seems 
to  be  certain  that  all  the  Middle  States  will  vote  for  him  to  Dela- 


jET.  32.]  CORRESPONDENCE.  491 

ware  inclusively,  and  probably  Maryland.  In  the  South,  there 
are  no  candidates  thought  of  but  Eutledge  and  Clinton.  The 
latter  will  have  the  votes  of  Virginia,  and  it  is  possible  some  in 
South  Carolina.  Maryland  will  certainly  not  vote  for  Clinton, 
and  New- York,  from  our  Legislature  having  by  their  contentions 
let  slip  the  day,  will  not  vote  at  all.  For  the  last  circumstance, 
I  am  not  sorry,  as  the  most  we  could  hope  would  be  to  balance 
accounts  and  do  no  harm.  The  Anti-federalists  incline  to  an  ap 
pointment  notwithstanding,  but  I  discourage  it  with  the  Federal 
ists.  Under  these  circumstances,  I  see  not  how  any  person  can 
come  near  Mr.  Adams ;  that  is,  taking  it  for  granted  that  he  will 
unite  the  votes  in  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts.  I  expect 
that  the  Federal  votes  in  Virginia,  if  any,  will  be  in  favor  of 
Adams. 

You  will  probably  have  heard  that  our  Legislature  has  passed 
a  bill  for  electing  Eepresentatives.  The  houses  continue  to  dis 
agree  about  Senators,  and  I  fear  a  compromise  will  be  impracti 
cable.  I  do  not,  however,  entirely  lose  hope.  In  this  situation, 
you  will  perceive  that  we  have  much  to  apprehend  respecting 
the  seat  of  Government.  The  Pennsylvanians  are  endeavoring 
to  bring  their  forces  early  in  the  field.  I  hope  our  friends  in  the 
North  will  not  be  behindhand.  On  many  accounts,  indeed,  it 
appears  to  be  important  that  there  be  an  appearance  of  zeal  and 
punctuality  in  coming  forward  to  set  the  Government  in  motion. 

I  shall  learn  with  infinite  pleasure  that  you  are  a  Kepresenta- 
tive.  As  to  me,  this  will  not  be  the  case — I  believe,  from  my 
own  disinclination  to  the  thing.  We  shall,  however,  I  flatter 
myself,  have  a  couple  of  Federalists. 

I  remain  your  affectionate  and  obedient, 

A.  HAMILTON. 


492  HAMILTON'S    WORKS.  [-fir.  32. 


WADSWORTH  TO  HAMILTON. 

HARTFORD,  February,  1789. 

MY  DEAK  SIR  : 

Your  favor  of  the  25fh  January  came  in  good  time.  Our 
votes  were  given  agreeably  to  your  wishes — Washington,  7; 
Adams,  5 ;  Governor  Huntington,  2.  By  letters  from  Carring- 
ton,  I  learn  that  Clinton  is  the  Anti-federal  Vice-president ;  but  I 
think  we  have  nothing  to  fear.  I  believe  New  Hampshire  will 
give  Adams  4;  Massachusetts,  6;  Georgia,  6 — as  letters  from 
Georgia  say  he  will  have  at  least  so  many — which,  with  ours, 
makes  21,  which  is  more  than  Clinton  can  get,  and  we  may  cer 
tainly  reckon  on  three  more  for  Adams  in  South  Carolina,  Mary 
land,  Delaware,  Pennsylvania,  and  New  Jersey.  We  waived  an 
answer  to  your  State,  and  to  Virginia.  As  you  did  not  get  my 
letter  in  season  to  answer  me  on  that  subject,  I  feared  we  should 
not  do  any  good  by  an  answer ;  and  as  the  Anti-federalists  did 
not  move  it,  I  thought  we  had  best  let  it  sleep.  *  *  * 
I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  affectionate  friend, 

JEREMIAH  WADSWORTH. 


END  OF  VOL.   I. 


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Book  Slip-50m-12,'64(F772s4)458 


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Hamilton,  A. 

The  works  of  Alexander 
Hamilton. 


E302 
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